Culture
& Psychology
http://cap.sagepub.com/
Knitting meaning: Understanding the origin, the history, and the
preservation of a traditional cultural practice of the Arhuaca indigenous
community
Lilian Patricia Rodríguez-Burgos, Leidy Evelyn Díaz-Posada, Jennifer Rodríguez-Castro,
Dwrya Elena Izquierdo-Martínez and Camila Nassar-Pinzón
Culture Psychology 2014 20: 330
DOI: 10.1177/1354067X14542529
The online version of this article can be found at:
http://cap.sagepub.com/content/20/3/330
Published by:
http://www.sagepublications.com
Additional services and information for Culture & Psychology can be found at:
Email Alerts: http://cap.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts
Subscriptions: http://cap.sagepub.com/subscriptions
Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav
Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
Citations: http://cap.sagepub.com/content/20/3/330.refs.html
>> Version of Record - Aug 19, 2014
What is This?
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
Article
Knitting meaning:
Understanding the origin,
the history, and the
preservation of a
traditional cultural
practice of the Arhuaca
indigenous community
Culture & Psychology
2014, Vol. 20(3) 330–357
! The Author(s) 2014
Reprints and permissions:
sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1354067X14542529
cap.sagepub.com
Lilian Patricia Rodrı́guez-Burgos
Faculty of Psychology, Universidad de La Sabana, Colombia
Leidy Evelyn Dı́az-Posada
Faculty of Psychology, Universidad de La Sabana, Colombia
Jennifer Rodrı́guez-Castro
Faculty of Psychology, Universidad de La Sabana, Colombia
Dwrya Elena Izquierdo-Martı́nez
Faculty of Psychology, Universidad de La Sabana, Colombia
Camila Nassar-Pinzón
Faculty of Psychology, Universidad de La Sabana, Colombia
Abstract
The main objective of this study is to understand the origin, history, and meaning that lie
behind the practice of knitting mochilas, which is a daily activity of women, both young
and old in the Arhuaca community. This study has been designed as qualitative and
narrative in nature and is based upon an analysis of three specific cases, whose participants are young indigenous women from the Arhuaca community of the Sierra Nevada
of Santa Marta (Colombia). The results showed how there are aspects related to personal identity, in both historical and contemporary ways that are linked to culture,
origin of the mochila, its design and knitting as well as intrinsic meaning of knitting
Corresponding author:
Lilian Patricia Rodrı́guez-Burgos, Universidad de La Sabana, Km 7 Autopista Norte Campus, Chia,
Cundinamarca, Bogota 11001000, Colombia.
Email: liliam.rodriguez@unisabana.edu.co
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
331
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
mochilas. Therefore, the approach to this study is to restore the importance of this daily
activity in its development, establishment of identity and lifestyle of the participants –
within the framework of Cultural Psychology – and its contribution to preservation of
values, laws and significance belonging to indigenous cultures.
Keywords
Psychology, culture, meaning, mochila, Arhuaca, indigenous
Introduction
Upon a research on the most relevant theoretical and empirical aspects of this
study, a brief description of the Arhuaca community in the Sierra Nevada of
Santa Marta (Colombia) is presented along with the most significant elements
related to their cultural identity. Later, literature regarding the Arhuaca mochila,
its knitting and cultural meaning will be discussed. Subsequently, an account of
Cultural Psychology will be presented in order to clarify theoretical differences and
emphasize the cultural structures and relations in the human development. Finally,
a call will be made for preservation of this identity, considering its significance as
well as conservation of values and cultural practices that serve as a bolster for
individual and social development.
Arhuaca community and cultural identity
In order to discuss the cultural identity, it is important to refer to the knowledge,
acknowledgement, and appropriation of historical memory, of a common past.
Such past is adopted by the community and is kept in the individual and collective
memory (Zaragoza, 2010, p. 153). In concrete terms, identity is based on a subjective self-perception, self-representation, and self-acknowledgement that define
existence and lifestyle. It is where ‘‘the individual exists for himself and for
others’’ (Waldman, 2000, p. 317) and the way how members of a group define
themselves and those they relate to (Zaragoza, 2010).
This highlights the fact that cultural identity is related to definitions, not only
your own but also that of others as well. Therefore, subjectivity is manifested in a
system of values and vision of the world that belong to a determined group of
individuals, where culture is the basis of their identity and purpose in life ‘‘both in
itself and duty’’ based on ‘‘shared values’’ (ibid, p. 154). This type of identity is
clearly evident in ethnic groups, where communities show biological preservation
and share cultural values, communication and exchange. Their members can be
easily identified and distinguished from others (ibid).
Thus, in traditional cultures, and most specifically in the indigenous population,
‘‘knowledge, wisdom, and customs are intertwined with visions of the cosmos,
symbolic formations and taxonomic systems through which the nature is classified
and resources are distributed.’’ As a result, ‘‘culture assigns value and meaning to
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
332
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
the nature, through forms of cognition, their means of denomination and resource
appropriation strategies’’ (Leff, 2001, p. 32). This is the case of the Arhuacos (or
Iku), an indigenous community from the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta, a mountain range located in the north of Colombia and declared by UNESCO in 1979 as a
Man and Biosphere Reservoir (Giraldo, 2010; OEA, 2008) (see Figure 1).
According to the National Planning Department of Colombia (2010), there are
more than 85 ethnic groups or indigenous people distributed in 29 regions of the
country, who speak approximately 68 Amerindian languages and 292 dialects. One
of them is the Arhuacos:
. . . in their native language Iku means ‘‘people’’. They are an indigenous group that has
inhabited Niwi Umuke, a sacred territory, since ancient times. Niwi Umuke is most
commonly known in the Bonachi world [a term in Iku language referring to the nonArhuacos] such as the area of the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta. They have their own
language and laws, live off cultivating the land, and their spirituality plays a vital role.
They are guided by the Mamus, priests and spiritual guides. There are about 18,000 Ikus
with their indigenous brothers, Kankuamos, Kkoguis and Wiwas. (OEA, 2008, p. 25)
Figure 1. Some of the Arhuaca indigenous community members. Photography by Lina Acuña
(2008).
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
333
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
For them, territory has a sacred significance, and these sacred places are a source of
power and authority (Giraldo, 2010). There is emphasis placed on the knowledge of
laws regarding living creatures, nature, human beings, and water (water is compared to the blood that runs through the veins of human beings and as a mirror of
life (OEA, 2008; Serje, 2008)). In this community, everything is interrelated and
management of elements is based on the principles of understanding, justice, and
solidarity which are vital in their beliefs. Hence, the physical and spiritual realms
intertwine here. Ancestral marks are found in sacred places which direct actions in
the present and encourage an integral management of resources, thus always pursuing cultural and environmental conservation (Giraldo, 2010; Ulloa, 2010).
For this community ‘‘the nature is its mother; therefore, it should be looked after
and respected.’’ La Sierra is the basis and essence of being Iku and foundation for all
that has been created. Everything that exists today has been created there in spirit,
before the light, when there was only darkness. It is where the principle of life-cycle
takes place in rocks, lagoons, mountains, and valleys. This is why their Sacred Home
is a place of thought and harmony between positive and negative forces of good and
evil, feminine, and masculine (ð). ‘‘The earth is their mother, she is a living being.
