Culture and Organization, June 2006, Vol. 12(2), pp. 109–125
‘Beyond the Scope of the Possible’: Art,
Photography and Organisational Abjection
LAURIE COHENa, PHILIP HANCOCKb and MELISSA TYLERc,*
a,c
b
The Business School, Loughborough University, Loughborough, Leicestershire LE11 3TU, UK
Warwick Business School, University of Warwick
MelissaTyler
M.J.Tyler@lboro.ac.uk
Taylor
Culture
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This paper reflects on the potential value of art photography as a means of critically interrogating the relationship between organisation and abjection. Inspired by Adorno’s (1997) understanding of art as a non-conceptual mode of communication and Kristeva’s (1982) concept of the abject, we consider the work of several
contemporary photographic artists, who have specifically chosen the subject of work organisations in their
images. We do so in an attempt to illustrate our argument that art photography shares a capacity with other art
forms to reveal, in an immediate and powerful manner, that which is formally excluded from traditional
modes of organisational analysis and those discourses that surround and support it.
Key words: Art photography; Abjection; Kristeva; Adorno; Critical theory
INTRODUCTION
There looms, within abjection, one of those violent, dark revolts of being, directed against a threat that seems
to emanate from an exorbitant outside or inside, ejected beyond the scope of the possible, the tolerable, the
thinkable. It lies there, quite close, but it cannot be assimilated. It beseeches, worries and fascinates.
(Kristeva, 1982: 1).
The relationship between the aesthetic and the organisational continues to be one of growing
interest amongst scholars in the field of organisation studies. While several contributors have
tended to focus on the relationship between organisational culture and the aesthetics of its
expression (Gagliardi, 1992) as well as attempts to develop a critical appraisal of such practices
(Carr and Hancock, 2003), a significant strain of thought has also focused on the ways in which
a concern with art and aesthetics can assist us in coming to a deeper understanding of what it
actually means to organise (Strati, 1999; De Monthoux, 2004).
In this article, we endeavour to contribute to this discussion of what it means to organise
by asking ‘what can the medium of art photography contribute to the development of a fuller
and, in particular, critical understanding of everyday organisational relationships and practices?’ Specifically, drawing on the work of Theodor Adorno (1997) and Julia Kristeva
(1982), we explore some of the ways in which the mimetic capacity of art photography is
able to alert us to, and reveal, aspects of the abject dimension of organisation life; a dimension that, by its very nature, is denied, silenced and excluded, yet which remains integral to
the maintenance of the boundaries of the very entity that seeks to expel it.
As to the structure of the article, commencing with a broad discussion of the epistemic
qualities of art and the aesthetic experience it engenders, we then present a brief discussion of
*Email: M.J.Tyler@lboro.ac.uk. Tel: +44 (0)1509 222721.
ISSN 1475-9551 print; ISSN 1477-2760 online © 2006 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/14759550600682908
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the relatively limited role photography has played thus far in the portrayal of organisational
life. In particular, we identify the predominantly representationalist logic that has underpinned such work, a logic that has tended to proceed largely according to an aesthetics of
presence: that is, a concern with what appears or appeals to the immediacy of the senses,
thereby obscuring or denying expressions of the exclusion of Otherness and the processes by
which this is undertaken on a daily basis.
In response to this particular absence or lacuna within the analytical spectrum of photographic research, we turn to the profoundly aesthetic field of art photography and what we
suggest is its capacity to render sensible the presence of such exclusionary practices; practices which seek to render, to employ the language of Kristeva (1982), organisational Otherness abject. Specifically, we explore the work of a number of art photographers all of whom
have demonstrated a concern with the aesthetic exploration of work and its organisation. In
considering several of the different images of organisational life contained in this work, and
discussing them with reference to the concept of abjection, we argue that not only should we
understand that attempts to manage abjection must be thought of as an everyday aspect of
organisation life, but also that art photography as an aesthetic medium has a particular capacity to express this important dimension of the organised world; one that tends to elide the
rigid conceptuality of traditional linguistic approaches.
ART, AESTHETICS AND CRITIQUE
While the proposition that art represents a unique means of engaging with the world is relatively new within the confines of organisation and management studies, it is an idea that is
more firmly established elsewhere. In the classical world, art was both shunned and
embraced as a consequence of its offering a unique vantage point on the ways and nature of
humanity. Plato (1987) decried poetry, for instance, bemoaning its corrupting influence on
the ways of reason and truth which he believed must provide the cornerstones of orderly
government and leadership. In contrast, his pupil Aristotle (1996) viewed art’s inflaming of
the passions—which Plato considered so subversive—to present an opportunity for selfknowledge and control—a necessary pre-requisite for virtuous or ethical behaviour.
While a concern with the experience of art was not entirely absent from the musings of
medieval scholars (see Margolis, 2001) it was perhaps not until the dawn of the eighteenth
century that such issues raised their heads once again in any systematic manner. In particular,
what appears to have taxed the minds of this period was the question of what it was that could
be said to constitute aesthetic experience in relation to the predominantly rational reception
of art. Hutcheson (1973), Baumgarten (1961) and most notably Kant (1997) all concerned
themselves with this question, each at pains to find some grounds for reconciliation between
the sensuousness and the intellectual—a ‘third way between the vagaries of subjective feeling and bloodless rigour of understanding’ (Eagleton, 1990: 17)—one that while recognising
the actuality of the sensual would render it ultimately subservient to the capacity of reason.
