Naming the Artist, Composing the Philippines: Listening for the Nation in the National Artist Award

Neal Matherne

This work is a critical analysis of art, memory and prestige in the late twentieth- and early twenty-first-century Philippines. I am concerned with the creation of the Philippine nation by various acts of commemoration and recognition (awards, exhibits, and concerts) through which artists are valorized, immortalized and celebrated. I answer three broad questions: (1) how do patron-client and kinship systems determine the national recognition of artists in the post-colonial world? (2) how is music used in the nation-building project? and (3) how is national mythology created and contested through the commemoration of individual artists in the Philippines? I approach Philippine area studies through discussions of the past in ethnomusicology, borrowing theory from memory studies and methodology from historical anthropology while expanding both fields with a consideration of expressive culture. To describe this interaction between state and artist, I focus on the National Artist Award (NAA), the highest honor bestowed upon an artist by the Philippine government. I begin by recounting an aberration of the nominating process: the 2009 National Artist Award controversy. Then-President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo deleted a name from the prestigious NAA nominee list and added artists with suspiciously close ties to her administration. Then, I analyze the 2010 re-performance of National Artist for Music José Maceda’s Ugnayan, a multi spatial composition for 20 radio stations. This work was originally performed in 1974 with the explicit support of then-First Lady Imelda Marcos. Finally, I describe a 2012 exhibit featuring the materials of National Artist for Music Felipe De Leon Padilla Sr. I sort through clashing characterizations of De Leon of as “crisis composer” who served the Philippines at times of foreign and domestic peril. Reading against the grain of these public acts of commemoration and recognition, I provide an account from the “ground up” and consider how the public construction of national artists renders the Philippines into a unified conceptual whole.

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ational Artist José Maceda composed (1974) for the Philippine masses during the martial law regime of Ferdinand Marcos. was an ambitious composition during which ordinary Filipina/o citizens joined their neighbors in public gatherings to hear the composition broadcast over different stations via transistor radios. Maceda created with the explicit support of First Lady Imelda Marcos, a controversial figure and eccentric supporter of Philippine national arts during the time of the Marcos presidency and dictatorship. Nearly forty years after the original performance of this large-scale work, composers and scholars at the University of the Philippines (UP) reassessed both its social and musical impact at Ugnayan Fest 2010, a series of conferences and concerts celebrating the work of José Maceda. Ugnayan Fest 2010 also featured a smaller scale version of the original , broadcast on twenty radio stations on the UP campus. In this chapter, I describe my preconceptions upon attending Ugnayan Fest 2010, my change in perspective during the course of the conferences and concerts, and the ways in which both Maceda and the Marcos-era nationalist arts have been historicized in the present. Through interviews with participants of both the 1974 and 2010 performances of and archival work at the José Maceda Collection, I illustrate the complexities of reevaluating a work so closely tied to the early Martial Law era. But first, I begin with a brief prologue describing my field site (the University of Philippines Diliman) and the types of daily encounters that inform my research. 73 !"! # $ # % “By the way, you know I’m the daughter of Imelda Marcos, right?” she said and peered down at me with a face I can’t quite remove from my memory.1 During my field research around UP, I found it a challenge to understand the modern memory of the Martial Law era (1972-1986) or the presidency and dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos. On some occasions, the name “Marcos” popped up nonchalantly in everyday conversation – “Oh, you know, we were at last Friday and Imelda was there, chatting up everyone and being ”2 Other times, simply mentioning the name “Marcos” led to a tense moment followed by a pregnant pause then a polite (yet obvious) shift to a different topic. I heard a number of stories: from a retired presidential bodyguard, from a jailed activist who was part of the First Quarter Storm movement, or from a woman named “Imelda” (a named shared by many women born in the late 1960s). Some of my friends are too young to have any firsthand knowledge of the Martial Law era. Others remember times before, the changes that occurred during, and the lasting impression it left on society. Those most vocal about this time period are between the ages of forty and fifty years old. They directly experienced the Martial Law era during 1 I did not request formal permission from Irene Marcos-Araneta to recount our conversation. 2 “Imelda being herself” can be interpreted a number of ways since, among my informants, Imelda Marcos is an eccentric larger-than-life character. First, she is famous for attending public functions (big and small) and “working the room” with her legendary charisma and charm. Secondly, Marcos is a consummate performer of as described by Balance. is “bringing forth a version of one’s feelings in order to elicit an equally emotional response” (2010: 124). Imelda Marcos employed this tactic by singing local songs at Ferdinand Marcos’s campaign stops in order to generate enthusiasm or weeping publicly during media coverage of her racketeering trials in 1991 and 1992 in order to generate sympathy (ibid 127128). 74 their childhood and saw the changes in daily life as they matured. Nearly everyone I know was affected in some way. A second challenge for me (a product of the working class Southern United States) was the serendipitous meeting of well-known scholars and artists on the UP campus. I knew their names from books but I had never seen their faces. On one occasion, I encountered a friend and her mentor at PCED where they invited me to join them until my group arrived. Then, her mentor (who I had not met previously) and I had a lively thirty meeting exchange about our mutual affinity for German beer and the difficulty of finding it in Manila. I learned only afterwards that the man she introduced only as her “mentor” was leading Philippine scholar E. San Juan Jr.3 The next day, I chided my friend, “If you would’ve told me he was E. San Juan, I could’ve been asking him a million questions about his writing – not having him list the best draft houses in Manila!” Meeting Irene Marcos-Araneta was a culmination of both of these frustrations. When I learned of her identity, she and I had already spent twenty minutes chatting about José Maceda and other figures in Marcos-era music. We were standing outside of Palma Hall on the UP Campus after attending a Program (ASP). at the Archeological Studies are a weekly semi-formal brown-bag presentation of work- in-progress by archeology graduate students and anyone else with similar interests. I was invited by the ASP Chair, who guaranteed me that I would appreciate the eclectic variety 3 Epifanio San Juan Jr. is a leading Filipino literary academic, civic intellectual, activist, writer, essayist, filmmaker, editor, and poet. See San Juan (1986, 1992). 