Imperial Identities in the Roman World In recent years. the debate on Romanisation has often been framed in tenns of identity. Discussions have concentrated on how the expansion of empire impacted on the constructed or self-ascribed sense of belonging of its inhabitants. and just how the interaction between local identities and Roman ideology and practices may have led to a multicultural empire has been a central research focus. This volume challenges this perspective by drawing attention to the processes of iden­ tity formation that contributed to an imperial identity. a sense of belonging to the political. social. cultural and religious structures of the Empire. Instead of concen­ trating on politics and imperial administration, the volume studies the manifold way s in which people were ritually engaged in producing, consuming, organis­ ing. believing and worshipping that fitted the (changing) realities of empire. It ' focuses on how individuals and groups tried to do things 'the right way . i.e the .• Greco-Roman imperial way. Given the deep cultural entrenclunent of ritualistic practices, an imperial identity finnly grounded in such practices might well have been instrumental, not just to the long-lasting stability of the Roman imperial order, but also to the persistence of its ideals well into (Christian) Late Antiquity and post-Roman times. Wouter Vanacker is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Depai1ment of His­ tory of Ghent University. His doctoral thesis focused on patterns of economic and political interaction between nomadic and sedentary communities in North Africa in the context of the Roman Empire. Currently he studies long-tenn urbanisation trajectories in Africa during the imperial period. Arjan Zuiderhoek is Associate Professor of Ancient History at the Department of History of Ghent University. He is author of The Politics of Munificence in the Roman Empire: Citi=ens, Elites and Benefactors in Asia Minor (2009) and The Ancient City (2016). Alongside Paul Erdkamp and Koenraad Verboven, he is also editor of Ownership and Exploitation of Land and Natural Resources in the Roman World (2015). Imperial Identities in the Roman World Edited by Wouter Vanacker and Arjan Zuiderhoek I� ���;!,:n�s��up LONDON AND NEW YORK FiN rubli;hcJ :o Ii by RoutkJ;:c : l'.trk Squ.trc. '.\1ilwn P.trk . .-\hin;:J,,n, (ht'n 0\ l-1 -IR'\ anJ hy R,,utlcJ;:c 711 ThirJ .-\\enue. '\c11 fork. '\Y l\lllli ,. :017 w,,u1cr \'.macka :mJ .-\rjan ZuiJerh<'<:k The ri;:ht ,,fthe ,·Jil <'r> to he iJe111itieJ as the autlwr.; ,,fthc eJil <1rial material. anJ ,,fthe :rntlwr.; t<1r their inJi, iJual ch:1r1er... ha, been a"cncJ in acn1rJ.1111:e 11 ith ;ec1i,ms 77 anJ iS ,,fthe C<'PY ri;:ln. 1>e, i ;:1i - anJ P.11enh .-\t·t lllSS . .-\II ri;:hb reseneJ. '\n pan ,,fthis h'"'k may he repri111eJ ''r repn1Juce,l <'r utifo,·J in :my fonn or by any dec1n1nit·. mechanical. <'r other means. mm knll\I nor hereatia im e11tt•J. induJin;: pllllll'c'l'PY in;: anJ rt·c,,rJin;:. t'r in any inf<1nna1i,,n ,wra;:e ,,r retrie\ al 'Y ,1em. 11 itlwut pennissi,,n in 11 ritin;: fn,m the puhfi,her.;. Tr,1.!<"111,:rk nuri,·,·: PwJuct or corpt,ratc names may he traJcmarks or rc;:i,tcreJ lraJcm:irks. anJ arc used only ti.'r iJcntitic:lli <Hl anJ c:-.planati1"1 11 itht'llt illlent to infrin;:c. Briri.1/r Li/-or,1ry ( 'c1ralo.1..'1ii11g in /'11/-oli,·,11io11 D,1141 .-\ c:it:ilo;:uc reet,rJ for this book is :l\ailahk from the llritish Libr:ir;. Li/-or,1n- o(( 'onJ.,7<'-'·' ( -.11,tf11ging in I'11Nh-.11i1111 Dara .-\ c:italog record for this hook h:is been requested !Sil'\: CJ78-l-47>�40Sl-5 (hhkl !SB'\: <J7S-l-315-5S795-0 (ehk l Typeset in Times Ne\1 Roman by Apex Co Vantage. LLC MIX �-�S Paper Crom responsible sources FSC" C013985 Printed in the United Kingdom by Henry Ling Limited Contents List <{figures A ckmm·/edge111e11t s Abbreviations List <f contributors VII IX x xii Introduction: imperial identities in the Roman world ..\RJ..\N ZUIDERHOEK AND \\'OUTER VANACKER Between Greece and Rome: forging a primordial identity for an imperial aristocracy 16 . .\NDRL\S H ..\RT�1ANN 2 Rituals of killing: public punishment, 1111111era and the dissemination of Roman values and ideology in the Imperium Roma1111m 36 JOHANNES HAHN 3 The war cry: ritualized behaviour and Roman identity in ancient warfare, 200 BCE-400 CE 61 CONOR \VH ATE LY 4 Uniting the army: the use of rituals commemorating Germanicus to create an imperial identity 78 G\VYNAETH McINTYRE 5 Joining the Empire: the imperial cult as a marker of a shared imperial identity JESPER MAJBOM MADSEN 93 \'i 6 Co111c:111s Promoting famil�-. creating identity: Septimius Senrus and the imperial family in the rituals of the l11di .\t1t'c11lares 110 Jl SS I R.-\\, L\L.-\ 7 Constructing a religious landscape: Tami11alia. Fort1111a Jfuliebris :md the Augustan aga Ro1111m11s 125 CL.\l DI..\ lll:LTR.\O D.\ ROS.\ 8 The monument of Roma and Augustus on the Athenian Acropolis: imperial identities and local tr:ulitions 141 F .-\ U I O .-\l Gl STO \IOR.