Yet despite the endeavours of such early guardians of the mind, art has continually
managed to elude or subvert the cult of rationality, slipping between the spaces of order and
determination that have characterised the project of modernity. Admittedly, such subversions
have often only been temporary and contingent. From the appropriation of Nietzsche’s ‘life
as art’ into Nazi dreams of Aryan supremacy, to the reduction of the artistic avant-garde to
the currency of corporate investment, the artistic vision has often promised more that it was
perhaps ever capable of delivering.
Nevertheless, art has also proved to be an enduring cultural resource for those who have
sought to expose and explore the often hidden ways in which human societies are ordered and
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regulated. Increasingly this can perhaps be attributed to the marginal position many artists
locate themselves within (although often not for long) with relation to the expectations and
experiences of mainstream societies (see Bain, 2005), as well as the need in an evermore
symbolically saturated culture to shock and startle prospective audiences and patrons. Yet, as
Adorno (1997) observes, the historical relationship that often renders such a critical distance
possible is not solely socio-cultural, but also an intrinsic feature of art itself—particularly that
which he termed ‘autonomous art’.
Autonomous art, for Adorno, is that which is formally divested of function (economic,
decorative or indeed even political) other than that of its intrinsic aesthetic worth. Thus, if
only for a limited period, such art is able to exist in an immanent realm, one external to the
rigours and demands of capitalist social and economic relations. More particularly, however,
autonomous art has the capacity for what Adorno considers to be a non-conceptuality in its
recognition and portrayal of the world. That is, rather than succumbing to the forced identity
of concept and object that characterises the instrumental logic of linguistic representation,
autonomous art by virtue of its mimetic relationship to the object of its interest is capable of
exploring and exposing characteristics of the external world; characteristics that are
frequently obscured or obfuscated by the web of conceptual relations which mediate our
everyday experience and communicative actions. It is this mimetic capacity, therefore, this
ability to represent and communicate about the world in ways that diverge from the strictures
established by and through dominant modes of modern rationality which, for Adorno, underpins the critical character of art. Yet having made this claim, two additional points should be
recognised.
First, within Adorno’s schema this communicative dimension must be understood as
residing within the artwork itself, rather than necessarily within the intentions of the artist.
This is due to the proposition that the meaning that arises from an artwork always exceeds
that which is ascribed to it either by the artist him/herself or by the audience. This is a
consequence of the artwork’s own locatedness within a particular socio-historical continuum which it is, in one form or another, forced to represent through its objective character
as a product of the very rationality it has the potential to undermine. Second, while the
differentiation of the cultural, economic and political spheres during the eighteenth century
provided the necessary condition for the emergence of an autonomous sphere within which
such art could emerge, it also sowed the seeds of its own critical negation. The mass reception and the resultant reintegration of art into the economic sphere as a commodity within
the free market that accompanied its release from the spheres of political and religious
patronage resulted in what Adorno (1997: 228) considered to be a ‘neutralization’ of the
work of art’s ‘determinate negation of society’. That is, as quickly as art freed itself of the
shackles of medieval mythology it found itself subject to a new mythologisation that
reduced it to yet another exhibit in what Adorno claimed was the ‘pantheon of cultural
commodities’.
However, it is not our claim here that art should be looked upon as a revolutionary force in
society or anything so grand; but rather, more modestly, that certain forms of art continue to
offer the possibility of a radical insight into the character of organising which may well elude
the logic of traditional modes of social research and investigation; a logic which ossifies
experience within a conceptually ordered relationship of representation and meaning. Not
that such a claim is entirely original to this paper. Authors such as Gallhofer and Haslam
(1996) and Carr (2003; Carr and Zanetti, 2000), for example, have all invoked both the artistic and intellectual legacy of the surrealists in particular as providing a resource by which we
might estrange or disturb observers of organisational life, encouraging them to develop
different or tangential understandings of commonly understood or recognised organisational
practices. What is particular about our endeavours here, however, is the attention we pay to
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the particular medium of art photography and its capacity to represent present but otherwise
excluded aspects of everyday organisational life.
Of course to combine the idea of art with photography is itself to tread a sometimes difficult
and treacherous path. The value of photography as a critical and indeed artistic medium sat,
for instance, at the heart of a number of notable disputes between leading intellectual figures
during the twentieth century in particular. So, for example, while the likes of Benjamin (1992)
detected a potentially emancipatory moment in the growth of mechanical modes of artistic
production, most notably cinematography, Adorno and Benjamin (1999) remained far more
cautious about its democratising and liberatory possibilities. Other voices, such as that of
Kracauer (1960), have called for a rejection of the idea that any film-based medium should
engage with ordered or prearranged subject matter—but rather should document the transitory
and dynamic experience of everyday temporality. More recently, sociologists such as Bourdieu (1996) have interrogated the socio-cultural positioning of photography, especially in relation to what he considers to be its status in some quarters as ‘middle brow art’.