75 of topics. Scholars from outside and inside the Humanities and Social Sciences are invited to participate in this supportive forum. On this particular occasion, the attending crowd of approximately forty graduate students, professors, and alumni from across the campus was listening to Jack Medrana, an ASP lecturer, present his research on a recent trip to France where he observed the intersection between Cultural Heritage Preservation and archeological concerns.4 When the talk was over, the crowd slowly eased out of the room, chatted, and congratulated Medrana on a well-done presentation. On my way to the door, the ASP director, called in my direction and halted my exit: “Hey Neal! Come here. This is Irene – you guys should meet each other.” He introduced Irene as a former student at the UP College of Music in the 1970s. He told me that she would be interested to hear about my research. She was a lovely woman somewhere between the age of forty and sixty-five (I have learned to stop guessing ages in the Philippines), about my height, dressed smartly casual. She had finely cropped salt-and-pepper hair and a smile that never seemed to fade from her face. While the rest of the crowd moved toward the smoking area outside of the Palma Hall basement, Irene and I walked slowly out of the ASP office as she described her time as a student of José Maceda. However, she told me, she was closer to Maceda’s contemporary, composer Lucrecia Kasilag. Irene also shared that she attended the Makati performance in 1974. She listed various scholars, musicians, and UP alumni that I should contact and possibly interview. We knew some of the same people and with 4 “Presenting Heritage Lessons from the Cultural Attractions of France,” by Jack Medrana, February 2, 2011, Palma Hall, Archeological Studies Program, University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City. 76 each acknowledgement of familiarity, the conversation got deeper into the potential politics of my research. As we meandered outside and continued our conversation, I became curious. It seemed like we were familiar with the same professional circles, but I had never heard of anyone named Irene. Who was she? A music professor I had not yet met? A performer? So I asked, “Ms. Irene, you were here in the 1970s and you studied at the College of Music. What do you do now? Are you still involved with the University?” She paused, smiled with her eyes, and said, “Oh…I really don’t anything,” then politely laughed. I laughed too, because she laughed. Why were we laughing? She proceeded to tell me that she “keeps herself busy” with charity work, a youth symphony, and a youth choir. As we reached the exterior of Palma Hall and the potential end of our conversation, I said, “You know, Ms. Irene, it was so nice to meet you. Listen, I’m interviewing quite a few people who were associated with Maceda, De Leon and other National Artists for Music. I would love to hear more about your relationship with Tita King [Lucrecia Kasilag]. Could I have your email address so we could possibly set up an interview sometime?” She took a small notebook out of her handbag and started writing. She paused, turned her slightly, then stamped out any confusion in my mind regarding her identity “By the way, you know I’m the daughter of Imelda Marcos, right?” The utterance of the name changed the terms of the exchange: Irene MarcosAraneta, she wrote on the paper. Yes, her face was the face of both Imelda and Ferdinand Marcos. I had seen that face before. 77 I tried to recover from my surprise but I know she saw my facial expression. I blurted out the first thing that came to my mind – some human need to find familiarity between two people of obvious political difference, “Oh…yes…I…I saw your brother on television the other day. He’s back in politics, right? And your mother, the First Lady, she’s a senator now…”5 Tripping on words, trying to form a sentence…I was thinking (but not saying aloud), yes, your brother is a congressman and mine is a loan reconciliation officer for a bank. Your mother was the First Lady and my mother was a housekeeper. I composed myself. She replied, still smiling, “Yes, my brother and my mother are both very busy these days…” I was immediately embarrassed, wondering if my expression of shock might have offended her. Surely, I wasn’t the first person to react in this manner. Immediately, all those things about the Martial Law era – the corruption, the silences, and the people who simply – flooded my thoughts. Yet the conversation continued amicably for the next few minutes. I noticed that the assembled crowd of smokers outside Palma Hall had slowed their conversation and were watching the exchange between Irene and me. A couple of them of were smiling – they knew that I didn’t know who she was and they were having a laugh at my expense. A big black SUV pulled up and parked near where we were standing – in a place marked “No Parking.” A large intimidating-looking man in a powder-blue was in the driver’s seat and another equally large and equally intimidating-looking man 5 Irene’s sister, Imee Marcos, has been governor of Ilocos Norte since 2010. 78 in a similar outfit was exiting through the passenger side.6 He casually opened the rear door and waited for Irene to enter. Irene and I continued chatting as she walked over to the car. She told me it was a pleasure to talk to me. Then, as she climbed into the back seat of the SUV, she said, “Neal, are you going back to the College of Music? I’m passing right by there. You want a ride?” “Ah…Oh, no thank you, ma’am” I said, stammering. “I…I’m going way to… another building. Over there.” I pointed in the opposite direction – the direction that ! the direction of the College of Music. The big black SUV drove away from Palma Hall as I looked back every few steps to see if it was out of sight. Then, once it was gone, I turned around and walked slowly to the College of Music, hoping that I wouldn’t run into that SUV again. ! ! &! ' was originally performed on New Year’s Day in 1974 under the auspices of the Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP) and Imelda Marcos. Composer José Maceda envisioned as both a challenge to Western art music composition and as a unifying populist musical expression. José Montserrat Maceda (1917-2004) was a composer, performer, and ethnomusicologist. Maceda trained in Europe, the United States, and the Philippines. Within his engagement with the avant-garde music of Edgard Varése, Iannis Xenakis, Maceda was searching for a medium of art music composition to 6 The is the short-sleeved linen version of the (embroidered formal shirt made of silk or other fine fabrics). The polo barong is the least formal version of this shirt and is standard office and professional wear. It is common for bodyguards to wear the powder-blue polo barong while on duty. 79 represent the Philippine nation. He believed the work of Varése and Xenakis transcended the constraints of a Western musical-ideological framework (Tenzer 2003). The same year, Maceda completed his dissertation in Ethnomusicology at UCLA (Maceda 1963), he premiered his first large-scale avant-garde composition for voice and Asian musical instruments, " # " (“Structures” 1963), a performance that realized his early vision of using native taxonomic timbral interaction to reflect diverse Filipina/o conceptions of music. Upon researching the music of the Maguindanao and other indigenous groups of the Philippine islands, Maceda was interested in how instruments and sounds interacted