\l.l:S 9 Herodes Atticus. :\lemnon of Ethiopia and the Athenian epliebeill 1 62 JOEL .\LLE\, l0 Roman influence on rituals of identification in Eg�·pt 176 \L\RK DEP.-\L·w 11 The imperial identity of senatorial rituals in Late Antiqui�· 199 LUSE \!.\R I O'.'- FRE\,KEL Index 219 Figures 2.1 Denarius (reverse) of M. Sergi us Silus. Rome. 116- l l 5 BC. 3.9 g. 18 mm. horseman galloping left. holding sword and severed head in his left 2.2 Trajan receives severed Dacians' heads from victorious '"') � -·-' South Vietnamese soldiers present severed heads of 2.4 A da11111at11s ad bestias pushed by attendant towards Roman soldiers, Trajan's column, Rome Vietcong. 1967 36 39 40 attacking leopard, detail of floor mosaic from El Jem (Tunisia). third century AD 2.5 45 A 11111r111i/lo places his sword for death blow (iugulatio) at back of defeated thrae.,·. relief from Apollonia (Fiori. Albanien), first century CE 2.6 47 Forensic reconstruction of the execution (iugulatio) of a defeated gladiator, based on injured vortex bone excavated in the gladiatorial cemetery of Ephesos, second century CE 2.7 48 View of the floor mosaic from the triclinium of the Villa of Dar Bue Ammera near Zliten (Libya), after uncovering in 1914 2.8 50 Floor mosaic from the triclinium of the Villa of Dar Bue Ammera near Zliten (Libya), upper left comer in coloured reconstruction 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 Plan of Athenian Acropolis in Augustan period 50 142 Inscribed architrave and other remains of the monopteros of Roma and Augustus 143 Detail ofErechtheion's east fa9ade and monopteros's capital 143 Spanish denarius depicting the temple of Mars Ultor, c. 19/8 (RIC 1.39b) 149 10.1 Schematic survey of the structure ofTrismegistos People 178 10.2 The linguistic affiliation of names in the onomastic set of Egypt, 800 BCE-800 CE 179 viii 10.3 Figurc·s The linguistic alliliation of name attestations in Egy p t . SOO BCE-SOOCE 10.4 SOOBCE-SOOCE 10.5 181 \\"eighted dates chart of Roman-style name attestations in Egypt. SOO BCE-SOOCE 10.6 1 80 Weighted dates chart of Latin name attestations in Egy p t. 183 Pie ch:irt of the linguistic background of names (nomen gent i li cium or cognomen) in Roman-style name attestations. SOOBCE-SOOCE I 0. 7 I 84 \\"eighted dates chart of Latin names (nomen gent ili c ium or cognomen) in Rom:in-style name attestations in Egypt. SOOBCE-SOOCE I 0.8 I 85 Comparison of the pro p o rt ion of Latin names among name attestations (light gray) with the pmpo11ion of Latin names among Roman-style name attestations (dark gray). with black lines for the moving a\·erage ( 10 years). in Egypt. 30 BCE-SOO CE I 0.9 I 86 L ine chart of the proportion of double names among name att estat ions (dark line) with columns for the absolute n u mbe rs (li ght gray) on the axis to the right . in Egypt. per 25 years. 400 BCE-800 CE 188 I 0.10 Line chart of the proportion of double names among name attestations (dark line) with columns for the absolute numbers (light gray) on the axis to the right. in Egypt , per century. 400 BCE-800 CE 189 10.11 Line chart of the proportion of texts with at least one identification cluster including a metronymi c (dark line) with columns for the absolute numbers (lighter) on the axis to the right. in Egypt. 340 BCE-410 CE 10.12 Appendix 190 195 Acknowledgements This volume is a product of the research program ·social rituals in the Roman world·. which was set up and financed by the Roman Society Research Center (RSRC). a research consortium of ancient historians at Ghent University (UGent) and the Free University of Brussels (VUB). The chapters originate as papers that were given at a two-day workshop on ·Imperial identities in the Roman world' held in Ghent on 29-30 May 2014. The editors would like to express their wannest thanks to Peter Van Nuffelen for his intellectual and organizational contributions to the project when it was in its early stages. We would also like to thank Loonis Logghe. Thierry Oppeneer and Nicolas Solonakis for their practical assistance during the workshop in Ghent. and Luka Tjampens for his editorial assistance. We would also like to thank the Department of History. Ghent University, for logistical suppott and the Depaitment of Archaeology. Ghent University. for their hospitality in generously allowing us to make use of their conference room for the purposes of the workshop. Abbreviations Abbn�\'iations of names and works of Greek and Roman authors are according to the Orji mi Latin Dictionary (1983) and Liddell and Scon·s Grl!i.:k-English lc'xicon (1996). Literary sources ACO E. Schwartz & J. Straub (eds.). Acta conciliorum oec11111e11icoru111. Berl i n. 1914-1940. BSJ FRH I. Worthington. Brill :v Ne1r Jacoby. Leiden. 2006-present. H. Beck & H. Uwe. Die friihen romischen Historiker. Dannstadt. 2005. FGrH Gloss. Lat. Pan. Lat. \\'ehrli F. Jacoby. Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. Berlin. 1923-1943. L indsay W. M. et al. G/ossaria Latina. Paris. 1926-1931. E. Baehrens & \V. A. Baehrens. X/J Pa11egyrici Latini. Leipzig. 