As always, however, time, space and indeed expertise limit our ability to engage in great
depth with the nuances of such complex debates, suffice to say that we recognise the inevitably contested nature of many of the claims we make regarding the medium elsewhere in the
article. Hence, as to what it is we mean by art photography in this instance, and leaving aside
relatively simply institutional accounts, we offer a rather general notion of it as a visual art
which combines the technological capacities of the medium with the aesthetic and intellectual intentionalities of the artist. This is not to claim, as noted above, that the meaning or
significance of a piece of photographic art can be subsequently reduced to the intentionalities
of the particular artist (or indeed even the structure of the technology itself). Rather it both
recognises and embraces the intervention, through the artist and technology, of the art form in
the world as that which both in part constitutes it and equally partially, seeks to represent it. It
is this dialectic which, in part, renders it a medium that offers both a relatively accessible and
yet critical optic through which we might explore the hidden and marginalized quality of
organisation. One has been largely, although not exclusively, confined to the margins of
organisational analysis—a point which we now consider.
AESTHETICS, PHOTOGRAPHY AND ORGANISATION
Despite this apparent neglect within contemporary organisation studies, the relationship
between photography and the analysis and structuring of organisational life is one that can be
traced back, in one form or another, to the heyday of early twentieth century industrialism
and its pursuit of mass output. Early pioneers of the project of scientific management such as
Frank Gilbreth (see Gilbreth and Carey, 1949), for example, deployed photographic techniques as the basis of their motion studies, while Henry Ford’s somewhat infamous attempts
to produce the rational employee (see Gramsci, 1971) deployed, amongst other things,
promotional films eulogising the values of family life, hard work and saving to buy that all
important Ford motor car. Today, from TNT to Samsung, Marks and Spencer to McDonalds,
the use of staff training videos, motivational in-house television channels, glossy photographic brochures and a range of ever-more sophisticated visual media have all become
increasingly integral to the everyday management of compliance and consent among employees worldwide.
Such essentially photographic media have also served an important role in the propagation
of visual representations of the world of work and its organisation from a number of differing
perspectives. During the inter-war years in the UK, for example, the Empire Marketing
Board and later the GPO film unit produced a series of highly influential cinematic portrayals
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of the working practices of a range of British industries, the most famous of which was the
1936 production Night Mail which aimed at promoting British industry and techniques across
the UK and the Empire. In addition to such ‘propagandist’ ventures, however, more commercial offerings have also featured amongst the mass cultural media of popular cinema and
television. From Modern Times, Chaplin’s 1936 denunciation of the dehumanising consequences of mass production, to Terry Gilliam’s 1985 surreal parody of the irrationalities of a
dystopian bureaucracy, Brazil, such work has not only been entertaining but also often deeply
critical of the ways in which our working lives are subject to the demands and pressures of
performance imperatives and practices.
Growing interest in art and aesthetics within the field of organisation studies (Strati, 1999;
Carr and Hancock, 2003; De Monthoux, 2004) and the social sciences more generally
(Welsch, 1997) has also led to a range of academic contributions eager to explore the ways in
which the photographic medium can provide a more critical appreciation of mainstream
organisational and managerial activity. While in some instances the use of photographs
within such material has been limited to acting as visual recordings of say, architectural types
(Berg and Kreiner, 1990; Kersten and Gilardi, 2003), other studies have attempted to site
photographic representations at the centre of their research endeavours.
Alferoff and Knights (2003) for example, have deployed photographs taken within a call
centre to provide visual examples of managerial attempts to establish and manipulate the
aesthetic parameters of the work environment in such a way as to promote greater
compliance by, and greater competition between, employees. These show, for instance,
brightly coloured mobiles adorning office ceilings, each reminding employees of the targets
to be achieved or the scripts they should adhere to when dealing with clients. Similarly,
Dougherty and Kunda (1990: 187) have emphasised that corporate photographs ‘tell a story
about the meanings and assumptions … shared among organisation members’ in their study
of corporate photography as featured in annual reports.
Adopting a more ethnographic approach in their mixed-method study of child workers
which involved in part, issuing research participants with cameras, Bolton et al. (2001) found
that the photographs the young people in their research produced ‘brought to life their working environments’, because ‘they showed in detail not only their workplaces but also their
role within them. For example, photographs were taken of stockrooms, of rubbish skips and
of toilets’ (Bolton et al., 2001: 511–512) which, they argue, reveal places—the material
settings of young people’s workplaces—otherwise hidden from both customers and also the
research process.
A similar approach to Bolton et al. (2001) is adopted in Warren’s (2002) paper, ‘Show Me
How It Feels to Work Here’, in which photography is employed in visual ethnography.
Rather than presenting photographs of the organisational research setting that she had taken
herself, or which had been taken for corporate purposes, Warren provided a sample of the
employees with disposable cameras and asked them to photograph aspects of their working
environment that expressed how they felt about their job and the company. As such, she
sought to pursue what Strati and de Montoux (2002: 756) have defined as an ‘empathic–
aesthetic’ approach to organisational research, with the emphasis on an engagement with the
aesthetic experience of organisational members in such a way as to ‘merge … and share
empathically in the activities of the organisational actors’. Photography in this instance
provides not only the medium, but the possibility of such expression (see also Strati, 2000).
