Abstract
This chapter has as a point of departure the enquiry into the drivers for Brazil’s engagement with South-South cooperation (SSC). Nonetheless, instead of taking SSC as a tool always already available for the foreign policy community, it enquires (i) into the process of manufacturing SSC as a foreign policy tool and, (ii) on its role in shaping the moral claims that Brazilian policy networks brought to the international arena while seeking a new status. The analysis is mainly on the “golden period” of Brazilian SSC from 2003 to 2014. During this decade, the Brazilian foreign policy community strove to change the perception the international community kept about Brazil. This process entailed establishing moral authority in some specific areas of international policymaking, particularly on issues like inequality, poverty, and hunger. During that period, Brazil started to be recognized as a kind of social policies powerhouse. Through a systematic bottom-up analysis, the chapter briefly presents the policy networks related to public health, food and nutrition security and agricultural innovation. These three sectors have played a germane role in shaping Brazil’s moral authority and its international standing as a champion for eradicating hunger, providing access to a universal health system and medicines and feeding the world’s growing population.
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Notes
- 1.
On the positional, perceptual, and social dimensions of status-building, see Renshon, Jonhatan. (2017) Fighting for Status: Hierarchy and Conflict in World Politics. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 328 pp. On the circle of recognition: Ringmar, Erik, 1996. Identity, interest and action: a cultural explanation of Sweden’s intervention in the Thirty Years War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- 2.
Among many reports prepared by International Organizations on Brazil’s performance in reducing poverty and eradicating hunger, see: CEPAL. Desarrolo Social Inclusivo. Santiago: 2015. and OCDE. Relatório Territorial da OCDE: Brasil 2013. OECD Publishing, 2013.
- 3.
See, for instance: Siqueira, Isabel Rocha de; Esteves, Paulo. (2018) O desenvolvimento que queremos: bolsa família como aprendizado para uma nova agenda. Editora PUC-Rio.
- 4.
Although it was referenced in Buchanan’s work, our use of the concept of “constitutional choice” is slightly different. According to Buchanan, constitutional choices concern the establishment of rules that govern the production of rules, such as the rules of political competition or the several regulatory checks and institutional arrangements that compose social order (Buchanan and Tullock 1962; Brennan and Buchanan 1985; Buchanan 1987, 1990). In addition to the setting of political competition rules and property protection, we argue that designating certain goods as public and providing access to them are fundamental rights that amount to a set of constitutional choices that check the behaviour and decisions of agents in post-constitutional times.
- 5.
The literature on policy networks provides an analytical framework that distinguishes different types of networks and indicates different degrees of integration and internal consistency. Rhodes identifies the following five variables that determine the level of integration of certain policy networks: (i) the number of participants; (ii) the frequency of interactions among participants; (iii) the consistency of values, membership criteria and the expected results; (iv) the consensus on policy preferences; and (v) the interdependence among the participants (Rhodes 1988; Marsh and Rhodes 1992; Rhodes 2006).
- 6.
We define foreign policy community as including not only the highly disciplined, cohesive and hierarchical Brazilian diplomatic corps but also segments of the private sector, civil society, and academics that can influence foreign policy decisions.
- 7.
Multilateral arenas and norms presuppose generalized principles of conduct and diffuse reciprocity, whereas minilateral arrangements and arenas are open only to their participants. Similar to clubs, in minilateral arrangements, “participation is restricted to the privileged members who set the agenda in policy formulation; moreover, minilateral arenas provide unique goods to their members” (Naim 2009; Cooper and Farooq 2015).
- 8.
Since the promulgation of both the 1988 Constitution and the regulations of SUS through complementary law, the principles that are advocated by the PHPN and the public health movement are embedded in Brazilian law. These principles are universality, comprehensiveness, equity, decentralization and social control.
- 9.
- 10.
Frequent interaction between the Ministry of External Relations and the Ministry of Health led to the institutionalization of the International Department of Health Advisory (AISA/MS). However, some informants report that the concept of health diplomacy created some tensions (Mattos 2001) between the PHPN and the foreign policy community, often associated with bureaucratic disputes regarding ultimate responsibility for the foreign policy of Brazil. Furthermore, despite the already consolidated AISA/MS, several informants insisted on the centrality of the relations among the leadership of each ministry. Reliance on ad hoc relations that do not necessarily go through the inter-ministerial coordination mechanisms indicates an incomplete adjustment process between the PHPN and the foreign policy community.
- 11.
In the specific case of the CPLP, the health ministers built a strategic plan for the sector and attempted to strengthen national systems to ensure universal access to quality healthcare services (CPLP 2009). The plan was structured along seven major axes and four structuring networks. On PHPN participation in minilateral and regional organizations, see Buss (2011).
- 12.
Created in 2004, CGFome coordinates Brazil’s foreign policy in FNS, rural development, and humanitarian cooperation (emergency and structural). CGFome is also responsible for dialogue in the FNS sphere with civil society, the World Social Forum, FAO, WFP, UNHCR, IFAD, UNICEF, and others.
- 13.
In 2011, the CPLP adopted its own Food and Nutrition Security Strategy (ESAN-CPLP) and established its own multi-stakeholder Council on Food Security and Nutrition (CONSAN).
- 14.
According to one informant, “if someone is hungry in Tanzania, it is our responsibility to protect this human right, to promote it and provide it” [T.A]. Interview conducted in August 2014 with participants of the FNSPN.
- 15.
The demand for participatory governance models contrasts with the principle of non-interference. The foreign policy community tends to prioritize relations among governments, which overshadows domestic participation and participatory decision-making processes.
- 16.
Since 2003, CONSEA has sent several “exposições de motivos” (statements of motives) to the presidency that advocate that the GoB should take a more resolute position in favour of FNS in the Doha round. Key issues include CONSEA’s strong disagreement with the official position that is taken by the GoB, and inspired by MAPA’s own position, regarding access to markets (CONSEA 2005). Another point of contention concerns the concept of food sovereignty, which was progressively adopted by CONSEA and challenged by MAPA (CONSEA 2005; Beghin 2014).
- 17.
Interview conducted in August 2014 with participants from the FNSPN.
- 18.
Created as a state enterprise, Embrapa is not under the direct supervision of the administration, which provides flexibility in resource management, budget execution, planning, performance evaluations and the dissemination of the results. A decentralized model was chosen with separate units that are distributed in the national territory and divided by product features and themes (Embrapa 2012).
- 19.
The Cerrado constitutes approximately 22% of Brazil’s territory. The 2006 Agricultural Census indicates that the oilseeds that are most produced in the Cerrado are maize and soybeans. From 2013 to 2014, Brazil produced 85,656,000 tonnes of soybeans of which nearly 38.5 million tonnes were for domestic consumption (Embrapa soja 2015).
- 20.
Regarding the complexity of the rural environment in Brazil, see Favareto (2006).
- 21.
The Ministry of Agrarian Development (MDA) was dissolved in May 2016, after President Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment.
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Esteves, P., Zoccal, G., Fonseca, J. (2020). The Sources of Moral Authority: Policy Networks and Structuring South-South Cooperation. In: Esteves, P., Gabrielsen Jumbert, M., de Carvalho, B. (eds) Status and the Rise of Brazil. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21660-3_11
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