Water is like the blood that runs through the veins of humans and feeds the earth. By
creating living beings, their spiritual fathers also dictated the laws that had to govern
all men and women of the world regardless of race. These ancestral laws have been
passed from generation to generation by the Mamus, guides, and priests. They were
left the task of enforcing the law and respect of origin and also taking care of
harmony and balance of all creation’’ (OEA, 2008, p. 27).
In the specific case of the Arhuacos, harmony between the nature and culture is
still mediated by their political organization or authority, which is divided into two
groups (Navarro, 2002). The first group is the traditional authority: the Mamus
(Figure 2). These are spiritual males that specialize in diverse traditional activities
(such as rituals, offerings, baptisms, hieroglyph interpretation, medicine, etc.). The
second group consists of civil authorities that come from the western society and
which influence the ethnic group’s dynamics and structures in some way (Bocarejo,
2011, p. 102). Nevertheless, it is clear there that ‘‘the material world is supported by
the spiritual world’’ and that ‘‘here is where the fundamental practices of confession and punishment promote self-regulation and harmony,’’ In any case, the
Mamus have the biggest and most decisive influence on the community
(Navarro, 2002, p. 215).
Arhuaca mochilas
In general terms, the mochila – a kind of a handbag (in terms of physical appearance) – is a way to capture the thought and it is a job exclusively for the Arhuaca
women. It said that ‘‘in the Arhuaca community it is difficult to find an object other
than the mochilas which captures their culture so well and harmonizes aesthetic and
mathematical thoughts’’ (Aroca, 2008b, p. 72); the ancestral geometrical ideas are
of vital importance and generate a series of processes, in which figures, colors, and
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
334
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
Figure 2. One of the Arhuaca community’s Mamus. Photograph donated by Kasokaku
Busintana Mestre Izquierdo.
shapes come together to convey history, culture, and thought. In the making of
mochilas, there are traditional figures that have to be made and certain criteria be
met. Aroca (2008a) also points out that there are different types of mochilas that
belong to diverse groups of the Sierra Nevada. The Arhuaca community presents
the greatest variety of designs for different purposes and uses. For example,
‘‘Chegekuano is a mochila intended for men’s personal use, and you can find a
mochila within another mochila. Yo’buru mäsi is a mochila belonging to the
poporo and Ziyu mochila used to store coca leaves’’ (p. 4).
Practice of knitting and preservation of cultural
significance
In order to understand the way how these activities are passed on and meaning
found in performing them, Berkes (1999), together with Cristancho and Vining
(2009), stated four levels that are the means by which there is a process of transmission of ecological knowledge (previously mentioned as TEK). Using the fourth
level as a starting point, it is necessary to look at some generalities about the
production of mochilas. From an operational stand point, there are very important
components in this production process. For example, ‘‘the mochila is knit in an
ascending way, in a continual or fractioned spiral, always from left to right’’
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
335
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
(fractioned means that repetitive parts of a traditional figure can be knit); knitting
has to be done with at least two needles. There should not be curved designs on the
side panels of the mochila, and the patterns of the design have to follow the concept
of order determined by the culture (Aroca, 2008a, p. 5, p.76).
From the ideographic perspective, knitting of the mochila, in addition to the
ones previously mentioned, has a series of meanings that are particular to each
design, and it is not politically demanding but rather a traditional and spiritual
practice with high significance for women. The Arhuaca aesthetic has a cosmology
present in ‘‘their knitting that represents creation of the world and reproduction of
multiple natural beings, where the figures are messages in symbols or communication related to the world, life and natural laws’’ (Mendoza, 2001, p. 48). This is
encouraged through educational processes, since the practice of knitting is not only
done at home but also as part of an educational project, In the case of the consequently, families participate in a comprehensive training process at schools, and in
this case, they do it by forming groups and schedules for teaching the knitting
process. In this way, the purpose is to restore and preserve the cultural identity
through teaching their ethnic history and understanding that ‘‘the traditional concepts of the mochila, blanket and knitting are a part of the cultural norms and
activities that have to be practiced by the Iku’’ (ibid, p. 47). All these are knowledge
acquired and conveyed from the learning process that is ‘‘corporal, emotive, and
rooted in habits and daily practices’’ following the established social models
(Espinosa, 2007, p. 64; Yang & Lu, 2007).
This process of cultural production and reproduction is manifested in the
‘‘adoption of cultural values’’ that builds the cultural heritage of the community
(Bonfil, 2000, p. 22). In this topic, the literature also calls for acknowledgement and
preservation of this type of practices that are a support for ethnic groups and
general communities, and are the richness, in cultural diversity terms, of a
region, a country, and the world (Zaragoza, 2010; Bateson, 2011).
The mochila represents a sort of an ‘‘archive,’’ as Derrida (1999) points out,
where indigenous women are not only the authority in designs through knitting but
also a legitimate hermeneutical authority that interprets and makes the symbols
captured in the elements to communicate. Women, as they thread the material and
knit the mochila, imprint emotion, thought, legendary practices, and their vision of
the cosmos. This is why the mochila more than being just an element used by the
indigenous people, it is a social archive whose knitting has inscriptions of ancestral
social and technical practices that assign a social and economic role to women in
the society.
Globalization and influence of certain cultures have had impact on this particular indigenous community (Carretero, 2007). Several studies have shown a decrease
and even loss of ecological knowledge and cultural identity (OEA, 2008; Ross,
2002). This also includes the following:
In the United Nations Permanent Forum for Indigenous Issues (UNPFII, 2005),
indigenous leaders have amply debated their concerns about the gradual loss of
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
336
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
traditional ecological knowledge (Zent, 2001), which is crucial for indigenous peoples’
survival in the natural environment they have inhabited for thousands of years. Some
of the potential threats to this type of knowledge include cultural assimilation, loss of
traditional territories, destruction of ecosystems, immigration and emigration, poverty, climate change, urbanization and death of community elders among others.
(Cristancho & Vining, 2009, p. 230)
In fact, the Colombian Government (Political Constitution of Colombia, 1991) has
by right legislated respect for the indigenous worldview and importance of maintaining it, (Bocarejo, 2011; Giraldo, 2010; Zaragoza, 2010), and other organizations, such as the World Bank, have done so as well (Leff, 2001; Serje, 2008). But
the truth is that currently there are threats visible (OEA, 2008) in constant destabilization of the sociocultural system probably induced by the loss of sacred territory, language, and customs. It is linked to the importance of exalting knowledge
and native practices, their meanings and contributions as stimulus for cultural
preservation (Cristancho & Vining, 2009; Derman, 2003); bearing in mind that
‘‘indigenous knowledge represents protection and preservation of indigenous
humanity’’ (Battiste, 2008, p. 507; cited by McGinty, 2012, p. 6).