Moving away from the utilisation of still photography as a research tool, another important
source of insight into the ways in which photography and visual media such as cinematography can be utilised in the exploration of the organisational is the collection of essays by
Hassard and Holiday (1998) entitled Organisation-Representation. Here, authors such as
Aitkin (1998), Brewis (1998) and Hassard (1998), amongst others, explore cinematic
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representations of organising. Rationality and its portrayal, for example, plays a significant
role in several of the essays, an example of which is Holliday’s (1998) focus on the ways in
which the 1993 film Philadelphia explores the uneasy relationship between the healthy rationality of formal organisation and the inevitable future of death and decay that AIDS so
starkly represents in this particular text.
Yet what this, and some of the other examples perhaps point to, however, is not simply the
idea that such photographic media are capable of providing a novel or indeed popularist
insight into the underlying philosophical struggles that continually afflict the rational business of organising, but rather that they have the capacity to explore a very particular aspect of
organisational life, namely that of the suppressed or repulsed Other. For while it is perhaps
easier to associate art with the beautiful idealisation of organisational life (in the way that say
corporate culture and communications management does), what it may also provide is a more
penetrating insight into the underside of that life, namely, the realm of the unrequited and
reprehensible; that which, as Burrell (1997) has observed, is inevitably integral yet spurned
by the edifice of rationality that each and every organisation either overtly or covertly
submits itself to.
The critique of ocular-centrism notwithstanding (Corbett, 2003), what we are proposing
here, therefore, is that photography posseses a capacity to transcend the purely representational. That is, as art photography it opens up the possibility of evoking that which sits
outside of the realm of the ordered, the identical and the conceptual. In fusing the mimetic
capacity of art with the representationalism of mechanical reproduction it encourages us, as
O’Neill et al. (2002: 74) argue, to explore what is ordinarily over-looked because it is outside
of language—the mimetic or non-conceptual, and which ‘undercuts identity thinking … and
criss-crosses binary thinking/territories and resists appropriation’. Thus, while critics such as
Benjamin (1992) have warned that photography can simply turn oppression into an object of
enjoyment, and Sontag (1979: 14) has argued that ‘to photograph people is to violate them,
by seeing them as they never see themselves, by having knowledge of them they can never
have; it turns people into objects that can be symbolically possessed’, O’Neill et al. (2002:
79) emphasise that art photography and other visual forms have the potential ‘to pierce us and
grasp reality in its otherness within the context of the image society which attempts to tame
and inhibit this critical reflection’.
It is this concept—of the excluded Otherness of organisation, particularly in the form of
what has been termed the abject, and the possibilities art photography offers by means of
exploring its perpetual presence—that provides the primary focus of the rest of this paper,
both theoretically and empirically. That is, we seek to combine Adorno’s concern with the
revelatory capacity of mimetic art with a material interest in that which sits at the interface of
organisational order and disorder—between the accepted and the abject—as a contribution to
the cultural critique of the logic of contemporary organisation.
Before we pursue this endeavour any further, however, it is perhaps somewhat incumbent
upon us to develop exactly what it is we mean when we refer to a state of abjection and
exactly how we envision this in relation to the field of organisation studies.
ORGANISATIONAL ABJECTION
To paraphrase the anthropologist Mary Douglas (1966), the cultural norm of ‘organisation’ is
generally dependent upon the (apparent) absence of chaos, disorder, ugliness and dirt, and, as
we shall suggest here, the successful management of abjection; a process which, as Kristeva
(1982) notes, is fundamental to any organisation ‘constituted by exclusions and hierarchies’.
Yet as much as any such organisation may attempt to deny or exclude its abject, this is an
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‘always ever’ incomplete victory. For abjection is, by its very nature, an inchoate process,
one that can never realise its own closure, but rather one that must generate a recognition of
its own incompleteness and the sense of unease that this brings about.
Bataille (1970: 1) defines abjection, which he sees as central to the constitution of social
order, as ‘the inability to assume with sufficient strength the imperative act of excluding
abject things’, a state of being that for him ‘establishes the foundations of collective existence’. His interest in the abject, in this sense, is in stripping away ideological screens or
aesthetic veils to expose ‘the hypocrisy that tries to conceal or make palatable’ a ‘basically
meaningless and squalid existence’. Echoing Bataille, in what is perhaps the most sustained
theoretical discussion of abjection to date, namely Kristeva’s (1982) Powers of Horror,
abjection ‘disturbs identity, system, order’ (1982: 1). It is that which simultaneously fascinates and repels, distresses and relieves. The abject, for her, is that which does not exist
outside of the self, and yet which perpetually threatens it; it is that which emanates from the
subject’s sense of order and which emerges as a threat to that order—be it biological, social
or spiritual.
Crucially, abjection is both a ‘universal phenomenon’ but also one that ‘assumes specific
shapes and different codings according to the various symbolic systems’ (1982: 68) in which
it exists. In this sense, food for instance ‘becomes abject only if it is a border between two
distinct entities or territories’ (1982: 75). For Kristeva (1982: 9), abjection is an intolerable
state that signifies a conscious sense of the unconscious:
Abjection is above all ambiguity. Because while releasing a hold, it does not radically cut off the subject from
what threatens it—on the contrary, abjection acknowledges it to be in perpetual danger.
For Kristeva, then, abjection is understood largely as a process of semiotic and symbolic
‘leakage’; it is the underside of signification, what the sign system must disguise and contain.