and posited within his scholarship that their timbral arrangement was a unifying concept in Filipina/o music making (Tenzer 2003: 100; Kasilag 2009). According to leading Maceda interpreter, Ramón Santos (2005), Maceda was firmly entrenched in musical ideas resulting from his fieldwork and his exposure to the musical avant-garde when he began composing in 1963. Maceda scored " # " for a number of Filipino, Chinese, Japanese, and Indonesian instruments (rattle/scrapper, voice, carabao horn, whistle, sho, bells, clapper, buzzer, tubes, mouth harp, pai pan, bamboo sticks, gabbang, kunitan, gender, agung, gandingan, and komodan). The combination of these defined-pitch, undefined-pitch, variably-pitched and single attack instruments offered a wider spectrum of sonic events. It was a human expression of " $ without the electronic component (Santos 2005: 129-136). Maceda continued in this fashion with % &' ' ( " ) in 1966 and Kubing (Music for Bamboo Percussion and Men’s Voices) in 1968. Between this work and other compositions, Maceda was attempting to free avant-garde musical 80 practices from their European forbearers. reflected Maceda’s next creative development of using recorded sound and spatial dispersion. Santos described this as the culmination of ideas from two earlier compositions, " and * + " & ) was performed in 1968 by 241 musicians spatially dispersed around a concert hall, drawing again from the work of Xenakis. Santos wrote: “…where Xenakis created various levels of sonic space through mathematical theorems, Maceda was able to produce poly-dimensional sound spectra through creative manipulation of the natural ambiguities existing between speech and song in local languages, layering and segmenting themes interlocking events in time” (2005: 138). Maceda’s experimentation with overlapping timbral interaction and density was further explored in his 1971 composition, * - . /. / * + & , ). The performers walked around the lobby of the CCP with cassette tape recorders of gongs, zithers, and other native Filipina/o instruments. Santos wrote: “Although the general public reaction was highly mixed, Maceda was greatly encouraged by the result of his experiment, which, in contrast to the sedentary location of the sound sources in " / was able to create unpredictable dispersions of sounds through the planned and unplanned movement of people” (Santos 2005: 141). This idea of “mixed public reaction” has been repeated by Santos and others in interviews: the performers and other organizers describe these events as exciting and full of possibilities. The audiences, so accustomed to the ideology of Western music, were unsure how to receive the performances. One of my larger concerns is how Maceda, his colleagues, and his biographers 81 retrospectively chronicle his career, placing events and accomplishments within a particular teleology. Maceda was aware of the power of historiography and public perception as a means to the end of bringing attention to his endeavors. For instance, after an announcer mentions Maceda in any given public space, it is usually preceded or followed by his state designation: “National Artist for Music.” In 1992, José Maceda received this honor but was ambivalent about the award.7 However, he appreciated the attention it drew to the Center for Ethnomusicology. Within this framework, research on José Maceda is quite challenging: within the literal archive of achievements and lists of awards, I attempt to reconcile the repertoire of asides, actions and opinions that he shared with colleagues (Taylor 2003). It is worth noting general observations about the historicization of Maceda’s compositions in the context of scholarly discussions of Philippine nationalist music. First, Santos (2005) impresses upon the reader the seemingly backward progression of Maceda’s work. In Maceda’s earlier compositions, he uses " $ ideas on acoustic instruments. Only after exploring their capabilities on live instruments does he return to the idea of recording the sounds, as in * + and, later, . Ramón Santos, a colleague of Maceda’s and the leading interpreter of Maceda’s music, suggested that Maceda was not progressing backwards, but rather improving upon the Western model. In his 2005 article and again during his speech at Ugnayan Fest 2010, 7 A few informants have hinted that José Maceda was more concerned about preserving his collection at the Center for Ethnomusicology and creating new music than receiving formal recognition from the Philippine state. While his name is always preceded by the “National Artist for Music” designation and his plaque has been placed prominently at the Center, I posit that this is a commemorative act by others rather than the will of Maceda himself. 82 Santos framed Maceda as the pioneer, not the imitator or the product of Western European high modernism. He valorized Maceda’s use of native or “nativist” concepts and instrumentation as the beginning of Filipina/o art music. I pause to mention briefly my use of the word “nativist” and the assumptions tied to it. Regarding late 1960s Filipino/a nationalist music, Christi-Anne Castro wrote: The nativist movement urged artists to look to indigenous materials rather than aspects of culture borrowed from the west as well as to not confine Filipino culture to that created by art specialists. Nativism…manifested itself in various ways after the Philippines became a republic. While nationalism was geared towards the elevation of the Filipino as distinct from other national designations, nativism had a more internal focus (Castro 1999: 140). Much of this nativist activity entailed inserting a Filipino art identity based on minority peoples whose values were “more pristine” than those urbanites who had been “converted” by the West, or using these minority arts as a “pool of source material.” (ibid). I read ambivalence in these compositions: Maceda uses the sounds to represent the constructed Filipino in music, but the " $ trend of using sounds as empty signifiers robs the sounds of their “native” value (Emmerson and Smalley 2014). The sounds simultaneously represent presence within and absence from the constructed Philippine nation. In one sense, the very presence of native instrumentation compels the listener to place them in the nation, of the nation, and within a newly formed canon of Filipina/o sounds. In another sense, Maceda removes the sounds from local performance and uses them purely for their sonic value in the tradition of " $ , where sounds are used in any fashion or combination the composer chooses independently of original context. On such practices in the work of composers such as neo-Orientalist Tan Dun, music historian John Corbett wrote that this is a particular form of Orientalism 83 where the sounds of the Other (in this case, constructed native expressions of the Philippines) are re-mapped back onto the subject. “Orientalism is reflected back-andforth like a musicultural " # # " ” (Corbett 2000: 180).” I disagree that this “back- and-forth” is as simple as Corbett explained. Maceda was not of the culture he was borrowing from – he was an ethnomusicologist and composer from the academic elite who saw the music of Filipina/o as both a bottomless well of musical ideas and a sonic symbol of the essentialized Filipina/o. During the 1960s and early 1970s, José Maceda’s career as both an ethnomusicologist and composer blossomed with the performance of daring large-scale works (the likes of which had never head before in the Philippines) and the increasing political and financial means to perform ethnographic work on the music of the Philippine archipelago. During this perfect storm of scholarly and musical achievement, Philippine society was entering the tumultuous Marcos era, with first, the election of Ferdinand Marcos in 1969, and then, his declaration of Martial Law in 1972. Both Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos supported grand artistic projects that celebrated their New Society. It wasn’t long before they noticed the work of Maceda through their various networks of influence among the academic and artistic elite. $ % During the 1973 (Christmas) season, many residents of Makati received the following letter: San Lorenzo Barrio Council; #37 Juan Luna St. SLV, Makati Rizal. Dec 29, 1973. 