Perspective from cultural psychology
Greenfield (2001), Kim (2001), and Kim, Park, and Park (2000) mention that
Cultural Psychology studies a culture as part of individual development, as a
way to understand and construct the world (Bruner, 1990; Shweder, 2001;
Guitart, 2010). Therefore, this former approach focuses on the study of experiences
and those ‘‘acts of significance’’ that Bruner (1991) mentions as collective practices
giving meaning, purpose, and unity. That is why, as mentioned by Valsiner, it refers
to psychology that considers ‘‘the individual in a cultural context’’ (2001, p. 31),
where ‘‘behavior is not objective but subjective due to linked meanings’’ considering ‘‘the psyche as a social structure’’ (2013, p. 31). This is shown, according to
Bruner, in the fact that human beings build within a context and creation of meaning; they use symbolic resources to attach significance to the world (Hale &
de Abreu, 2010). This is why from this perspective, ‘‘to study the self, it is important to take into account the meaning in which he/she defines himself/herself, both
form the individual’s point of view as well as from the perspective of the culture he
participates in.’’ This means, that it is a ‘‘reflection about the relational self, distributed and mediated by language and expressed in narratives’’ (Escobar &
Mantilla, 2006, p. 41). Based on these premises, the following should be considered:
In order to understand the individual’s formation and psychological characteristics,
we must resort to the study of contexts, where, directly or indirectly, the person
participates in. Moreover, to understand the culture, we look at the meaning and
significance constructed by the individual. There is no other more precise way to
study the human mind than to analyze the ecological niche that surrounds people,
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
337
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
meaning, the social construction of significance and personal elaboration of meaning
through appropriated cultural artifacts. (Guitart, 2008, p. 9)
In fact, it is precisely here where culture is considered a dynamic process and where
the ‘‘historic essence’’ of a community is found. It is from here that individuals conduct their actions and surely, these human practices, material or spiritual, are
designed and conveyed to different groups that belong to a particular culture
(Geertz, 2005; Zaragoza, 2010). This is why the former is considered a ‘‘combination
of symbols, values, attitudes, abilities, knowledge, means of communication and
social organization, and material goods that make life possible in a specific society
and allow them to transform and pass on from generation to generation’’ (Bonfil,
2000, p. 21).
To finalize this conceptualization, Bruner (1991) and Leff (2001) define culture as
a system where a meaning is given to an action when the subjacent intentional states
are located inside an interpretative system. Through this Bruner also criticizes the
fact that there is a ‘‘progressive lack of narrative resources, which means that stories
coming from life experiences, individual or collective, are few or unconvincing and
lack the symbolic power of subjunctive intensity’’ (1990, p. 96). Due to this it is
important to take into account narratives that talk about culture, as well as restore
and preserve values, meanings and traditions within a community, which without a
doubt, contribute to development in an individual, social, and cultural way.
For this reason, development is now conceived within a creative factor where
knowledge and lifestyle have no fixed patterns, but rather meaning is attributed by
experience and as a result of specific situations (Sagástegui, 2004). This indicates
that the development is also recognized as a qualitative transformation of psychological and social structures that emerge between individuals and their surroundings (Valsiner, 2006; cited by Damon & Lerner, 2006). This is where the Cultural
Psychology adopts the idea that ‘‘culture and mind are inseparable since they
contribute to each other’s construction’’ (Guitart, 2008, p. 9; Guitart & Ratner,
2010; Lehman, Chiyue, & Schaller, 2004) and therefore, psychological functions
are social by nature (Valsiner & van der Verr, 2000). From this perspective, human
development ‘‘is tightly linked to ownership (possession, use) of cultural and psychological instruments’’ (Guitart, 2008, p. 17), and cultural intermediation promotes a ‘‘way of an evolutionary change in which the activities practiced by
previous generations are accumulated in the present’’ (Cole, 2003, p. 137).
Then in order to understand the influence of environmental, cultural, and individual factors affecting the development, it is necessary to understand what
Cristancho and Vining (2009) name as transmission of ecological knowledge
(TEK), in which ‘‘Intergenerational transmission of knowledge is a process of
keen interest to cultural psychology because it is dynamic and transactional by
nature’’ (p. 230). TEK, as defined by Gadgil, Berkes, and Folke (1993, p. 151; cited
by Cristancho & Vining, 2009, p. 231), is an ‘‘accumulative body of knowledge and
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
338
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
beliefs handed down through generations by cultural transmission, and it is about
the relationship of living beings (including humans) with one another and their
environment.’’
Objectives
General objective
Understand the origin, history, and meaning that lie within knitting mochilas, as a
daily life activity and process for building the identity of girls and women in the
Arhuaca community.
Specific objectives
These are: (1) Describe the origin and history of the mochila and its designs along
with the practice of knitting from the Cultural Psychology’s perspective; (2)
Understand the importance of the activity in everyday life and process of identity
construction in the Arhuaca indigenous women; (3) Analyze the contingencies and
differences in terms of meanings involved in conducting the activity; and (4) Reflect
on the aspect related to preservation of the cultural identity and meanings instilled
in the performance of traditional knitting.
Method
Design
This study provides a qualitative design and narrative in nature based on the case
study technique (Sandı́n, 2003).
Participants
The participants are three young women members of the Arhuaca community of
the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta (Colombia).
Procedure
Initially, a theoretical and methodological approach to the project was made.
Three young indigenous Arhuaca women were approached, selected and asked to
sign the required consent forms. Then they were asked questions based on general
topics that resulted from a theoretical analysis. Finally, a qualitative analysis of the
data was performed using Atlas.ti, a software that analyses qualitative data.
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
339
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
This software has been chosen because it is a PC program that offers qualitative
orientation and allows analyzing complex phenomena. In addition, when using it,
we can make different interpretations of information because the program consolidates large texts and stores different kinds of texts and images to let us visualize
often complex relations between them (Muhr, 1991).
Categories of analysis
Figure 3 shows the three main emergent categories (numbered), subcategories, and
respective semantic relations between them.
Results
Below, the obtained results are detailed and based on interviews performed. The
purpose is to emphasize the narratives of participants, so that it is them who report
the results and findings in each subcategory.
Personal identity
Individual story
In the present subcategory, emphasis is placed on the ideographic perspective that
gives value to a particular story of each participant (see Table 1); moreover, it
Figure 3. Semantic relations between categories and subcategories.
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
340
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
Table 1. Relative aspects of narratives that demonstrate individual identities of participants.
Case 1: D.I
Case 2: D.U
Case 3: S.Y
‘‘I am 23 years old and I am an ‘‘I am 20 years old. My mother ‘‘I am 18 years old. I was born
in the Sierra Nevada in a
and father are indigenous.
Arhuaca of the Sierra Nevada
very traditional part. There I
My mom is atypical because
of Santa Marta. I am a
studied until I was 12 years
she has been separated
member of the Yewrwa
oldð what else should I tell
twice and that is terrible in
community; a word that
youð I love knitting. Where I
an indigenous community.
refers to the father of water,
was born it was a very tradNo one would dare to leave
one of the most significant
itional area, therefore knittwo husbands, therefore I
places where offerings are
ting was a daily activity there.
say it with pride because I
madeð it is where water is
In school I studied on
think that means having guts
born. I have been in Bogota
Saturdays until noon and in
and it is to be admired.
for four years. I have always
the afternoon I knitted. We
Because of this, she has
liked traditional medicine.
do not have weeks of specific
changed the way of my life,
My grandfather is a Mamu,
traditional knowledge like
and also because she says
so I have always helped the
other communities do.