As she puts it, ‘when one is in a state of abjection, the border between the object and the
subject cannot be maintained’; it threatens lines of demarcation and containment; between
what is ‘pure’ and what is ‘dangerous’ in Douglas’s terms. As Elizabeth Grosz (1990) has put
it, abjection disrupts the social boundaries demanded by the semiotic and symbolic (organisational) order, ‘it respects no definite positions, or rules, boundaries or socially imposed
limits’.
Drawing on Lacan, Kristeva argues that as we take our (conditional) place in the symbolic
and semiotic realm and begin to confront the abject, we simultaneously fear and identify with
it. The self, in confronting the abject, is forced to ‘manage’ something not part of its
established symbolic realm in order to assume (and be accorded) subjective status: ‘the abject
has only one quality of the object and that is being opposed to “I”’ (Kristeva, 1982: 1). The
relationship between the subject, the object and the abject is thus central to Kristeva’s analysis of our sense of social (symbolic and semiotic) order.
Furthermore, border is clearly a central theme in Kristeva’s account of abjection. As she
puts it, ‘a wound with blood and pus, or the sickly, acrid smell of sweat, of decay, does not
signify death’ rather they ‘show me what I permanently thrust aside in order to live’
(Kristeva, 1982: 3, original emphasis). ‘These bodily fluids, this defilement, this shit are what
life withstands’ (ibid.). There [in abjection] ‘I am at the border of my condition as a living
being … such waste drops that I might live’ (ibid.: 3). Echoing Douglas, she argues that ‘it is
thus not lack of cleanliness or health that causes abjection but what disturbs identity, system,
order. What does not respect borders, positions, rules. The in-between, the ambiguous, the
composite’ (Kristeva, 1982: 4). In this sense, boundaries become sites of awakenings, of
transformations and of potentially critical interventions.
Considering the apparent centrality of abjection to the processes by which organisation is
undertaken and maintained, it is perhaps somewhat surprising that it has thus far received
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relatively little attention amongst organisational scholars (for notable exceptions, see Brewis
and Linstead, 2000; Linstead, 1997; Dale, 2001, and Longhurst, 2001). In Linstead’s (1997)
analysis of men, violence and management, in which he focuses on the relationship between
abjection and organisation, he draws largely on object-relations theory to argue that because
bureaucratic organisations seek to deny the emotional dimension of their behaviour and
decision-making, emotion is created ‘as an abject phenomenon, denied but present, ever
potentially resurgent, never addressed as reality’ (1997: 1115 and 1142). Drawing on LeviStrauss he reminds us that what he terms social spacing strategies
are the means by which our sense of self is manufactured and positioned, subject and object differentiated,
waste defined and rejected, order inserted into the system. Yet in so doing, they also produce an in-between
category, neither one nor the other, neither filth nor purity, which is not rejected yet is not acceptable either
and which irritates the system (1997: 1121).
Linstead notes that Levi-Strauss argued that human societies have two basic defences against
Otherness—incorporation and exclusion. Echoing Burrell’s (1984) earlier work on organisation sexuality, Linstead argues that modern organisations display both in their attempts to
remove and suppress emotion, as well as to nurture emotional commitment which, he
concludes, serves to create emotion as an abject organisational phenomenon.
In a similar move Dale (2001), reflects on the processes involved in the maintenance of
a boundary between ‘organisation’ and ‘organism’ in understanding the creation of organisation studies as a discipline and its identity as a body of knowledge. In her historical
account of the anatomising urge of western science (including organisation theory), the
abject is demonstrated to provide a useful analytical link between the organised human
body and the structuring of the body of knowledge that constitutes organisation studies. In
particular she highlights the relationship between individual and collective abjection,
focusing on the association of particular groups of people with the abjection of the organised body. Thus, while Linstead’s analysis points specifically to the relationship between
abjection and the spaces of violence within organisations, what Dale succeeds in doing is
suggesting how a range of organisational ways of being can be understood in relation to
abjection; not least, the process of organisation itself. Emphasising that abjection is ‘part of
the development of a coherent sense of self’ (2001: 139), this latter point is highlighted by
Dale (2001: 140) when she focuses on the ways in which abjection,
As with the ‘anatomizing urge’, is intrinsically bound up with the desire for the death of the other, whether that
is the death of the rejected parts of body image and identity which are expelled in order to maintain the integrity of the self, or desire for the death of others who have to be rejected in order to preserve the identity of the
collective, dominant group.
It is this cultural logic which, therefore, so often renders the abject invisible to us despite its
continuing presence. Its transgressiveness exceeds the limitations of formal rationality,
which in turn forbids its entry into the realm of reasonable discourse, or indeed representation, as its very (incomplete) expulsion constitutes an integral aspect of the establishment of
identity.
It is, however, part of our argument here that art, by its very capacity to reveal the nonidentical in its own terms does not fear the abject; art it is not disrupted by its continued
absent-presence but rather actively explores and renders it visible—even perhaps, despite its
own intentions. Art photography, in particular we might suggest, demonstrates this capacity
all too well; a capacity enhanced by its ability to reveal and express the abject to the immediacy of the senses, but also as a consequence of its perceived literal representaionalism, to
render the grotesque, repulsive or repellent apparently safe and familiar and, in doing so,
proclaim even more starkly the necessity of the abject that lives among us.