1911. F. Wehrli. Die Sc/111/e des Aristoteles: Texte 1111d Kommentare. B ase l . 1944-1959. Other sources BGU Berliner griechische Urkzmden (Agyptische Urkunden aus den Koninglichen Museen =u Berlin), Berlin, 1 8 9 5 . CIL Crawford Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. M. Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage, Cambridge Toronto, 1974. Mishn ah, Nashim, Gittin. B Gittin Babylonian Talmud, EM T he Epigraphic Museum in Athens (Im�). JG Inscriptiones Graecae. IK Inschriften griechischer Stadte aus Kleinasien. ILLRP lnscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei Publicae. /LS lnscriptiones Latinae Selectae. lnse1: Delos F. Dlirrbach, 1926-1929, Inscriptions de Delos, Paris. /nse1: Jtal. /nscriptiones Italiae. J Gittin Jeru=alem Talmud, Mishnah, Nash i m , Gittin. Ahbrel'iations x1 J Ter11111ot Jeni=alem Talmud, Mishnah, Zeraim, Terumo!. 0. E dfo u I, 48 B. Bruyere. Tell Edfo11 (Fouilles jiw1co-polonaises !), Cairo. P. Hamb. B. Snell. Griechische Papyri der Hamburger Staats- 11ml Uni­ 1937-1939. i·ersitlitshibliothek. mit einigen Stiicken aus der Samm/11ng Hugo !bscher, Hamburg 1954. P. KOln Gr. I. 54 K. Kramer. et al. Koiner Papyri Band I. Opladen. 1976. Rf C Roman Imperial Coinage. SCPP Senatus Co11s11lt11111 de G11ae11s Pisone Paire. S11pp. Epig1: S11pplement11m Epigraphic11111 Graecum. Sydenham E. A. Sydenham. et al., T he Coinage of the Roman Republic, London. 1952. T.\f Trismegistos (Inv.). http://1nrn:trismegistos.org/. Contributors Joel Allen is an Associate Professor at Quee n s College and th e CUNY Graduate Cent er . Claudia Beltruo da Rosa is an Associate Professor of Ancient I liswry at the Department of Histor - Unin:rsidade Federal do Estado do Rio de J::ineiro. y :\lark Depauw is an Associate Professor at the Ancient History Department of the Uni\'ersity of Leu\'en. Luise :\larion Frenkel is an Assistant Lecturer in Classical Greek at DLCV­ FFLCH/Universidade de S:'io Paulo . Johannes Hah n is a Full Professor for Ancient History at the Seminar fiir Alte Geschichte at the University of l\ttinster. Andreas H a rt m a nn is a Senior Lecturer in ancient history at the Faculty of Philo ­ l ogic al and H istoric al Studies University of Augsburg. . Jesper l\lajbom l\ladsen is an Associate Professor in Greek and Roman history at the Institute of H istory and Civilization at the University of Southern Derunark. G wy naeth Mcintyre is a Lecturer in Classics in the Department of Classics. University ofOtago. Fabio Augusto Morales is a Lecturer of Ancient History and Archaeology at the Pontifical Catholic University of Campinas. Jussi Rantala is a Researcher at the School of Social Sciences and Humanities. University of Tampere. Wouter Vanacker is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Ancient History at the Department of History, Ghent University. Conor Whately is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Classics at the University of Winnipeg, Canada. Arjan Zuiderhoek is an Associate Professor of Ancient History at the Department of History, Ghent University. I Bet,veen Greece and Rome Forging a pri1nordial identity for an imperial aristocracy Andreas Hartmann :\s is well known. the composition of th e senatorial order chang e d considerably during the two first centuries C E. :'\ ! embe rs of the local e li tes fnm1 the Greek East were admitted to the senate in increasing numbers from the flavian period o nwards .1 The app oi ntme nt s to the major priesthoods t e nded to be somewhat con­ ser\'atiw. but - as far as we can tell from the prosopographical data a Y ailable - in the end re c rui tment practice roughly corresponded to the situation in t he senate as a \\hole.c Equestrian careers had been open to prov i ncial notables from the begin­ ni ng of the imperial period. All this raises the question what this process meant for the cultural identity of the i mpe ria l aristocracy. O u tright assimilation could be expected from ·barbarians· of all sorts. but not from Greeks whose cultural heri­ tage had been accepted as valuable at Rome since the middle Repu blican period. How could the new men from the East ·become Roman. and stay Greek'' at the same time? In the wake of Greek contacts with Italy and Latium. Greek scholars had devel­ oped foundation legends that integrated the cities ofLatium into the wider network of Greek cities. The indigenes also fitted themselves into this pattern and accepted the Greek construction of their past. Bickennan traced this process in a seminal article many years ago.