‘‘studying is the only thing
Mamus, and I have always
Proper knowledge is applied
that makes you free.’’ I lived
liked the work done by the
in school; there is a special
in the Sierra Nevada until I
Mamus.’’ ‘‘Regarding my
time for this, and every day 2
was 5 years old. Then my
studies, I started studying
hours are left for knitting.
mother started working for
medicine, but that was not
Then when I was about 13
a health care company, so we
my calling, so I changed to
years old, I entered a school
moved to Valledupar. There I
psychology which I have
and started learning about
studied up to fifth grade, but
liked a lot because I can see
less traditional things. There
my mother was threatened
many resemblances between
I could also knitð there was
by the paramilitaries. My dad
what the Mamu does and the
a time set for knitting.’’
is from Cauca (indigenous
role of a psychologist. In fact,
Nasa). Therefore I had to
to me the Mamu is like a
move.’’
psychologist, because of
everything he does. I really
like it because the scientific
portion found in psychology
is a complement since we do
not have that part.’’
allows an identification of the differences among them even though they are all
members of the same community. This will help us show aspects that mark them as
independent and characteristic of a cultural identity that permeates the individual
and consequently, from individual experiences that show differences in terms of
meanings, beliefs, and perceptions.
In the first case, (D.I.), the description of her own identity is interwoven with her
cultural identity. As it can be seen, she describes herself as a member of a specific
community and mentions the significance found in the name of her community.
More than talking about herself, she exalts the aspects of her identity, being
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
341
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
Arhuaca. She finished her description by showing her admiration for the work done
by the Mamu and her need to help him in his work through the study of psychology
as means to help and support her community in its role of spiritual authority.
In the second case (D.U.), the results varied substantially due to family circumstances. In this case, the mother of the participant had not lived within the community for a while. She had had to travel constantly, and in addition, apparently
she had not followed all the cultural principles of the community. Furthermore,
there are aspects related to national violence that influenced the family dynamism
and development of her cultural identity. Strong desire for professional training is
manifested, but not motivated by the need for retribution to her native community
like in the other two cases.
In the third case (S.Y.) the participant finds herself on the other side of the
spectrum from the former case and closer to the first participant. She manifests
having a very traditional upbringing, which is easily noticed when she remarks:
‘‘I love knitting.’’ This is an aspect that is mentioned all along her narrative and it
shows the importance of this activity in this young girl’s life.
The first mochila
Here it is important to remark how important it is for the participants to learn
knitting and the memories they have about the first knitting they have done in their
life. In general terms, the differences among the cases can be seen in the ages when
they learned how to knit, even though they all coincide in the idea that this activity
Figure 4. A girl of the Arhuaca indigenous community knitting (in vegetable fiber) her first
mochila. Taken by Lina Acuña (2008).
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
342
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
starts in their early years (Figure 4). In the second case (D.U.), there was a clear
influence of her family circumstances, specially related to her mother’s work situation in the way that she culturally developed; she began knitting at the age of
seven, when most children start between 2 and 4 years earlier.
In the first and last case, there was unity in the fact that the grandmother was the
one that instilled the initial teaching and also relevant differences were found in
each of their stories. D.I. mentioned that while you are being taught to knit, the
story of knitting is being woven at the same time, which is an aspect mentioned
only by her. On the other hand, S.Y., who started knitting at the age of three and
enjoys doing it as daily activity, mentioned that an important aspect in comparison
with other two participants was that the first mochila she had knitted was given to
the Mamu.
Tradition and cultural identity
Origin of the mochila
When wondering what the origin of the mochila is, or in other words the origin of
knitting the mochila, the only participant that knew the story and its origin was
D.I. The following is an account given by her:
It is said that the origin of the mochila was attributed to a woman named Ati Nabobaof
a mixed race, meaning Arhuaco and Bonachi (not indigenous). The woman had a
reproachable behavior in the community since she liked to have different husbands.
Due to this bad behavior, the Mamus took her to a Kankurwa (a house or sacred
temple [see Figure 5]) to be cleansed, purified and where she would reflect. It is said
that while she was confined, she began to see a spider in a ‘‘tiranta’’ (something similar
to a beam) which was knitting its home. This really captured her attention and so she
began to imitate what the spider did. It was there where she noticed how she should
grab a thread and needle in order to start knitting. She noticed that one should begin
by a making a knot and since she was surrounded by cotton, she started to knit until
she finished a mochila and made four in total. Each of them were given to her husbands, and this was why she knitted four mochilas with different stiches; this was seen
as a compensation for the sins she had committed against these men. Each mochila
was given to a male of each community in the Sierra Nevada: the Kogis, Wiwas,
Kankuamos and Arhuacos. This is how knitting started in all the communities.
Then, the story continues goes on that Ati Naboba would gather the girls and teach
them how to knit the mochila and the ones that were successful were rewarded by
being sent to get water from a well while the latter turned into a snake and ate them.
The ones that did not learn were left unharmed. But it is said that there was a girl who
had learned everything Ati Naboba knew, but never showed it in front of Ati Naboba..
This woman was the one who was able to escape from death and disseminate the art of
knitting up to this day. But returning to Ati Naboba, it is also said that the first
mochilas she had made were white, a color that indicated she had been freed from
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
343
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
Figure 5. Photograph of the Kankurwa. By Lina Acuña (2008).
sin, purified, free from kagum (meaning sin in Arhuaco). Due to this, nowadays the
Mamus use white mochilas as a symbol of purity, wisdom and authority. This color
also represents snow, snow-capped mountain, since the kankurwa, where she was
detained, was located near a mountain. Today we find the lagoon of Ati Naboba, a
sacred lagoon where offerings are made in honor of this woman and her mochilas.
Also women with bad behavior go there.
Based on this story that speaks for itself, we can find the origin of knitting mochilas
and its meaning within the community. It is clear that knitting was considered as
means of vindicating the woman’s bad behavior. Therefore, doing this activity
allows purity to return to the body and a spiritual forgiveness is granted for the
wrongs committed. Undoubtedly, this explains the reason why they are made
within an indigenous socio-cultural context and also helps understand other practices such as offerings. At the same time, this narrative not only tells the story
behind the existence of Ati Naboba but also allows to understand the meaning of
activities performed by members of a group as well as common words in their
language, all of which are relevant elements in this study.
Designs and their story
As in the previous case, D.I. was the only participant who narrated the story, which
is presented in the text below according to its relevance in the Cultural Psychology
Framework. Nevertheless, an aspect shared by the participants was the meaning
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
344
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
designs have within a cultural context. Each one has significance and is framed
within the Arhuaco tradition. Moreover, it is said that the participants had learned
knitting by observing role models, such as their mothers and grandmothers.
Following is the story about the origin of designs:
After Ati Naboba, another woman appeared called Ati Mundiwa (Ati means mother in
Arhuaco). In fact, there is also a lagoon at the snow-capped mountain that bears her
name and a ritual is made for designs of the mochila. This was a woman who started
the designs and their meanings. She began to knit and create the designs inspired by
the nature. . . she sat next to the lagoon and there she was inspired. The first design she
made (the one a girl starts with since it is the easiest to make) was the kunzach, that
represents vegetation (it looks like leaves) [see Figure 6]. Then she made the ananuga
ingunu that represents different paths of animals (for example, ants, tigers, armadillos
and black agouties.). Then she knitted the makuru that represents different ways birds
fly. Afterwards, she knitted kunbiru that represents ‘garabato’ or a hook of life (an
element that is always hung on corners of houses and which represents protection).