In an attempt to illustrate this contention we now direct our attention to a consideration of
the work of several art photographers, all of whom have, in differing ways, taken as the
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subject of their work the organisational landscape of the office. Indeed, the bulk of this work
was exhibited at The Photographers’ Gallery in London between November 2003 and
January 2004 as part of a series of events simply entitled The Office (see Cohen and Tyler,
2004) which explored, through the medium of photography and film as well as a series of
related seminars and discussions, that working environment which has come to dominate
contemporary life for so many of us in the early twenty-first century.
PHOTOGRAPHIC AND VISUAL IMAGES OF ABJECTION
In what follows we explore the theme of abjection through the selected works of three
contemporary European art photographers: Lars Tunbjork, Nial Blankley and also the work
of video artist Sofia Hulten.
Lars Tunbjork
Lars Tunbjork’s (Sweden, b. 1956) work on the subject of the office—undertaken in large
corporations in Europe, America and Japan—focuses mainly on what the artist considers to
be the struggle between organisational rigidity and the spirit of individualism. Yet what is of
particular interest here are the ways in which his images succeed in offering a sense of organisation within which its own ideology of clinical order and rational efficiency is continually
challenged by the perpetual presence of disorder and spontaneity: cluttered desks, unwieldy
cables, and paper-strewn floors, people snoring at their desks and nibbled food on surfaces all
compete with the rational integrity of constructed order.
In Figure 1, for instance, there is an overwhelming sense of excess, of things spilling over,
intersecting and colliding in unpredictable ways. Stationery and office equipment litter every
available surface, from the empty boxes piled up in the back corner, to the tangled computer
leads and strewn papers of the mid and foreground. Similarly, Tunbjork treats people in much
the same way. Much like the back of the computer monitor, we see the inside of one man’s
mouth and get a full view of his recumbent torso and rumpled trousers. We also see the waste
that these men have left behind: used coffee cups and ashtrays. These things are abject, or
‘out of place’ in Douglas’ terms, but are also the ever-present, unmediated undersides of
things which are not typically on show. They exist as an integral aspect of the messy, human
dimension of organisation, but when brought to the forefront of our visual field evoke the
same feelings of disgust, revulsion and at the same time fascination, to which both Douglas
and Kristeva refers.
While distinctly different, Figure 2 seems to convey a similar sense of that which is neither
‘of’ the organisational landscape, but at the same time is an inevitably ever-present component of it. For in contrast to the relatively ordered lines of computers and their equally
ordered operators, each characterised by their almost monochromatic conformity, sits the
foregrounded image of what is a brightly decorated birthday cake. Not only is this image
striking in terms of the composition and the visual contrast it creates, but what it also
achieves is to remind us that not only do people have birthdays, even in the orderly working
environment of the computerised office, but that the emotional and personal nature of everyday organisational life is something which can never be fully excluded, even from the most
regimented-looking of work environments. Rather, it remains an always possible source of
resistance or, at the very least, of spontaneous and disordered a-rationality, poised to reimpose itself on the carefully crafted formality of the technocratic settlement of the organisation. Although this particular image brings this to the fore, in doing so, it also, draws our
attention to the way in which, in the organisation itself, the personal dimension appears to be
Figure 1.
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Figure 1.
neatly ‘contained’ within a visual frame that does not allow it to leak into the dominant rationality and so contaminate the established organisational order.
Notably, while the dominant feeling is one of disorder, Tunbjork’s work, as represented
here, is not in itself particularly challenging or subversive. In the first example, notwithstanding
Figure 2.
Figure 2.
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119
his sleeping colleague, the second man does appear to be getting on with his work, sitting
diligently at his computer, quite untroubled by the mess which surrounds him. Indeed, there is
no real sense that even the sleeping man is trying to rebel or resist, he just seems tired. Yet
while these pictures neither collude with nor challenge management orthodoxy, they posses a
radical and transgressive character in that they expose the limitations of its rationality, powerfully illustrating, in Kristeva’s terms, ‘the remainders’ (1982) of organizational life: that which
is left over when attempts are made to manage time, space and materiality.
Such images speak the unspeakable, exposing the ‘underbelly’ of organisations, and
providing a vivid example of the presence of the abject through the illumination of a material
and symbolic realm which, in Kristeva’s words ‘respect[s] no definite positions, or rules,
boundaries or socially imposed limits’ (1982: 87). Tunbjork’s work is, therefore, inherently
critical in that it represents an aesthetically efficacious exposure of that side of organisational
life which is generally unacknowledged and unrevealed, but has a powerful and inevitable
presence, and so which cannot be wholly contained. As Kristeva (1982: 87) explains: ‘it lies
there quite close, but can not be assimilated’.
Niall Blankley
The notion of the abject as ‘matter out of place’ is further developed in the work of Niall
Blankley (Northern Ireland, b. 1965). As noted, we experienced certain signifiers in
Tunbjork’s photo (the cups, papers, body parts, cake, etc.) as ‘out of place’ in that they were
aspects of organisational life which usually remain hidden. Our understanding of this point
can be further developed through consideration of Blankley’s images which are more clearly
and explicitly at odds with the contexts in which they are situated, both in terms of their
spatial and temporal location.