� The beginnings of Rome became related to the Greek East not only through the myth of Trojan descent.' but also through belief in the existence of an ancient Arcadian colony and the visit of Hercules to Rome on his way back from the West.6 During the Augustan age, Dionysius of Halicamassus put much effort into an argument that Rome was in fact a Greekpa/is.7 but Rome had been described as 'Greek' since the fourth century BCE already.8 This remarkable construction of a shared past would have remained a mere intellectual mind game, if there had not been any evidence which could lend some plausibility to such claims. I will argue that religion and the involvement of the imperial aristocracy into public cults provided an important medium for the formation of a shared Greco-Roman past. Senators and knights from Rome, Italy and the Latin West of the Empire perfonned rituals that could be conceptualized as remembering the Greek origins of Rome; vice versa senators and knights from the Greek East actively participated in rituals that could be seen as re-enactments of Rome's earliest history, thus inscribing themselves into this tradition. Betireen Greece and Rome l7 Peculiar cultic practices led to the production of aetiological narratives. which explained these rites through reference to specific historical circumstances. This also me:mt that ritual and aetiological history amalgamated into some sort of ritual history. The most extreme conseq uence of this development was the reinterpreta­ tion of go ds/goddesses as divinized mortals under the influence of Greek hero-cult: for examrle. D ionys i us of Halicarnassus reports the existence of public cults for E vander and his mother Can n en ta at Rome.9 From a Greek perspective. such offer­ ings to a deceased person as a demi-god were common enough but at Rome. the . category of the hero as a recipient of cult simply did not exist.10 The existence of ajla111e11 Car111e11talis proves that Cannenta was really an ancient goddess.11 The similar case of Acea Larentia shows that the process was well under way in the second century BCE and is not restricted to authors with a specifically ·Hellenic" perspective: Cato already interp reted her cult as a fune rary one.12 The annalist Cal­ purnius Piso claimed that there were annual offerings to Tarpeia.13 Such shifts in conceptualization also meant that cultic offerings could be experienced as memo­ rial services. In this context. Beard has m ade the important point that we cannot understand the significance of Roman rituals during the imperial period from their supposed origins. but that it is exactly from aetiological stories that we can glean what these often obscure rites meant for those who practised them.14 Beard states t hat •the Roman ritual calendar together with its exegetical texts (and no doubt also its exegetical oral tradition) offered one important way of imaging.. Roman history. '' even imaging Rome itself' .15 The ritual history of Rome also defined what it was ' to be Roman ... it constituted a perfect im a ge of ''Romanness'" '.16 However. this insight does not apply to the Romulean rituals discussed by Beard only. but it is extremely valuab l e for a better understanding of 'Greek' and 'Trojan' cults at Ro m e too. Romanness as construed through these ritual acts explicit l y incorpo­ . rated elements of privileged foreignness. The following discussion will be limited to some significant examples and cannot in any way pretend to exhaust all the relevant material. The Greek side: Evander and Hercules at the ara maxima The ara maxima on the forum Boarium was believed to go back to the times of Evander and Hercules.17 One of them had allegedly founded the sanctuary after the killing of Cacus.18 The altar preserved an archaic flavour until its destruction in the fire of64 CE: Dionysius ofHalicarnassus remarked explic­ itly on the stark contrast between the religious importance of the site and its humble appearance.19 In addition, the sanctuary possessed important relics: all e g e dly Hercules had left his c lub there,20 and an ancient wooden goblet , was supposed to have belonged to the hero himself.21 This scyphus perhaps was related to Hercules's role as a giver of salt at Rome,22 but it fitted nicely w ith Greek traditions about Hercules as a great drinker.23 The goblet was put to actual ritual use, when the praetor used it for making libations during IS .-lndn:as I lartma1111 his annual sac ri li ccs at thc ara maxima as th ..: h..:r,1 him�c·lt' i1.1d done.=� The rclic b r id gc<l thc pp tn an i magi ncd past and pr,1\i tkd lupt1l· pwof for the actiological lcgcn<l. Thc nwst imp,1nam aspcc·t l1f C\cr. that thc rit u a l p ra c tic..: at thc '""' 1.•:.nima is. how­ it is q uali ti..:d in our sourc..:s as bcing pati.1rn1..:d .1,·c,1r<ling to the ritc' ((ir<l<'<'O riru).:' Th..: supp,1scdly Gr..:ck rit..:s at the·,;,"" maxima h:id al rcady bccn uscd as pn1nf for thc basically Grcck d1aract..:r , , ,. Rom e by the annalist :\cilius.> \'arro 1l1ok thcm as c\·id..:nc..: forth..: fou11d.1ti,111 of the cult hy llcn:uh:s or s,1m..: nf his cnmpaninns who s..:ttl..:d dnwn at !{, 1111..:Y The clo s ­ ..:st paralkl is pwvidcd by th..: ara Sarumi at the _lim1111 Ru111<11111111. which :ilso h..:cam..: connected with E vander and I krcuks. :\s in th ..: case ,, r the ara 111CL\­ i111a. th..: princip al r..:ason for this was the: fact that cult at this alwr was practis e d Gra cco r i r u.:s Grcck · One may objc:ct that this is only antiquarian sp..:culation. hut th..: ritual tenni­ nology was tc:chnical ind..:ed: the acts of the huli saccufarcs gi\·c: us an impression of th e otl!cial l an gu a ge ..:mploy ..:<l in s u ch contexts at Rome. In thc:s..: do cuments . we fi nd the description of ce rt a i n sacrifices as Graeco Achiw ritu.