She made a urumu representing thought and imagination as well as referring to the
creation and origin of the world. According to the Arhuacos,who have created the
spiral form. Following that she made a kunsumunu a’ mia that represents the thought
and traditional law of women [see Figure 6] and finally, she made a kunsumunu
cheyrwa representing the thought and law of men. A tani was another design that
represents balance, land and very significant traditional dance used in a very special
ceremony and ritual. These are the most important and traditional designs.
Figure 6. A mochila with the traditional Kunzachu design that represents the vegetation and
force of the nature. By Dwrya Izquierdo (2013).
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
345
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
Then people started making more designs that have not originally been made by Ati
Mundiw., These other designs do not have a cultural value but a commercial one.
The previous account shows the reasons for origin, existence and history of the
designs. It is clear that behind every traditional symbol there is a series of symbols
that are passed on by generations and they are part of traditions of the community
that builds additional identities at individual levels.
Knitting and its significance
As mentioned by the first participant (D.I.), ‘‘knitting the mochila starts at the age
of five’’ or earlier in some cases (As is seen in Figure 8).
‘‘It is part of creating knowledge and strengthening the culture’’. This is why the
Mamus say that knitting should not be stopped in order that thought and knowledge can continue. It is said that knitting as such represents thinking, emotions
and knowledge of the woman. ‘‘Here is when what the knitter feels and thinks is
expressed in the making of the mochila’’ (see Figure 7).
Figure 7. Design of Kunsumunu a’mia (traditional thought/law of women). Photograph taken
by Dwrya Izquierdo (2013).
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
346
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
Figure 8. Women and girls from the Arhuaca indigenous community. Photograph by Lina
Acuña (2008).
In contrast D.U. says:
I have had various moments with the mochila. Earlier I thought it was a way for
women to be submissive, and this initial hypothesis changed after. . . let’s say I started
knitting because I saw others knitting and therefore I wanted to do it myself. It was
something that was a job done by women like my grandmother and aunts. They all
used mochilas, women and men alike, so it made them feel as if the mochila was part
of them.
Finally, in the third case, S.Y. highlights that:
when one is knitting, one knits thoughts. . . A mochila represents something very intimate of oneself as a woman, where you present everything you think from the first stitch
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
347
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
until you decide to leave the mochila to do something else. It is something very intimate. Actually the mochila would cost more than the price it is sold for. It has a very
important value.
These stories allow us to see not only the individual differences in perception,
but especially the transversal aspects representing a cultural backdrop and social
meaning transmitted within the indigenous community. This is where D.U. says
that ‘‘the most valuable thing about the mochila is not the finished product but the
cultural context in which it is made.’’
The mochila imprints identity, security, usefulness and it also manifests an offering from the spiritual dimension, since it represents Mother Earth that is the origin
and end of everything that exists. Due to its symbolic character, it is also said that
the mochila is conceived as a way of expanding the uterus of every mother, especially the universal mother. From the perspective of its social character, it is also
understood as part of a cultural heritage.
Role of the mamu
As seen in the previous subcategory, there was a consensus in the participants’
answers even though they were asked individually. Their testimonies allowed us to
determine that it is the Mamu who acts as the ‘‘intermediary in order to get permission from the spiritual world so that a girl can start knitting and be able to do it
for the rest of her life’’ (D.I.). There, he performs a special ritual (D.U. and S.Y.
mention). The following narrative describes the process:
Look, the first mochila is made from vegetable fiber, a plant that you can find and is
collected with a makana, something like a stick that is used as a tool to get fiber. This
is where we get the thread for knitting from [see Figure 4]. When a child finishes its
first knitting, accompanied by its mother it goes to the Mamu and gives the mochila as
an offering together with a makuruma that is a present placed inside the mochila. The
makuruma is usually something like coffee, brown sugar, plantain, corn, beans or meat
among others. Whatever the participants wants to bring is a manifestation of gratitude since the Mamu is the one who gives the spiritual permission to start knitting.
This is done keeping in mind the Mamu’s explanation that having this permission is
important for enthusiasm to persevere in knitting, continued motivation and not to
ever get tired of knitting. In addition to this, the Mamu performs a spiritual cleansing
on the participating girl so she would never become lazy in knitting (D.I.).
The previous account confirms that the Mamu is a figure representing an ancestral
authority within the community and he is considered an incarnation of wisdom and
the one in charge of directing, counseling, making offerings, and healing within the
community, while safeguarding what is known as the Law of Origin. This is why
only the Mamus have the ability to advise spiritual parents on the Law in sacred
places that usually are lagoons, caves, water springs, and hills. It is the Mamus who
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
348
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
also have the ability to establish a direct relationship between the way the mother
thinks and the way the Arhuaca community does.
Knitting in the present
Current meaning
In this subcategory, the results ranged between two perspectives that do not oppose
each other but are merely different. In the first place, the three participants were
quite clear when saying that: ‘‘knitting is something which identifies us as a community; as a culture. That is why it is important to keep knitting’’ meaning that
‘‘today, knitting mochilas carries a message of thought and teaching and this is why
this practice cannot be stopped’’ (D.I.). Regarding this topic, another participant
said: ‘‘I’m knitting all the time. I can’t think of a life without knitting. It’s part of
my being. It is like breathing. . . I really like knitting. Let’s say that among my
options, knitting comes first’’ (S.Y.). However, at the same time there was an
opposite response that reflected the following perspective:
One doesn’t rationalize and one doesn’t really know why she knits. It is like brushing
your teeth. It is something automatic, like washing yourself every day. That’s what it
is for a woman here. Even if some woman doesn’t knit here, when she goes to another
territory and sees all women knitting there, she will miss knitting. (D.U.)
It was like this how on one hand knitting was conceived as an important element
of the personal identity building in a cultural context, and at the same time, you
can find a lack of understanding of the meaning why you should knit. There is also
a tendency to act in an automatic manner and not always in the context of a
historical and cultural meaning.
Women, knitting, and economy
This subcategory is divided into three parts. The first one is the conception of
women as knitters. The second one has to do with the factors associated with
knitting within an indigenous economy. The third part is related to the use of
the mochila. Regarding the first one, a participant states:
The woman who does not knit is not well perceived. Nevertheless, I think that
there are very few people that do not knit. In my community almost all women I
have seen knit. It is like seeing any other women and because they have the support of
their mothers who are constantly telling them to knit, they get the material for knitting. (S.Y.)
The previous participant talks about a specific daily activity that is performed by
women and directed towards men of their family and community. The women knit
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
349
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
for the Mamu, men in their family, and they can sell the products to others.
However, as a bridge between a female activity and mochila business, D.U.
mentions:
Even though selling mochilas contributes to strengthening homes economically, since
people can buy groceries, clothing and wool with that money, the problem is that
money has brought something negative; it has transformed the meaning of knitting.
For example, traditional designs are no longer made. Currently, woman knits things
like bears, dolls and faces, for example. It is done upon request and money is received
in exchange. Hence mochilas are made because of money and this devalues the activity
and traditional designs.