As Kristeva’s work on abjection is relatively decontextualised, we know very little of the
settings in which the bodies, waste products, wounds and perverse practices she describes come
to be constructed as abject. In the spirit of Douglas’ analysis, however, we would argue that
context is very much an issue in the question of whom or what becomes abject, and the social
and organisational processes that render them so. As Jackson (2003) explains: ‘Blankley builds
his workstations, which he then photographs, from obsolete office equipment found outside
company buildings. Brought together into a cacophonous ensemble of objects, in part the work
comments on the enormous waste produced by the machine of capitalism’ (p. 9). As we noted
previously, in Kristeva’s view, the abject does not exist outside of the self, yet is seen to threaten
the self. In other words, although it is a product of the self, it is not accepted as such—it is what
the sign system must banish and contain. In Blankley’s work we are starkly reminded of this
fact in that whilst organisations have cast these bits of equipment to one side to be replaced by
newer, flashier models, this is not to say that such artifacts have disappeared from view. Rather
in these images, they continue to resonate and undermine our sense of organisational order,
highlighting the abject in the workings of organisational life at both global and local levels.
Take Figure 3 as an illustration. At first glance, the juxtaposition of domestic and corporate
artifacts (the desk and chair, computer, bookshelves, files, suit jacket and button-down collar
shirt) is perhaps little more than curious. Indeed, as we are all increasingly attuned to issues
of work/life balance, and many of us have first-hand experience of home-based offices,
simply bringing together these two meaning systems is perhaps not enough to unsettle us to
any significant degree. None the less, there is something disturbing about this image, a disturbance grounded not so much in the slippage between work and home, but rather, between
work activities and bodily functions (the production and consumption of food, and waste).
What is at stake in this particular image, and indeed other examples of Blankley’s work, is
once again the collapsing of particular sign systems which, within our existing interpretive
Figure 3.
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Figure 3.
frames should most emphatically be kept apart. The cycle of consumption and excretion is
brought into the organisational space—and vice versa. The fact that the toilet is the central
point of the photo, and that the seat is up and the door is open, reinforces this dissonance
between what we see as legitimate in a work setting, and what we see as abject: disorderly,
unacceptable and disgusting. Furthermore, it is notable that Blankley does not give us a ‘stylised’ toilet or beautifully designed cooker. Rather, these are outdated cast-offs; dirty and used.
Thus the scope of abjection is extended here to include matter not only of place, but also out
of time. In this view, obsolete equipment, even if it remains functional, becomes abject.
More generally within Blankley’s photograph there is an overall sense of decay, scruffiness and lack of order; reinforced by badly hung pictures, peeling wallpaper, clothes hanging
off chairs and doors, and ripped linoleum on the floor. The connotations of these signs
directly contrast with that sense of well-being that we previously argued is so fundamental to
the idealised organisational aesthetic whereby concepts like wellness or cleanliness resonate
with values of organisational discipline and control. In the words of Kristeva (cited earlier),
‘it is not lack of cleanliness or health that causes abjection, but what disturbs identity, system,
order’ (1982: 4). That is, our interpretations of Blankley’s office environments are framed by
our existing notions of organisational order, which these images challenge, or at least unsettle. From the perspective of an established aesthetic of organisation, his photographs are
disturbing and disordered.
Sofia Hulten
Various writers on gender and organisation have considered the construction and constitution
of gender and gender identities within work settings, and the ways in which gender is
managed within such contexts (Calas and Smircich, 1992a, 1992b; Gherardi, 1995; Brewis
BEYOND THE SCOPE OF THE POSSIBLE
121
et al., 1997). Within this literature and, we would argue, in the work of video artist Sofia
Hulten (Sweden, b. 1972), the notion of woman as Other—in the organisation but not of it,
necessary though excessive and in need of control and containment—emerges as a central
theme.
In her video Grey Area, Hulten is seen to continually hide herself within an office environment—behind a blind, beneath a desk and even under a carpet—an endeavour aided by the
fact that she is wearing a grey flannel business suit. While the effect is initially comical, once
again it offers some disturbing insights into the very phenomenon touched on above. That is,
through a combination of her own adopted dress style—which itself seeks to conceal her
femininity (see Brewis et al., 1997 for a discussion of female ‘power dressing’)—with the
means by which she attempts to render herself invisible within her working environment,
Hulten recognises and renders her own female body as an abject dimension of organisational
life. In Figure 4, we see her attempting to conceal herself behind closed office blinds.
Yet even having covered herself with the blinds, she remains unsuccessful in entirely
obscuring her presence, which has merely been reduced to that of a grey shadow—a clearly
present absence.
Eventually, in one of the most telling sequences of the video, the artist climbs into a bin
liner (Figure 5), shedding her femininity, little by little until by the final frame she has effectively rendered herself androgynous—divested of all gendered features. At that point, every
vestige of her former self is gone—she has disappeared entirely. There is no spilling remainder or leakage of the subject, merely an excess in relation to organisational desire that renders
what remains on show no more than simply rubbish—that which is to be excreted (but which
is, of course, always with us).
Hulton, in the images she presents, lays bare the irresolvable tension that sits at the heart of
this relationship, however. As a woman within a rationalist setting—the office—she is never
entirely able to entirely extract herself from it. Her attempts at disguise and disappearance
Figure 4.
Figure 5.