84 Dear Barrio Residents, The Cultural Center of the Philippines in association with the government and private institutions has the pleasure to invite you to the world premier [sic] of a unique socio-musical presentation UGNAYAN, a simultaneous broadcast by 20 radio stations, each playing one instrument of an orchestra, performing a musical composition prepared for this occasion. The 20 stations heard simultaneously over 20 loudspeakers will blend in to a symphony to be heard on January 1, 1974 at the Roxas Triangle, Makati Avenue. The Program will start at 3:00 to 6:00 p.m. while the actual broadcast will start at 6:00 p.m. to 7:00 p.m. (sgd) Victor A. Lim, Barrio Captain.8 Versions of a similar letter were sent to the residents of five cities of Metro Manila as well as the provinces of Rizal, Bulacan, Pampanga, Laguna, Bataan, and Cavite. Families were encouraged, urged, persuaded (and in some cases, forced) to attend the first performance of . The listeners were located in Southern and Western Luzon, but the “orchestra” they were hearing was comprised of instruments indigenous to the entire Philippine archipelago. By 1973, José Maceda’s earlier attempts at spatial experimentation in music drew the attention of Lucrecia Kasilag, then head of the CCP. The CCP was the brainchild of First Lady, Imelda Marcos, who began planning its construction while her husband Ferdinand Marcos was still President of the Senate. In her 1999 dissertation, Castro wrote: “[Imelda Marcos] envisioned the Center to be a showcase of Filipino artistic expression and a landmark of architectural beauty that would foster the arts of present day and preserve the heritage of the past” (Castro 1999: 102). Castro described the 8 José Maceda Collection, Center for Ethnomusicology, University of the Philippines Diliman, accessed March 24, 2011. 85 controversial history of the CCP and the different motivations of Imelda as Ferdinand’s secret weapon (Castro 1999: 103). While Ferdinand legitimated his authority through force, Imelda manipulated symbols of minority indigenous peoples and reified “the Filipino” to enact ideological violence on the Philippine people. Upon declaring martial law in the Philippines in 1972, Ferdinand Marcos nationalized all privately-own radio stations and placed them under the control of the his press secretary and his secretary of national defense after suggesting that broadcast voices were to blame for his manufactured crisis regime. In % 0 (2003), media historian Elizabeth Enriquez wrote, “…Ferdinand Marcos accused, among others, the vociferous radio commentators who were critical of his administration, of supporting the insurgency and of destabilizing the government” (30). He allowed some operators to resume programming shortly after this. However, the public was aware that these stations were controlled by those with close ties to his administrations, such as the brother of Imelda Marcos, Benjamin Romualdez (Enriquez 2003: 30). Imelda Marcos’s support for the public broadcast of over the radio is thus no neutral gesture. She ordered then-nationalized radio stations to broadcast Maceda’s composition, featuring the recorded sounds of indigenous voices and instruments on twenty separate tracks. The Marcoses and the national media encouraged ordinary citizens to assemble in town centers with their transistor radios in order to experience authentic Filipino culture in the form of nativized instrumentation from various spatial distances. Metropolitan Manila newspapers featured announcements that beckoned the listener to “Rediscover…the sounds of our ethnic musical instruments.” 86 During a time when evening curfews were strictly enforced, public gatherings were discouraged, and anti-government rhetoric was silenced, the citizen was encouraged by the First Lady herself to join their nation-mates in a constructed public act of unity. I imagine two clashing sets of expectations about .9 Maceda planned for this work, like his others, to be an experiment in overlapping timbral interaction. The involvement of uninformed, “everyday” listeners with little instruction on this native music was not necessarily a consideration for his composition. I have found no evidence that he envisioned this work as a social movement for the masses. This explains the complexity of conflicting and competing conceived outcomes of the performance. Imelda Marcos was not necessarily involved in the artistic or creative side – the spatial concerns of the work were secondary to the cultural experience she planned for her subjects. The medium of reception for her subjects, the transistor radio, was a relatively inexpensive form of technology, ubiquitous in early 1970s Manila. Jonathan Sterne describes the place of radio within the home as a focal point of domestic life (2003: 208). Imelda Marcos attempted to thus unite the nation by applying (forcing) this domesticity upon them in the unfriendly public arena. Getting the citizen out of the house and into the public, they joined and, thus, created the crowd that historian Vicente Rafael described in “The Cell Phone and the Crowd” (2003). Rafael asserted that the subject assumes a particular kind of anonymity 9 was originally conceived by José Maceda under a different name, % " .“ ” (meaning “interconnection” or “interlocking”) was suggested by an unnamed contributor (presumably, associated with the Marcoses or the CCP) during the planning phase. The change in name reflects the transformation of this work from a performance designed by Maceda to a demonstration of national unity as envisioned by the Marcoses. 87 within the crowd. It does not erase class difference, but it does obscure the individual. Rafael wrote: The sense one gets from moving in and through crowds is of a relentless and indeterminable mixing of social groups. This pervasive sense of social mixing contrasts sharply with the class-based and linguistic hierarchies that govern political structures and social relations in middle-class homes, schools, churches, and other urban spaces (2003: 414). The individual dissolves within the crowd. The participants of within this crowd are simultaneously thrown into an un-grouped mass and temporarily unaware of each other’s “place” in the social structure. The myth of class absence, so prevalent in Filipina/o identity construction is simultaneously present and hidden. The telecommunicative fantasy as described by Rafael is based on the assumption that the voiceless individual could speak to the oppressive power structure. In , the same music is broadcasted toward the mass, yet the listener is able to interpret it individually (each person hearing a different combination of sounds simultaneously). By participating in / the listener is simultaneously anonymous, inscribed in a social hierarchy, yet receiving an individualized message (depending upon where she is standing