According to this, D.I mentioned:
The variety of designs came from the time when the Spaniards arrived in the Sierra
Nevada. Once they had come, weaving was changed. They wanted to make it more
technical and they began to do other designs: birds, human faces, names, houses,
etc. . . designs that are not typical in our culture. That does not mean that the mochila
stopped being Arhuaca, but it lost its cultural meaning and significance for us because
it is not a bag that you just buy in a store. Rather it is something very sacred. It carries
our thoughts, our ideas, our dreams. . . we put everything into it.
There is a dilemma between doing this culturally valuable activity taught by generations and a current perspective that it is a means of obtaining economical
resources. From this perspective many positive aspects resurge and also some
negative ones from the cultural tradition standpoint as the participants suggest.
Another participant thinks:
I think that the positive thing about this [talking about the creation of new designs
different from the traditional ones] is that every time there is more development in
knitting. People invent new designs, they are innovating new things in knitting. It is
good because everyone knits and therefore the activity is maintained. But the negative
side is that the meaning and sense of belonging has been lost. One sees that often the
story of knitting’s origin is unknown. One sees that sometimes the story is unknown by
young women. This is why the consciousness of why one has to knit has been lost (D.I.).
However, despite different points of view described, S.Y. pointed out that:
It is important to clarify that knitting has to be oriented towards the community and
family before business purposes. The first mochila (at the age of 5) is made for the
Mamu, then you knitting is done for siblings and afterwards it is sold. When one gets
married, a woman knits for her husband and children first. Then knitting is done for
sale. The important thing is to maintain priorities and not abandon the cultural transcendence that this activity has.
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
350
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
In terms of using mochilas currently, this depends on two factors: membership in
the community Arhuaca and gender. D.I. said that mochilas (after women hand
them over to men of the house) are sold to Arhuacos or Bunachis (non-indigenous
people), but the usage of these is different:
The Arhuacos carry their mochilas all the time (otherwise they cease to belong to the
community) and they give cultural meaning to them. In the case of a man, he always
uses three mochilas (of wool preferably), namely: 1) a cheygukwana (or ‘‘hird’’), where
he puts notebooks, books, wallet, etc., marunzama (which is a little object that has a
special protection or amulet given by the Mamu for life); 2) yu ’burumizi (which is
where a poporo is located (poporo is a spiritual wife of the man and it is delivered when
his adolescence ends) and 3) Ziyu (which is where the man puts coca leaves).
Women use a unique mochila (made of fique, which is a rustic material, very
different from wool). Women keep another mochila in it, which is being worked on
and her marunzama (mochila for women) – documents and personal items.
Importantly, the man only uses a mochila of fique when he goes to a farm to
pick potatoes, cassava, bananas, onions, and other food. This highlights another
important difference between men and women. Thus, it is clear that there is a
hierarchical difference between the two genders.
Meanwhile, the Bunachis (not Arhuacos) use mochilas as bags regardless of the
material or specific functions mentioned above and without cultural significance.
They use them to carry their personal items such as makeup, car keys, diaries, and
wallets.
However, an important difference was found between the young and older
adults. The young use mochilas daily, as for example briefcases to carry their
school supplies. But, on the other hand, the adults usually use them at weekends
only to go for a walk or to a beach. This is different from how the Arhuaco adults
use them. The Bunachis use the mochilas more informally.
Keeping the tradition
To conclude this part, it was important to know what the participants thought
about the preservation of their cultural identity and maintaining their tradition in
the community today. D.I. reflected and answered that ‘‘people knit as something
mechanical, without knowing the purpose, meaning or origin. They knit just without full knowledge of the fact that knitting identifies us as a community, as a
culture, and knitting without meaning is losing our identity.’’ Also, as a means
of complement, S.Y. says:
The mochila represents our history, our past, present and future. It is a beautiful
tradition that cannot be lost. I am going to teach my children how to knit, this is
the idea. . . I think that sooner or later, one has to have a family and that would be the
main thing that they learn how to knit and first of all, learn the tradition.
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
351
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
Making the mochila then combines a series of interesting elements from the
Cultural and Indigenous Psychology since it involves a series of essential dimensions maintaining the activity that contributes to a cultural and personal identity.
All the elements that make up knitting, not much known by the non-Arhuaco
community, show the cultural structure around the transmission of knowledge
from a mother to a daughter, where visualization and meaning are focused on
traditional figures that have been sacred for the community since the beginning
and that need to be preserved.
Discussion
Using the established objectives as a starting point, the results allowed us to see
that not all young women have identified the history of the mochila and its
knitting, which also describes an automatic transmission of this activity, where
cultural values are not always remembered or communicated. Only one of them
was able to restore the history taught through generations, the history that has
a meaning and allows us to decrease ‘‘the poverty of narrative resources’’
Bruner talked about (1990, p. 96). The history of designs was also described
in detail by the participant in case 1. In it we found many elements that from
the cultural perspective and academic context had not been talked about before,
and that allowed us to observe the way in which the development of young
indigenous girls is permeated by beliefs, patterns, and traditional principles that
determine how they act in daily life. Here we are talking about the fascinating
origin of an activity involving valuable elements such as myth, symbolism,
gender roles, rituals, and other aspects combined with a cultural background
characterized by meanings of purity, femininity, life cycle, seed, and transcendence of generations (Uichol, Yang, & Kwang-Kuo, 2006).
Thus, the law of origin aimed at the care of Mother Earth is a center of the
historical memory of the Arhuaca community and it is, therefore, the myth that
builds a collective identity of this indigenous population. This custom care of
Mother Earth is in the hands of both men and women. However, it is done through
various rituals, which show the difference in sexual roles within it. For men, their
mission is to ensure the care and respect for Mother Earth through rituals linked to
oral transmission of ancient legends, as the Mamus, who are a hermeneutic authority within a group. In relation to women, they contribute to keeping the law of
ritual’s origin alive by knitting mochilas, which are created with various figures of
animals or elements of nature – gathering signs symbolizing the commitment to
harmony and balance.
Giving mochilas woven by women to men is part of a practice which is recognized as a sexual difference in legitimized roles. The mochilas for men are superior
in quantity, 3–1 in relation to women, and the quality of the material is also different. Nevertheless, making mochilas has become a mechanism for building identity for women not only at the collective level – because it is an activity that only
they do – but also as a way of building individual identity, since the way they
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
352
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
weave, the colors, materials and designs they use, reflect their emotions, thoughts,
desires, and dreams.
The practice of knitting – with different traditional designs and those created in
modern days – shows the daily life of women who from the age of five or less,
develop the skills to answer the call to knitting from their spiritual parents, to be of
service to men in their community and to maintain this autochthonous practice.
The relevance of this practice is clear since it has to do with how daily life influences
the cycles and dimensions of development, as well as the relation with their own
cultural possessions (Bonfil, 2000), preservation, and conservation of culture
(OEA, 2008), which is very important to restore through this research.
According to Turner (1967), these ritual symbols have an emotional, cultural,
and social dimension and they move communities to action. Rituals encourage
people to follow the structural principles and main values of a community.
These symbols could be dominant if they are an objective in themselves, or the
symbols could be instrumental if they are for some explicit objective. In our
research, the meaning of knitting mochilas is an instrumental symbol and it also
has cultural, social, family, and economical implications because selling cultural
heritage is a way of obtaining resources for the community. Furthermore, this
author teaches us that we can discover the meaning of a symbol only if we give
a wide context to the symbol. We do that through research when we see knitting as
a ritual related to a woman’s identity, cultural tradition, and economic activities of
the community as will be seen later.