=·1 Thu s . it cannot be deni ed that the Roman state otliciallv endorsed the bdicf that some of the re l igious rituals performed by its represe�llatiws w ere of Greek origin.''' But what specific elements could be perceived as · Gree k· in the cult at the ara mtn·ima: The most conspicuous el ement of th e Graecus ritus was th e sacrifice with bare head (capite aperto).11 A dditional ly. the pa rticipants in the c ul t might use wreaths at the ara mmima. all worshippers wore laurel wreaths.·1= In contrast. the typically Roman way to offer a sacrifice was with veiled head (capite wlato ) . '' Modem schol arship has tried to identify further ·Greek' elements in the cult at the ara 111axi111a - such as the prohibition of a genera/is inrncatio. a prayer to all gods. which was included in many Roman ceremonies.'4 the exclusion ofwomen.'5 the practice of tithing'� or the ban on taking parts of the sacrificial meat out of the sanctuary 37 - but actually no ancient source conceptualizes these phenomena in this way. The prohibition of lectisternia - a custom generally regarded as typically Greek (Bw(1::via) - at the ara ma\ima is rather surprising for a reputedly Greek cu l t .'8 Actually. John Scheid convincingly argued in a seminal article that the Graecus ritus has nothing to do with actual Greek custom, but is rather to be seen as a spe­ cial type of Roman sacrificial rite.39 The only exception was the execution of the praefatio (a typically Roman element in itself) wreathed and capite aperto.40 What we find is 'a mixed ritual, which was largely Roman but could be and later was pre­ sented as Greek' .41 A closer look at the evidence reveals that it is quite difficult to give a clear-cut definition of Graecus ritus at all: on the one hand, there were ritual acts capite aperto, which were not classified as falling under the Graecus ritus.42 On the other hand, visual evidence suggests that there were sacrifices Romano rit11 - above all in a military context - which were performed capite aperto.43 A further complication is introduced by the fact that the Etruscans had also practised the sacrifice capite aperto,44 and Curtius Rufus at least had no qualms to ascribe a Benreen Greece and Rome 19 sacrifi ce capite re lato to Alexander's seer Aristandros.4-' The use of wreaths was also practised at Italic festivals such as the Faliscan Struppearia.40 Varro makes the veiling of t he //amines a Latin rather than a Roman practice.47 and Yerrius Flaccus e \'e n qualifies the sacrifice capite \'e/ato as an Italic custom.4s Exclusion of women is also attested for sacrificial meals at L anuvium.4" All this means that the application of the label Graecus to specific rites was not an obvious thin g to do at all. but it marks a deliberate choice. This is further highlighted by the fact that modem scholarship has detected analogies to Phoenician practices in t he Roman cu l t of Hercules.-'0 but no Roman would ever have given thought to construct the category of P1111ic11s ritus in order to mak e sense of these practices.-'1 It is evident that there was no straightforward connection between Greek gods and sacrifices Graeco ritu.52 The peregrina sacra proper followed a foreign rit­ ual. -'1 but this was practised by foreign priests.54 In the case of Magna Mater. there was a se p aration of the foreign private cult of the Galli and the public cult undertaken - as in the case of Hercules - by the praetors. This public cult was practised not in t he ·Greek·. but in the Roman way.'' In stark contrast to this arrangement. the Graecus ritus at the ara maxima allowed Romans officially to ·go Greek· in Roman cults. and it is remarkable indeed that the Greek rite was practised not in the context of peregrina sacra. but at some of the oldest sanctu­ aries in Rome.'" L i vy explicitly comments on this anomaly by e m phasiz ing that the cult at the ara maxima was the only foreign one admitted by Romulus. 57 This should probably be seen as a reflex of Augustus's religious policy which (re - ) established boundaries of Romanness through the ban on E gyptian cults intra pomerium.-'s The ara ma-.:ima, however. was located intra pomerium from the beginning . '" This meant that the Graecus ritus practised at the altar was at the same time defined as a Roman one.