and which way her head is facing). ( Thirty-five years after the original broadcast, I attended Ugnayan Fest 2010 on the UP campus, sponsored by the Center for Ethnomusicology. This conference and concert series opened on February 1, 2010, with a scholarly presentation by Ramón Santos. In his presentation, “Ugnayan – Society and Power as Music Composition,” Santos described the original genesis for , the factors of composition (especially the concept of 88 music and environment), and the original public reaction 1974 broadcast. In this speech and in the question-and-answer section following, Santos directly addressed the fraught nature of 1974’s original support by Imelda Marcos. He said, The involvement of peoples and communities harnessed the collective participation and energy of many individuals in the process of creating and producing a unique environment of both sound and human…as a potentially effective instrument in the martial rule of the regime of Ferdinand Marcos which gave it’s all out support through the immediate patronage of the then First Lady, Imelda Romualdez Marcos. [ ] became a flagship project in her thrust to cultivate culture and the arts as part of the campaign to mitigate the impact of the authoritarian rule (Santos 2010). I was surprised by this admission. Before then, I wasn’t sure whether the political nature of the piece (or the support of the Marcoses) would be discussed. Furthermore, central to Santos’s presentation was the possibility of salvaging anything from a piece of music that was used as a propaganda tool for an oppressive regime. He posed the question: “Would [ ] have been possible without the mechanism of the martial law regime?” After Santos’s presentation, a number of audience members (UP faculty and visitors) shared their individual recollections and opinions on the performance. Jonas Baes (festival organizer and student of Maceda) decried the entire original performance as an enforcement of -style political violence on the citizens. “ ” means “township” and reflects a type of polity found in some areas of lowland Luzon, but not everywhere in the Philippines. Baes was criticizing the style of governance in which Marcos organized rural areas into townships for easier governance, imposing the values of one area of the Philippines onto others. Baes told us that the audience that he was in high school during the original performance. His brother, a protest singer, was in prison and his family saw as “another political ploy from the Marcoses.” Baes 89 continued that he was surprised to learn the creator would be his teacher when he began university as music major. “It was funny that when I came to the College of Music [as an undergraduate], the composer of was the most revered teacher.” Baes, a composer and ethnographer, argued that he valued the music of (divorced from its original subject). With a smile, he warned us, “Just wait to hear the voices later today – then you’ll know what is about.” Until that point, I thought that only featured instruments – apparently voices appeared on the broadcast. Another faculty member remembers fondly that her parents dragged her to the town center as a child to hear the performance. She was a Western-trained musician and had no idea ! she was supposed to be experiencing, yet her parents were stalwart in their belief that she was experiencing " Filipina/o. The audience and commentators were ambivalent about the meanings of the original performance but did agree that there was artistic merit in this work. I spent the remainder of the first day of Ugnayan Fest 2010 with associates from the Center for Ethnomusicology. That evening, would be broadcasted on twenty different radio stations but only accessible on the UP Campus around the Carillon Plaza, a miniature version of the original 1974 performance. Listeners were instructed to bring boom boxes (portable radios) to hear this broadcast. The technical and administrative staff from the Center, who ordinarily spend their days digitizing files in the José Maceda Collection, were setting up sound equipment in preparation for the concert. Under the carillon, David Guadalupe was tending a table with a computer, a large multi-channel soundboard, and multiple boom boxes (with bags of nine-volt batteries). He was flanked 90 on all sides by other Center workers. He graciously answered all of my many technical questions about how the large-scale would be adapted for the smaller-scale performance. Upon my arrival, David informed me that the staff from the School of Engineering had not yet arrived to provide the small radio transmitters. He told me that they were “cheating” and had no official permission to use the radio airwaves. But, when asked, the Communications Bureau suggested that it was possible to broadcast on the smaller, unused frequencies in-between the more powerful, metro Manila FM stations. David and the Center engineers had transferred Maceda’s twenty-track analog recording to a digital format generated by a computer for the performance. The medium of listening would be different in the 2010 performance (modern portable stereos rather noisy unreliable transistor radios). After Santos’s presentation, I quickly returned to the Carillon Plaza (a few steps away from Abelardo hall) to hear and see the soundcheck before the general public arrived there later. David recorded himself saying the numerical designation of each track. Upon my return, the staff finished placing the boom boxes in the shadow of carillon. A large metal box with cables running to the soundboard and the computer housed the radio antennae. They began the sound check by broadcasting David’s recorded voice to the boom boxes in front of us: the test pattern of David speaking the word “one” was generated on track 1 through channel 1 and broadcasted on the FM frequency 91.9 (designated “station one’). During the sound check, as all twenty radio stations were broadcasting the test signal with slight delays, I heard a composite number, “twelvnineTEENteentwoWAN…. twelvnineTEENteentwoWAN…. 91 twelvnineTEENteentwoWAN….” After the sound check was completed, I helped David by collecting the carefullyplaced boom boxes as a group of students prepared for the first piece to be played that evening, “1 ,” (“Exodus”), a composition by Ramón Santos for non-conventional instruments, musicians, and non-musicians featuring six carpenters hammering nails on prepared wood slots, four kantawayan (suspended gongs), four hanging metal scraps, four transistor radios, four gamelan gongs, six bamboo whistles and three whistle tubes (swung in the air by three performers). It was a comment on modernity: hammering sounds, metal scratching, and intervening human voices in a somewhat melodious mixture. The musicians remained in their place as the crowd assembled around the Carillon Tower at 6:00 p.m. when Jonas Baes took to the microphone to announce the concert was beginning. I recognized faces from the forum at the concert. It looked like everyone from Santos’s talk stayed for the performance. We were joined by seniors, adults, teens, and parents with small children. They brought strollers, folding chairs, and picnic blankets. The attendees were most likely the families that lived on the UP campus (which has many residential areas for faculty and staff). Children and teens were in school uniforms and many of the college-aged people arrived with one (or two) boom boxes. Baes welcomed everyone and asked them to please wait for the performance of 1 to finish and he would help all those wishing to participate in Ugnayan to register