On the other hand, individual differences in a family and personal experience
showed variations in meanings and practices. It is clear that even though all girls in
a community are taught in a similar manner, within the same context and with the
same vision of the cosmos, meanings and ways in which they act vary This allows
us to reiterate that culture has to do with a system of meanings that are mediated
by intentional states within an interpretative system (Bruner, 1991; Leff, 2001). In
the three cases studied, we were able to analyze this since the three young women
had different life stories in relation to particular circumstances, different upbringing, paths in life, and training processes.
This difference showed that in the first and third cases, there was a strong
knowledge of the community (especially in the first one) and of the practice (especially in the third one) together with admiration for cultural principles and interest
in contributing to the community with their professional training done in another
region. The participant in the second case had a completely different experience due
to her upbringing related to the way in which her mother educated her with more
‘‘westernized’’ principles (as the Arhuacos call them) regarding training and development. Such aspects are related to a low interest in fulfilling the traditional laws,
supporting her mother’s divorce and seeing it as something to be admired even
though it is not accepted within her cultural context.
In addition, the quest for freedom through professional training, as in other cases,
contributes knowledge to her community. This is highlighted not with judgment but
rather to analyze individual differences. The meanings are also seen as diverse. In the
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
353
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
case of the first and third participants, there is a clear sense of belonging and strong
roots in their cultural beliefs and notions by which the participants where guided.
From their perspective, they maintain the meaning of knitting, importance of doing
it and preserving it intact. Now, this last aspect mentioned, within the category of the
knitting in current times, showed interesting positions. On one hand, the participants with a tighter link to their culture consider that it is all right for women to use
knitting as means of obtaining economical retribution if this does not lead them to
desired power or money needed which can replace their traditional laws. They preserve the knowledge and cultural activities of their community (Cristancho &
Vining, 2009) – that the important thing is to maintain priorities, maintain traditions
as much as possible, combine traditional aspects with the economical one while
always focusing on love and respect for the culture.
Another controversial topic was making designs different from the traditional
ones. With respect to this, two of the participants made hard criticism that this has
helped lose some of the history and cultural meaning of this practice. From these
results, there is a need for activities that make it possible for the ‘‘indigenous
knowledge’’ to be valued and that teaching cultural meanings be resumed at
early ages (McGinty, 2012). It is important that this be always present in the
lives of women so that they do not go against their identity in the community,
which they belong to, remembering – under this perspective – that human development ‘‘is tightly linked to the ownership (possession, use) of cultural and psychological instruments’’ (Guitart, 2008, p. 17).
Conclusions
With all the parts presented, this study contributes to a diffusion of cultural knowledge in narrative terms, discussing the origins and wonderful stories of a practice
that is an important part of the daily activity of indigenous women and cultural
development of a community. In addition to this, the study shows components that
transcend within a cultural identity of the Arhuaca indigenous community of the
Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta. This is very important since there is a number of
studies dedicated to understanding and highlighting concrete practices that are full
of meaning and importance for those performing them. This last aspect helps to
show the contribution of this study to the recognition of indigenous culture and
new investigative paths, where cultural aspects can be linked as focal points within
investigative psychology.
On the other hand, the present investigation also generates questions such as:
are Arhuaco women aware of the power they have in society as the ones that instill
the personal and cultural memories in mochilas? Is the mochila unperceived as a
political element in the community? Is it possible that if the Arhuaca women
realized the power in knitting, not only at a cultural and economic level but also
at a political level, would they still think of this activity as a way to sustain men?
What role and commitment do researchers have in the maintenance of these
ancestral practices despite the avalanche of globalization?
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
354
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
Without a doubt, this investigation has the ability to return the Arhuacas indigenous women the acknowledgement for their work and admiration for the management of social responsibility, their contribution to the construction of identity
remembering that this is imprinted in the item knitted by their own hands and in
the cotton and vegetable fiber they use.
Acknowledgments
The research team thanks all the people of the Arhuaca indigenous community and authorities that approved this study. They also thank the three participants who contributed their
narratives. On the other hand, the research team wants to thank the Dr. Lina Acuña, young
indigenous woman Dwrya Izquierdo and Mamu Kasokaku Busintana Mestre Izquierdo,
who facilitated the photographic material used in this paper.
Funding
This study was supported by the research project PSI-38-2010 of the Universidad of La
Sabana. We are grateful to COLCIENCIAS, an entity that supports one of the authors with
a scholarship as a young researcher in the research group ‘‘Cognition, Learning and
Socialization’’ and the seed ‘‘Culture and Development’’ (from which this project was
started).
References
Aroca, A. (2008a). Figure analysis to traditional of Arhuacas backpacks. Arhuaca Indian
Community. Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Colombia. Boletim de Educação
Matemática, 21(30), 1–17.
Aroca, A. (2008b). Geometric thinking in backpacks Arhuacas. Revista U. D. C. A.
Actualidad & Divulgación Cientı´fica, 11(2), 71–83.
Bateson, G. (2011). Spirit and nature (3rd edn.). Buenos Aires, Argentina: Amorrortu.
Berkes, F. (1999). Sacred ecology: Traditional ecological knowledge and resource management. Philadelphia and London, UK: Taylor & Francis.
Bocarejo, D. (2011). Two Colombian paradox of multiculturalism: The specialization of
indigenous difference and political isolation. Revista Colombiana de Antropologı´a, 47(2),
97–121.
Bonfil, G. (2000). Our cultural heritage: A maze meanings. Revista Mexicana de Estudios
Antropológicos, XLV–XLVI, 16–39.
Bruner, J. (1991). Acts of meaning. Beyond the cognitive revolution. Madrid, Spain: Alianza.
Bruner, J. S. (1990). Acts of meaning. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Carretero, M. (2007). Identity documents. The construction of historical memory in a global
world. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Paidós.
Cole, M. (2003). Cultural psychology (2nd edn.). Madrid, Spain: Ediciones Morata.
Cristancho, S., & Vining, J. (2009). Perceived intergenerational differences in the transmission of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) in two indigenous groups from Colombia
and Guatemala. Culture & Psychology, 15(2), 229–254 (doi:10.1177/1354067X09102892.
Retrieved from http://cap.sagepub.com/content/15/2/229).
Derman, B. (2003). Cultures of development and indigenous knowledge: The erosion of
traditional boundaries. Africa Today, 50(2), 67–85.
Derrida, J. (1999). File mal. Madrid, Spain: Trotta.
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
355
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
Escobar, H., & Mantilla, F. (2006). The decentered self and situated in culture. Univ.
Psychol. Bogotá (Colombia), 6(1), 39–48.
Espinosa, M. (2007). Cultural memory and the continuing genocide: The indigenous in
Colombia. Antı´poda, 5, 53–73.
Geertz, C. (2005). The interpretation of cultures. Barcelona, Spain: Gedisa.
Giraldo, N. (2010). Spiral path. Territory sacred and traditional authorities in the indigenous community Iku of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Colombia. Revista Pueblos y
Fronteras Digital, 6(9), 180–222.
Greenfield, P. (2001). Three approaches to the psychology of culture: Where do they come
from? Where can they go? Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 3, 223–240.