�0 Greek and Roman culture clearly enjoyed a special relationship. Scheid dates the invention of the Graecus ritus to the third century BCE. when Roman power transcended the limits of central Italy and the Romans intensified their contacts with the Greeks in southern Italy.b1 It is true that the process of introducing peregrina sacra and elements of Graecus ritus ceased to be pro­ ductive at the end of the Republic, but this does not mean that the phenomenon did not have consequences for the society of imperial Rome. The annalists and antiquarians had canonized the aetiological history connected with the practice of Graecus ritus. When Greeks actually began to be integrated into the impe­ rial aristocracy, they could look to this inclusive history. For all others, it was a reminder that Rome had welcomed foreigners from her very beginnings. In this way. ritual history made exactly the same point as Claudius did in his famous speech on the ius honorum of the Gauls: change was nothing new, but the very essence of the mos maiorum.62 Thus. we can observe that a certain Greek identity of Rome was engrained in import ant public cults. This is all the more important because this perspective was not uncontroversial: authors such as Livy and Propertius chose to put the figure of Evander in the background.63 While Acilius and Dionysius of Halicamassus took the 'Greek' cults as evidence for the Greek origins of Rome, and Vergil 's Aeneis 20 Andn:as Harr111w111 c ano ni zed the im a ge of E \' a nd a as ci\'ilizing herl1 and prl1h1-t�iw:der of the city.� Li\'y used E\'ander and Herrnles lmly ti.1r the aetil1ll1gical e'.pl.uution of ·Gre e k · cults in a bas icall v Ro(mule)an citv.'" Ob\'il1usl\'. he did th>t \\ ;111! Romulu s to . be o\' e rs had owed as founder of th city:··· O\'id .p n : se n t s a 111id,lle position a n d � E \'a nde r ·has \ ' i rt ual parity as a krisrcs with the city · s ollici:tl f,1under· .07 Verrius Flaccus . the tutor of Augustus· s grandchildren. tried Ill Rom:111i1�· the aetiological legend of the ara ll1'L\·ima: according to him. I lercule s was just .1 name a ppli e d to all strong men and the \'ictor over Cacus had in fact been a l·eruin Garanus." He s als o held the o p i ni on. going bJck to \"arro·s teacher :\elius Stil,1.'' that Hercules was the Latin god SJncus:' \"3rro hi m s elf identified I lercuks '' ith � I Jrs .71 NeY­ enheless. it is ob\·ious thJt the ·Greek· interpretation of the I k n:u l cs at the mcn-ima W3S ara most common and the qualification of the sacrificial rite as · Greek · went undisputed. The Greek ·pre-fl1undJtion· of Ron11.: could be marginJlized. but due to the prominence of the rites at the ara mw:ima. it could Ihll be completely left out of the picture . The Trojan connection: Aeneas at La,·inium In contra st to the Herculean landscape of memory at the j(m1111 Boarium. there were almost no places or relics connected with Aeneas at Rome.72 This dearth is astonis hi n g and reflects the late canonization of the Troj an legend.7·1 The visit of Aeneas to Evander in Yergil " s Aeneid is a substitution in order to bring the hero to the place that should become Rome in the future at least. 74 There was the Palladium. of course. but for all its ideological importance. this statue did not receive public cult in Rome.75 It was concealed together with some other mysterious sacra Romana in the penus Vestae.70 Not even the pont(fex 111axi11111s was allowed to see it:77 access was granted to the Vesta/is maxima only.78 The focus of Trojan memories at Rome was clearly Lavinium. which seems to have become some son of historical open-air museum during the imperial period.7q Most important in this context is the cult of the Penates.80 The inhabitants ofLavin­ ium told Timaeus that these were two caducei and some 'Trojan' pottery, thus providing evidence for the arrival of Trojan refugees in Latium.81 There were also Penates at Rome, of course,82 but it was the Penates of Lavinium that came to be regarded as penates nostri or sacra publica populi Romani deum Penatium, quae Lavini fierent.83 This peculiar state of affairs was explained through aetiological stories about the miraculous return of the Penates to Lavinium after their transfer to the newly founded Alba Longa: some 600 people were chosen to return to the old city in order to care for the cult of the Penates.84 Even on the level of historical memory, Lavinium appears as an atavistic relic.85 Lavinium was not a flourishing settlement during the Republican period.86 The annalistic foundation narratives project the decline of the city back to the dis­ appointment of Aeneas himself, who was not enthusiastic about the location of Lavinium.87 A revival came during the early imperial period, but there are no funerary inscriptions from Lavinium. This is evidence for minimal population Betiree11 Greece and Ro m e 2l density.ss The emperors. perhaps beginning with Claudius. created a new eques­ trian priesthood of Laurentes Lavinates, which functioned as a ritual citizenry.s·• None of these pr i ests originated from Lavinium and no honorary inscription to a Laurens Lavinas was found at Lavinium:x• In Late Antique sources. the Laurentes Lavinates arc still regarded as a religious corporation.'11 Symmachus designates Lavinium as a cil·itas religiosa.42 Moreover. members of the senatorial order also were involved in the Lavinate rites: all Roman magistrates with i111peri11111 had to offer a sacrifice to Vesta and the Penates at Lavinium upon entering