their boom boxes so he could assign them a station. Most of the nearly 300 folding chairs surrounding the Carillon Tower were filled, 92 so I crouched next to José Buenconsejo, a former student of Maceda’s and professor at the UP College of Music. He missed the forum and I was quickly filling him in on the highlights of Santos’s presentation when one of his students walked up to us and offered me a chair. Santos’s 1 began with the precise tapping of the musician-carpenters on their planks of wood. Twelve minutes into the performance, we were startled by the sound of carillon bells which came from above. Specifically for this performance, Santos had written a new part for the work that included the bells from the carillon tower behind the performers. It surprised all of us, overpowering the sound of the instruments, suggesting a greater wave of influence over the jagged crashing and whistling sounds; the bourgeoisie crashing over the proletariat; the voice of a greater power over the din of machinery and . The voice of Maceda himself? After thunderous applause from the audience and a bow by the conductor and the musicians, Santos waved to the crowd, rolled up his sleeves, turned around and walked back to the computer console where David and the other engineers prepared for . Baes took the floor and announced to the stationary audience, “it’s okay to move around now!” with a laugh. He directed all those with boomboxes who wished to participate in to a desk where they would be assigned a radio frequency to ensure equal distribution of all the tracks of the work. The din of conversation began to grow louder with laughter and " (gossip) against the sound of radios whizzing past talk and music and static. No one announced that was beginning. It was close to 7:00 PM and the sky was darkening. Prepared for this event by their instructors and the announcements 93 that decorated the College of Music and the College of Mass Communication, the UP students were the first to take action, walking around with their radios. Slowly, we in the audience stood and began to move, each of us taking a cue from the others we saw. It was very casual and friendly. Some were having trouble with their boom boxes – the volume was too low. Baes stopped the proceedings and announced on the microphone with a smile, “We have a bit of a technical glitch. We’re gonna set up and try this again.” Many of us were still shaking hands, introducing or re-introducing ourselves to each other, sharing looks of familiarity between old and new friends. José Maceda’s daughter, Marion Maceda Villanueva, was there – the family resemblance was stunning! A few members of the audience left as the sky grew darker. There was no hint of disappointment, just cordial good-byes and hugs as the sound of conversations grew quieter. After two more false starts, began properly around 8:30 PM.10 Only a handful of stage lights were still on and the crowd moved cautiously around the circle guided only by the lights of the boom boxes. Some stopped to listen to the broadcast of each radio; looped sounds of the phrases of the clanking the (suspended brass gong from Mindanao), the short (tuned zither of the Kalinga people of Northern Luzon), the (percussive wooden bar of the Ifugaos), the piercing high pitches of (Ifugao whistle flute), and the low ominous sound of the ! (bass bamboo horn from Pangasinan). Most of us traveled slowly around the 10 See % .21 * 3 4 5 detailed description of the sound of this composition. 94 &+678)for a circle, doing more talking then listening. The movement felt organic; no one seemed rushed or anxious. A few people stood and held entire conversations, hearing sounds from a different boom box in each ear. Santos moved from person to person and radio to radio with a smile and spring in his step. A group of six college students UP lounged around one radio at the edge of the circle. Some of them were listening, some of them were talking; two of them were snuggling each other while another was giggling at their open display of affection. I wondered if this was the original social interaction that the creators intended – the (“interconnection”) of casually experiencing music together. During my stroll around the circle, I was fascinated by the sounds in multiple combinations. I prepared myself to be as objective as possible for this experience, but continuously checked and re-checked my love for gadgets and highconcept technological presentation. This performance seduced me in both respects and I’m re-checking once again as I write these words. As a pure musicking experience, I was ! ! by the ingenuity of the composition and the effects on the listener (me). The interaction of the different instruments (and the distance) between sound sources was intriguing, head spinning, double-taking: “Where did that sound come from?” Each time I turned my head slightly I heard a different combination of instruments and patterns from the boom boxes interacting with the sounds of stepping, shuffling, and conversations from the other participants. After my third time through I was halted by a sound that seemed to come out of nowhere, from one radio, then the next, then the next: humans singing “yaaaaaa,” introduced by the gongs. These were the voices that Jonas Baes 95 told us to listen for! They sang a swooping pattern that seemed to rise out of nowhere. The voices from one radio were singing a similar pattern as the voices from the other. I turned around to see reactions of pleasant surprise and awe from the other listener/performers. José Maceda’s son-in-law was next to me. He looked at me or no one in particular and quietly said, “wow.” The sounds of recorded voices were slowly overtaken by instruments again. Twenty minutes later, the music stopped. I don’t think anyone noticed as it softly faded into the din of conversation. Baes took the microphone and announced to the crowd, jokingly: “It’s over…Now let’s do it again!” We gradually dispersed as a few congratulatory hugs were passed between the staff members of the Center for Ethnomusicology. The crowd that day was audience and performer, listener and participant. But why re-perform ? The original performance of in 1974 was a mass social act, dependent upon the participation by ordinary Filipinas and Filipinos. Their role as envisioned by Maceda was to hear the sounds of native instruments in over four hundred possible combinations at any time during the one hour broadcast. According to the newspaper announcements from the CCP, the role of the listener/participant was to the sounds of the Philippines and discover a forgotten precolonial history. By various means, the residents were urged (and according to one commentator, bullied by the barangay captain) to assemble with their radios and to listen. They may or may not have heard what Maceda intended once they assembled. Although Maceda never guaranteed an experience of Filipina/o-ness for the listener, he was still complicit in the 96 government’s corralling these participants into the public space. Following this logic, we (the crowd and I at 2010) were all complicit in this same idea during the re- performance. Santos, Baes, and the other commentators during the “Ugnayan Forum” came back the point repeatedly that many people didn’t “get” (understand) the original – that the intellectual nature of the enterprise was lost on the everyday participant even if the gesture was appreciated. I assert that this is an attempt to excuse the original performance and to separate it from the original intentions by Marcos and CCP as a propaganda tool. According to this logic, if the dictator’s efforts were ineffectual, then the dictator failed (but the music succeeded). By re-performing in a different context, not under the duress of an oppressive government but of our own free will, we were separating Maceda from Marcos. However, the re-performance was only realized through a different set of power relations in the academic setting. 