Figure 4.
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Figure 5.
merely reinforce the sense of abjection, for she is ever at the boundary—even when reduced
to the status of physical waste—while always materially present. Her body is portrayed as
both integral to, and yet unrequited in its organisational role.
CRITICAL REFLECTIONS
In the opening to his Aesthetic Theory (1997: 1), Adorno notes how ‘artworks detach themselves from the empirical world and bring forth another world’. Yet this is not the empirical
world of immediate experience, but rather that which is, as Kant has taught us, the world
mediated through conceptual apparatuses themselves configured through time, space and
culture. Art’s capacity to unnerve, to criticise and ultimately unravel our perceptions of reality is embedded in its capacity to show and tell us things that we resist in accordance with our
conceptual map of the world. In this instance it is to photography as art—as a medium of
provocation—that we have turned in order to explore this capacity to elucidate that which is
excluded and abject in the process of organisation. We have sought to bring to ‘light’ what,
borrowing from Butler (1993), we might describe as the exclusionary matrix of organisation
according to which particular ways of being are accorded subjectivity, while others are
denied and rendered abject. As she describes it (1993: 3),
This exclusionary matrix by which subjects are formed … requires the simultaneous production of a domain
of abject beings, those who are not yet ‘subjects’, but who form the constitutive outside to the domain of the
subject. The abject designates here precisely those ‘unliveable’ and ‘uninhabitable’ zones of social life which
are nevertheless densely populated by those who do not enjoy the status of the subject.
Art photography provides, we would argue, an example of the capacity of art to reveal that
which is excluded or rendered abject within organisations. It makes visible that which is
rendered invisible within the conceptually ordered episteme of organisational rationality.
BEYOND THE SCOPE OF THE POSSIBLE
123
Perhaps more than this, however, it offers a capacity, by virtue of its form, to contextualise
abjection, the desired but always incomplete exclusion of the Other. For although we drew on
Kristeva’s account of abjection as a theoretical starting point, her work is not grounded in a
sustained discussion of how either the perception or lived experience of abjection is shaped
by power relations or processes of organisation involving ‘exclusions and hierarchies’.
Indeed, one of the many limitations of her contribution is that it tends to conflate description
with explanation; why certain phenomena come to be abject and not others remains largely
unaddressed in her writing.
In contrast, following Grosz (1990), Dale (2001) and others, our analysis has sought to
illuminate the abject as contextually situated. Tunbjork’s images highlight the abject as a
relational construct, situated in spatial and interpersonal as well as global power relations.
Blankley’s work depicts abjection as also situated in time: the abject is old, worn out and
ugly, in contrast to what is up-to-date, clean and therefore beautiful. The images highlight
that from an aesthetic perspective, for an organisation to be legitimate, acceptable or healthy,
it must feel and look ‘right’. Things (like birthdays) and crucially people who do not fit (such
as Hulten who eventually ends up as office waste), must be managed and contained to avoid
them seeping into and contaminating the dominant organisational order a desire which in
itself is an ideological imperative, doomed to partiality. The photographs considered express,
at both the symbolic and aesthetic levels of meaning, the centrality of abjection in the
processes and imperatives of organisation. In so doing, they make visible the role of power
relations in defining who or what becomes abject as well as offering insights into how that
abjection is managed.
In line with O’Neill and her colleagues (2002), we would argue, therefore, that works of art
are in part ciphers of the social world, for in art we are able to access the ‘sedimented stuff’ of
society [and of organisations]; ‘what is normally unseen/hidden/overlooked’ (O’Neill et al.,
2002: 78). Through art, we are able to get in touch with our ‘realities’, our social worlds, and
to an extent the experiences of others in ways that demand critical reflection, or at the very
least are unsettling. Art photography and other visual material are significant in this sense
because they represent not only a way into understanding the aesthetic dimension of organisation, but also a way of thinking about its often unspoken Otherness; that which while
rendered abject remains integral to the lived experience of the organisational lifeworld.
Of course, such proclamations about and enthusiasms for the critical capacity of art are in
many respects severely limited. The images we have considered here are, of course, static and
by definition are unable to capture any sense of the process of abjection; nor are they capable
of revealing in any depth the lived experience of organisational abjection. To paraphrase
Warren (2002), art photography can reveal very little of what it feels like to be abject at work.
None the less, art’s capacity to communicate that which is ineffable renders it a powerful tool,
not only of exposure, but also of critical engagement. As Emmison and Smith (2000) have
noted, photographs can inspire an emotionally charged response to complacency and to exclusion. Art photography can lead us to raise questions about the ways in which our everyday
experience of presence is underpinned by a conceptual rationality that limits our understanding
to that which is made apparent to our consciousness. At the same time, as we have tried to
illustrate here in our discussion of the work of contemporary photographic and video artists,
it can also lead us to that underside of organisational life upon which the edifice ultimately rests.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
An earlier version of this paper was presented in the ‘Photo and Visual Images’ stream at The
2nd Art of Management and Organisation Conference, Paris 2004. We would like to thank
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the stream conveners and participants, as well as the two anonymous reviewers of this
revised version, for their extremely helpful comments and suggestions. We would also like to
acknowledge and thank The Photographers’ Gallery, London for kindly granting us permission to reproduce the images in Figures 1–5.
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