Guitart, M. (2008). Towards a cultural psychology. Origin, development and perspectives.
Fundamentos en Humanidades, 2(18), 7–23.
Guitart, M. (2010). The ten principles of cultural-historical psychology. Fundamentos en
Humanidades, XI(II), 45–60.
Guitart, M., & Ratner, C. (2010). History, foundational concepts and contemporary perspectives in cultural psychology. Revista de Historia de la Psicologı´a, 31(2–3), 117–136.
Hale, H., & de Abreu, G. (2010). Drawing on the notion of symbolic resources in exploring
the development of cultural identities in immigrant transitions. Culture & Psychology,
16(3), 395–415.
Kim, U. (2001). Indigenous, cultural, and cross-cultural psychology: A theoretical, conceptual, and epistemological analysis. Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 3, 265–287.
Kim, U., Park, Y., & Park, D. (2000). The challenge of cross-cultural psychology: The role
of indigenous psychologies. Journal of Cross-cultural Psychology, 31, 63–75.
Leff, E. (2001). Space, place and time. The social reappropriation of nature and the local
construction of environmental rationality. Nueva Sociedad, 175, 28–42.
Lehman, D., Chiyue, C., & Schaller, M. (2004). Psychology and culture. Annual Reviews
Psychol, 55, 689–714 (doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.55.090902.141927).
McGinty, S. (2012). Engaging indigenous knowledge(s) in research and practice. GEMA
Online Journal of Language Studies, 12(1, Special Section, 5–15. Retrieved from http://
ejournal.ukm.my/gema/article/view/18).
Mendoza, C. (2001). Indigenous education: A different view to education in Colombia.
Nodos y Nudos, 42–50 (Retrieved from http://revistas.pedagogica.edu.co/index.php/
NYN/article/viewFile/1161/1170).
Muhr, T. (1991). Atlas/Ti: A prototype for the support of text interpretation. Qualitative
Sociology, 14(4), 349–371.
National Planning Department of Colombia. Basic aspects of indigenous ethnic groups.
Sustainable Territorial Development Directorate, Republic of Colombia Retrieved
from https://www.dnp.gov.co/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=CpCS1dVTQf4%3D&tabid=
273.
Navarro, O. (2002). Social representations of the adaptive culture in an indigenous town of
the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. Investigación y Desarrollo, 10(2), 208–221.
Organización de los Estados Americanos – OEA. Memory as a cultural form of resistance.
The Arhuacos. Bogotá, Colombia: Misión de Apoyo al Proceso de Paz. Retrieved from
http://www?mapp-oea.net/documentos/iniciativas/Libro_Arhuacos.pdf.
Republic of Colombia. (1991). Political Constitution of Colombia. Bogotá: Republic of
Colombia.
Ross, N. (2002). Lacandon Maya intergenerational change and the erosion of folk biological
knowledge. In J. R. Stepp, F. S. Wyndham, & R. K. Zarger (Eds.), Ethnobiology and
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
356
Culture & Psychology 20(3)
biocultural diversity: Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Ethnobiology.
Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press.
Sagástegui, D. (2004). A commitment to culture: Situated learning. Sine´ctica, 24, 30–39.
Sandı́n, M. (2003). Qualitative research in education. Barcelona, Spain: McGrawHill.
Serje, M. (2008). The invention of the Sierra Nevada. Antı´poda, 7, 197–229.
Shweder, R. (2001). The psychology of practice and the practice of the three psychologies.
Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 3, 207–222.
Turner, V. W. (1967). Sı´mbolos en el ritual ndembu. En La selva de los sı´mbolos. Madrid,
Spain: Siglo XXI.
Uichol, K., Yang, K., & Kwang-Kuo, H. (2006). Indigenous and cultural psychology, understanding people in context. New York, NY: International and Cultural Psychology Series.
Ulloa, A. (2010). Conceptual, political and territorial reconfigurations in the demands of
autonomy of the indigenous towns in Colombia. Tabula Rasa, 13, 73–92.
Valsiner, J. (2001). Comparative study of human cultural development. Madrid, Spain:
Fundación Infancia y Aprendizaje.
Valsiner, J. (2006). Developmental epistemology and implications for methodology.
In W. Damon, & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology. Theoretical
models of human development (6th edn.). New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Valsiner, J. (2013). An invitation to Cultural Psychology. London: SAGE Publications Ltd.
Valsiner, J., & van der Veer, R. (2000). The social mind. Construction of the idea. New York,
NY: Cambridge University Press.
Waldman, M. (2000). Identity. In L. Olamendi (Ed.), Glossary of politics. México:
fce-Conacyt-Flacso.
Yang, P., & Lu, F. (2007). Indigenous and cultural psychology: Understanding people in
context – A book review from the transpersonal psychology perspective. Pastoral
Psychology, 56, 1–9 (doi:10.1007/s11089-007-0090-1).
Zaragoza, L. (2010). Culture, identity and ethnicity, approaches to multicultural environment: Breaking paradigms and everyday customs. Cuicuilco, 48, 149–164.
Author biographies
Lilian Patricia Rodrı́guez Burgos is PhD in Psychology, at the Center for
Psychological Research, Cognition and Culture at the Universidad del Valle
(Cali, Colombia) supported by Colciencias. Her research focuses mainly on cognitive and emotional child development, education and cultural practices; in this last
field, she has collaborative work in progress with York University (Canada). She is
also a recurrent visiting scholar of Clark University (USA). Currently, she is a
deputy director of Psychology Department of Universidad de La Sabana, in
Colombia.
Leidy Evelyn Dı́az Posada is BA in Childhood Education and Psychologist of the
Universidad de La Sabana (Colombia). She currently serves as an intern in
Investigative Psychology working with the PhD. Lilian Patricia Rodriguez and
as young researcher of Colciencias (Administrative Department of Science,
Technology and Innovation of Colombia). Her experience and research work
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
357
Rodrı́guez-Burgos et al.
have focused on development issues, culture, and inclusive education. His trajectory has been reflected in the continued participation in academic events, participation in networks, tutor in academic areas related to research, membership and
coordinating of research groups and awards for projects qualified as meritorious.
Jennifer Rodrı́guez Castro is a Psychologist who works in the Medicine Department
as Educative Psychologist (Students Subdirector). Her research interests focus on
education and psychology development, specifically in the area of child development, guided by PhD. Lilian Patricia Rodrı́guez. Her research work has been
reflected in different articles publication, conferences participation, an award for
her thesis qualified as meritorious, coordinated a research group in Psychology
department and participated in an international internship at Clark University
(Massachusetts, USA).
Dwrya Elena Izquierdo Martı́nez is an indigenous student of last semesters of
Psychology in Universidad de La Sabana. She is a part of the group of research
‘‘Culture & Development’’ of the Faculty of Psychology at the same University and
belongs to the Arhuaca Community of La Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta.
Camila Nassar Pinzón is a Psychologist of the Universidad de La Sabana, she has a
master’s degree in Clinical Psychology with systemic approach of the Pontificia
Universidad Javeriana of Colombia. At this moment, she is working in her own
consulting room and as professor of the General Psychology and Developmental
Psychology at the Faculty of Nursing of Universidad de La Sabana in Colombia.
Downloaded from cap.sagepub.com by guest on August 31, 2014
Leidy Evelyn Díaz-Posada