2010 was both a way to forget and a way to remember. By confronting the political nature of 1974 on the first day of the festival, Santos acknowledged the fraught circumstances of its inception. 2010/ the only successful restaging of Maceda’s 1974 composition (on a smaller scale) is similar to staged revivals of World War II avant-garde theatre in the 1970s and 1980s.11 Of this practice, theatre scholar Branislav Jokovljević (2011) recounts that Russian Constructionist and German Expressionist works were reconstructed with hopes that the potential of the original 11 On other occasions, Maceda restaged stationary speakers. in indoor venues and broadcasted through multiple 97 performance was preserved., but most (or all) reconstructions were performed only once with mixed results (50, 52). Where the aforementioned performance scholars attempted to capture the original intent of the performed works (and failed), the presenters of 2010 aimed to separate aesthetics and social concerns from undesirable aspects of the first performance. By re-performing the work and shaping the festival around the apolitical aspects of , the organizers divorced the music from its original political context. By participating in 2010, I attempted to understand some of the purported “Filipina/o” extra-musical concepts within the composition: patience, teamwork, strength in numbers, and shifting environments that encourage adaptation as a cultural value. ( ) "! # * +! $ % A few weeks after first attending the Binalot Talks at the ASP in 2011, the organizers asked me to present my research. The ASP Chair assured me that works in progress were fine: “Just give us an idea of what you’re doing.” Unsure of which aspect of my research I would present, I gave my presentation a vague title: “Historical Ethnomusicology and Philippine Art Music.” It was an exciting prospect – to tell my friends more about my work, instead of giving them the polished, three-sentence cocktail party summary. As the date of my presentation approached (March 9, 2011), I worried that a purely theoretical introduction would bore the audience of archeologists, art historians, and mass communications scholars. I needed a solid example of one performance, one happening, or one issue. Since I had been perusing the recently-digitized “Ugnayan” file 98 of pictures, news reports, scores and other documents at the Center for Ethnomusicology, I decided to present my preliminary findings at the ASP. Then, I started planning the chapter you just read. After my first encounter with her the previous month, I wondered if Irene MarcosAraneta would be among the audience members for my talk. If she attended, I faced the possibility of criticizing the dictatorship in front of the dictator’s daughter. My friends told me I had nothing to worry about – Marcos-Araneta’s presence at academic conferences and concerts at Ateneo and the UP Campus was ubiquitous and she has heard many presentations that assess or criticize the Martial Law era. Since I first met Irene the previous February, I reflected on the incident with friends who helped me to put it in proper perspective. I learned that Irene was the “good one” of the family – the one who stayed away from the spotlight, the most intelligent, the nicest, and the least overtly political. One friend said that, as a child, she only knew her as “% Irene,” and didn’t realize until much later the family connection to the rest of the Marcoses.12 However, others warned me – be careful. It doesn’t matter that Irene is “the good one.” Either through experience or through word of mouth, others in the academic community will look down upon any association with named Marcos. “Do not let her help you with your research,” they warned. The night before my Binalot Talk, however, my perspective changed considerably. After completing my PowerPoint presentation, I decided to find some 12 “Ate” (pronounced “AH-tey”) means “older sister.” It is both a common term of address and a term of endearment for women slightly older than the speaker. 99 dinner and the next day’s events soak in before finishing my final presentation draft. I ran into a group of friends who invited me to join them at PCED. Two of the men were my age, but one was a few years older. I met him previously but couldn’t remember his name. They invited me to their table, where I gulped down a large plate of and chatted between mouthfuls.13 Our friendly, lively conversation eased through many topics and eventually settled on the Martial Law era. The “pauses” I described earlier were again present, but the older man continued. He asked me what I knew about the Marcos Martial Law regime. This was a common experience for me since I was often evaluated by Filipinas/os who were curious about the extent of my knowledge on Philippine culture and history. Whenever I stated “what I knew,” the questioner then proceeded to tell me the “real story.” On this particular occasion, I wasn’t prepared for the truth that followed. The older man told us the story of when he was imprisoned during Martial Law. I can’t remember if he protested, wrote a poem, or simply opened his mouth in the wrong context. His crime was not violent and he was not exactly sure why he was being arrested on that day. He spent weeks in a cell with other people who didn’t know why they were there or when they could speak to their family. While recounting the story, he chose words carefully in Filipino and in English and stopped to clarify phrases or expressions that I might not know. I didn’t (couldn’t) ask what physical harm occurred during his imprisonment because his heavy silences during certain places within their narrative told 13 “Pancit” is the general term for a dish of noodles, vegetables, chicken and shrimp. variety of pancit noodle. 100 is the thinnest their own story. After dinner, we wished each other well and I walked home with a full stomach and a heavy conscience. The next day, I presented on in Palma Hall to a crowd of graduate students, professors and others from the community. The presentation was well-received; the questions and comments were thought-provoking. A few of the audience members participated in the original performance in 1974. One man shared a remembrance from his childhood. He was eight years old and playing basketball with his friends in Makati when a grown-up approached them and announced: “You have to go Triangle Park right now!” The boys stopped what they were doing, walked over to nearby park, sat bored for thirty minutes with no clue of what was transpiring, returned to their playground, and then resumed their basketball game. After finishing the story, he added that he completely forgot about that incident until he heard my presentation. And, yes, Irene Marcos-Araneta was among the audience members. Due to the vague title of my presentation, “Philippine National Composition,” she may not have known that I would discuss an event during the Martial Law era. She seemed to be listening intently. During the question and answer section following, the host asked her, “Hey, Irene. Did you go to [1974]?” She smiled and announced pleasantly and matter-of-factly (much to the shock of her fellow audience members), “Yes. Neal, you mentioned all those people who were bullied into participating. I was bullied too! I didn’t want to go. I was thirteen years old and my mother dragged me there, saying, ‘You will go to and you will have FUN!’” The small crowd laughed (nervously, but politely). 101 A younger college-aged audience member asked me to clarify one aspect of my presentation: “What about the logistics? How did they use ALL the radio stations?” I restated my earlier remarks about nationalized radio: was a huge event and radio station managers had, “no choice.” I said, “The country was under totalitarian rule. Everyone participated because they …or else.” Out of the corner of my eye, I noticed the audience uncomfortably glancing toward Irene. She noticed this, too – keeping a smile but raising her shoulders slightly. Yes, she was in the audience. But so were others who suffered under martial law. Once again, she’s probably heard all this before. After my presentation was over, once again, the approximately forty audience members eased out of the room slowly, chatting and moving toward the smoking area outside of Palma Hall. And, to my surprise, Irene was the first to approach and congratulate me on a great presentation. Just like the first time we met, she continued conversing with me all the way outside of the Palma Hall basement. She even gave me a couple of hints – a few nuggets of inside knowledge about the National Artist Award (which I won’t tell you) and we discussed the differences between Lucrecia Kasilag’s and José Maceda’s philosophies on music. The same big SUV pulled up outside. Two intimidating men (who looked a little less intimidating this time) wearing similar powder blue eased out of the front seats. This time, Irene said, “I’m having lunch with one of my friends at the College of Music. Are you going back there? You want a ride?” I won’t be seeking your help or accepting any favors, but five more minutes to ask you questions? Sure. 102 On the short ride (which felt like an eternity) to the College of Music, I said, “Ms. Irene, your mother’s interest in the arts is well-known. But what about your father? Did your folks just divide the labor at home?” We laughed and she replied that he was always attending events, but her mother was the driving force at home regarding all things musical. Then we talked about OPM – Original Pinoy Music, and the development of popular music on the radio in the 1980s.14 That would be a much better topic for my dissertation, she told me. At the end of our ride, we passed by the Carillon Tower where I heard 2010 the previous year. Irene said, “You want to know what my father thought about music?” She pointed at the tower and said, “He wanted his voice to ring out across the campus.” At the end of the ride, she invited me to join her for lunch. I replied, “No thank you.” Later that evening, I sat with a group of friends at PCED and we discussed my presentation earlier that day. This was another post-forum get together (like so many I had experienced before) but this time, my presentation was the topic of conversation. Two friends arrived late, a woman in her early thirties and a man in his mid-forties. They pulled chairs next to me and the woman spoke for both: “Neal, we were at your presentation and we had questions but we didn’t want to ask them there.” I asked, “Why?” She said, “Because [Irene] was there.” The woman added that she was a little “star struck,” not realizing that Irene Marcos-Araneta was in the audience until she remarked about her presence at . The man told me another story: 14 OMP (Original Pinoy Music) was a male-dominated rock style popular on Philippine radio stations in the 1980s and 1990s 103 Neal, when I was a kid, and Marcos declared martial law, nothing really changed at first. But after a while, in the parks, in the streets, after church…where everyone was talking, I noticed people silencing each other: ‘Shhhhh…don’t talk about that.’ Some subjects, some words, some recollections – just ‘shhhh.’ Then the ‘shhhh’ started coming more often. Eventually, we just stopped talking. We stopped assembling. So, you discussed a piece of music where people were forced to attend and forced to interact. Place in the context of the silences. By that time, everything and everyone was quiet.15 The silences of the Marcos era permeated the entire fabric of social life and halted all typical human activity – assembling, chatting, " (gossip). The presence of one member of the Marcos family at my presentation enacted a similar violence on the audience – a silence so deafening to my musician ears. 15 The speaker allowed me to use his story, but wishes to remain anonymous. 104 ! $ %"##$&' # " # # %## &' ( ( ' ) % + ' )) ! 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Figure 8 % exhibit, September 25, 2012. Comments board and two spectators at the listening booth. & ) 9 9 6 9 H' * ! L , M $ C 9 J ) " $ . " $ 0 =A A ) 9 * : J ) 9 " , % % ) D D :ND =:$ ' % ()*+ H' M 9 9 ) 9 9 # ' $ L % 1 M ' ) 9 - , ) $ 9 9 # & " 9 , / * ) M 0 * O $ ; / 0 9 & P $ /1A * * L - * L =AA< 0 & =A A & ( " ) L := & & 5 1 2 % ) D 9 ' & % ' ) - / ) ) G J 0 3 # ) $ 5 ) D 9 ) 9 # ) N II. Epilogue – Listening to the National Artist from Riverside, California (May 2014) , ?3 F 3 F H * !AF3AA 9 H * QAF3AA 9 :1 B =A ? B =A ? * ' $ $ - Tunog at Tinig 3 /Today at 5 pm: Excerpts from the UP Symphonic Band's Extreme Makeover concert and Jose Maceda's Music for 12 Pianos and 4 Percussion Groups (in commemoration of his 10th death anniversary) Tunog at Tinig DZUP16020? G & $ E * ( $ /C & E KM KE ' ' # K* #40 # /E KE M ' #40 & # E D 3 3 ! H' * 9 - , 9 M * # ' P 3 ' P # =A = ' P 3 D ? # - GRH' 3 . & - 3 ' / % $ H' * :A= ,9 * 9 B =A ? :? 3.. . 9 J C H' * 3 & 3 !!!!! Neal Matherne: Tunog % Is there a possibility for online listening? Any websites for listening? 15 mins · Like %%%%% Tunog At Tinig: Try here % http://www.radio.org.ph/dzup/ or here % http://www.dzup.org/ 12 mins · Like !!!!! Neal Matherne Salamat po! 12 mins · Like !!!!! & Tunog at Tinig E * / 0 & & GRH' ,9 9 =A ? & ' 3 3 & & 0 3 & 9 " & 3 & - ) & & !N $ : H' J !!!!! Tunog At Tinig: Gusto mong batiin kita, Neal Matherne? 6 mins · Like !!!!! C M ' P Tunog at Tinig? C ; / 4& /$ 0 / # $ 0/ 0C 0 4C 4C 4G $ - & $4 C # S / ( / & M * 0 $ * 9 Neal Matherne: Opo! Paano? 5 mins · Like !!!!! - 3 /T S 6 0 ' ' P ) !!!!! & & 40 !!!!! Tunog At Tinig: Just listen % I'll give you a shout out. 4 mins · Like · 1 !!!!! :: , S& 6 ' 9 # , =3AA % * *( D $ & 4 9 % G % & & * + 5 5 9 *( 4 % 4 , H' L /+ >0$ , 9 E & & ( * $ 9 , ' 9 D D 9 9 39 5 9 =A ? ! C ) 0& =A B - # & ' P /+ ' P D # % *( 9 4 & 4 % & & * " & H' * , 9 & D 9 ) 6 ! <:A :B <BA & ( D 9 9 * # # E & U 9 T 9 # G & " ( * =AA<!=A 1 L 0 $ & 9 & / & & 0& ' $ 3 ) ! # / 0/ ) & 0 / 0& & & J - <<B$ + D ( D J + 9 , - G " ' GD 9 9 :F N N ) T # # :< n.a. 2000. “Filipino Cultural Identity: A Personal Journey by Composer Bayani Mendoza de Leon.” (Newsletter of the Ethnic Folks Art Center) (Spring), 509, 13016. Abinales, Patricio N. 2008. “The Philippines: Weak State, Resilient President.” : 2930312. Abinales, Patricio N. and Donna J. Amoroso. 2005. Lanham, MD et al: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. . Agar, Michael. 1980. “Stories, Background Knowledge and Themes: Problems in the Analysis of Life History Narrative.” 17 (2): 2230239 Agoncillo, Teodoro A. 1984. ! " #$ % . Quezon City: The University of the Philippines Press. Agoncillo, Teodoro A. and Milagros Guerrero. 1974. ' Quezon City: RP Garcia Publishing Company. % ( & . 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