their office.03 Lucan mocked Lavinium and Alba as n1s rnc1111111 where unwilling senators had to officiate at ancestral sacri­ fices.'q Lucan·s reference to senators rules out an identification with the equestrian Laurentes Lavinates."5 The emperors offered sacrifices at Lavinium before leaving for the provinces,''b and Marcus Aurelius went to Lavinium after his triumph.'" If the sacrifices of the highest Roman magistrates at Lavinium continued. then the relatively low profile of most Laurentes Lavinates can be better understood."s In addition. there is also only scant evidence for sacrificial activities of the.flami11es and po11t[(ices at Lavinium.'N As in the case of the ara maxima. the cult of the Penates at Lavinium fixed the legend of Trojan descent in Rome's cultural memory. but this Trojan component in Rome's cultural identity was in fact a Greek one: 100 Troy and Aeneas primar­ ily related to Homeric epic. that is, the foundational text of Greek rra16da. Moreover. the site of Ilium had been settled by Greeks who came to identify themselves as descendants of the Homeric Trojans. Hellenistic and Roman Ilium was a Greek city and this fitted nicely with Homer, who had not character­ ized the Trojans as fundamentally different from the Achaeans. Mythographic scholarship pointed out that the founders of Troy had come from Greece - the Trojans were Greeks from the very beginning.101 This development, however, depended on a version of the myth that emphasized reconciliation between Greek and Trojan survivors of the war. During the third and second century BCE. Pyrrhus of Epirus and the unknown author of a pseudepigraphic letter sent by Hannibal to the Athenians still had used the legend of Trojan descent to foster antipathy between Greeks and Romans.102 The appeal to Aenead ancestry on T. Quinctius Flamininus's dedications at Delphi apparently was expected to please a Greek audience.103 Vergil 's Diomedes and his refusal to fight against Aeneas canonized this more eirenic image of the past; Evander's Arcadians are presented as hospites and consanguines.104 Silius ltalicus went a further step and has Diomedes offer a formal treaty after the handing over of the Palladium at Laurentum.105 Roman magistrates who went to Lavinium could believe that they would be perfonning sacrifices to 'Trojan' gods that went all the way back to Aeneas and that had already been traditional at the time of Romulus and Titus Tatius.106 They came to a place of remembrance, where religious and historical aspects were united. Momigliano and Flaig have convincingly argued in favour of the imp011ance of the Aeneas legend for an inclusive construction of Roman identity,107 a point that 22 Amlrt:as Hartmt11111 S c hei d has made sp ecifi ca ll y wit h r e gar d to La\'inium. 1"s Luc an ·s s en ators may ha\'e been unw illi ng. but they surely learnt a lesson about Rome ·s past and Rom an identity dur ing their stay. Conclusions We ha\'e seen that a number of cults a nd r itual practic es became a etiological l y linked with the origins of Rome and the defi nition ofRomc"s pmnordial ident ity. Many material re l i cs and cultic c uriosities seemed to pro\'c this foreign ident ity of Rome: abo\'e all the monument s and cults of L a vimum. the ara mm·ima and the s acrifi ce s Graeco ritu. Aeti ological lege nds turned such ritual acts into some kmd of historical re-enactment:w• the magistrate s at Lavinium olfo red sacrifi ce as alrea dy Aeneas. Romulus and Titus Tatius had done. The Roma ns sacrificed at the ara matima as Hercules and his followers had done. Ovid"s closmg remarks on the ori gins of the L up e rcalia are sy mptomati c of this mode of con ceptua lization : fomra manet facti. 110 It does not matter that most of these legends can be proved to be rather late elaborat ions . These an ti quar ian c onstructs pro vi de d the necessary backgroun d that any early imperial participant requir ed in order to make sense of these r ituals. All these rituals were per fonned by Roman magistrates or members of the pri estly collegra ( i.e. members of t h e imperial aristocracy). We s imply cannot know what relevance they had for a broader publ ic and how widespread the learned aeti ol ogies of the antiquarians were. but Rene Pfeilschifter h as argued that we should not underrate the impact of aetiological mytlunaking.111 We have explicit evidence that an aetiological expl anat i on of the Nonae Caprotmae was expounded to the people during the ludi Ap ollinares through the staging of a play, afabula togata praetexta.111 Dionysius ofHalicamassus tells us that certam Roman hymns celebrated the divine ancestry of Romulus and Remus.113 It is perfectly poss ible that such hymns were perfonned, for example, during the Lupercalia or Parilia in the same fa shion as the carmen saeculare was during the Secular Games.114 This also provided the audience with aetiological background knowledge about the ori­ gin of the festival. In the case of the October equus, Festus testifies to widespread acceptance at Rome (ut vulg11S putat) of the idea that the killing of the animal originated in retaliation for the ruse of the Trojan horse.115 In any case, it is quite clear that religious rituals must have shaped the identity of the elites, which were necessarily involved in them as magistrates and/or priests. This assumption is valid even more because the right to perfonn these acts in a priestly role and the access to pertinent knowledge were important markers of elite status themselves.116 When Cicero proposed to enter Brutus's name into the calendar, he referred to the example of Acea Larentia.117 Significantly, he explicitly appealed to the participation of his correspondent in these rites in his quality as a pontifex, thus assuming (or at least construing) a shared interpretation of this cult.118 Verrius F laccus included aetiological information in the fasti that he pub­ lished on theforum of Praeneste.119 This could have happened only with the assent Between Greece and Rome 23 of the local ordo dec 1 1rw1111m •!o Antiquarian scholarship was deeply embedded in . a social con text The so-called antiquarians were not professional scholars sitting man academic ivory tower: many of them belonged to the leading social classes themselves i!i . As gentlemen-scholars, they were relevant insiders from the outset. Others were directly affiliated with aristocratic sponsors whose tastes and interests are reflected mtheir work.•!! The juxtaposition of 'Greek' and 'Roman' origins allowed for the construction of a Greco-Roman identity which was not multicultural. but reflected the privi , ­ leged relat 1 0 nsh 1 p between Greeks (however broadly defined) and Romans.1!.1 It is most telling that ·Greek' sacrifices at the ludi saeculares were followed by sol­ emn prayers in a rchaizing Latin for the welfare of the Roman state. •!4 Greek and Roman do not a ppear as opposing forces. but as mutually supportive components m a unified imperial identity. This leaves us with an important question: if the Romans felt that they were doing tl11ngs the Greek way, or were Greeks in some sense. what was their defini­ tion of 'Greek'') Some passages in Dionysius ofHalicamassus shed valuable light on this problem. i!s Dionysius was keen to prove the Greek origins of Rome. but sometimes he emphasizes the differences between Greek and Roman religious cus­ toms; the Romans do not tell offensive myths about the gods. they do not celebrate feasts of the gods as days of mourning. they do not know orgiastic rites or secret mysteries. they do not adopt foreign cults, at least (as in the case of Magna Mater) not without droppm g all scandalous practices.116 In Dionysius 's eyes. the Romans appear as the better Greeks.127 They may practise Greek rites since aboriginal times, but they do not share the real characteristics of religious life in the Hel­ lenistic East. Dionysius commends Romulus for not allowing priesthoods to be purchased - which was, of course, common usage in the Greek world}28 The same ideas come to the surface in a lengthy passage on the ludi Romani in which Dionysius points to Greek elements in the festivities.119 He emphasizes several times that the Romans preserved Greek customs that the Greeks themselves had already abandoned.130 The conceptualization of Greek rites does not only Hellenize Rome, but it presupposes a selective definition ofGreekness according to Roman taste. This fits well with recent scholarship on the role of Rome in the invention of 'Classical' Greece. 131 Rome clearly had a special relationship with the Greek tradition and the appli­ cation of the label 'Greco-Roman' to the culture of imperial Rome seems justi­ fied. However, the Greek component in this symbiotic mixture was defined by the Romans themselves. The inclusion of 'Greeks' (from a Roman perspective) did not mean that all persons who defined themselves as Greeks could become part of the imperial aristocracy and participate in inclusive constructions of a common identity The bloody conflicts in Alexandria and the resistance literature of the . Acta Alexandrinorum tell us about this darker side of the story.132 It is true that the Romans opened up to outsiders, but they did so only to privileged groups and on their own terms. The 'Greco-Roman' society of imperial Rome was open only in a very limited sense. �4 Andrl'as Hartmann �otcs Cf. I bltinann 1979. � Cf. Sd1cid 1978: csp.: c ial l y p. 630-646 and S.:humad11:r I 1J78: p. 80-l· 808 in panicular. 3 The phrase is bom•\\cd from \\"\•olf 1994. \\Im d\•Cs IHll dis..:u'' the probkm with regard l\l the i m per i al arisl\•cr..1cy. ho\\ c\ er. 4 Bid.:cnnan 1952. 5 for an O\'Cr\'icw. sec Er>kinc 200 I. 6 h and .:r al R\,mc: Bay.:t 1920: '.\lartin 19 74: Dch:ourt 200 I: \b\ rn g i ann i s 2003: p. 8 5- 1 41. lkn:ulcs: Ba � ct 1926: Lc\'i 1997. 7 On Dion , sius cf. Ciabba 1991: llano� 1991: Lur..d1i 2003: Dclniun 2005. 8 .-\rist. fr. C109 Rosc.'F{jrl/ 840 F l 3a a1� d c: I lcr..1cliJ. I .cm b. F<irll lWI F 13b: llcraclid. p(,nt. fr. 102 \\"chrli!Hirl/ 840 F 23. Cf. Vanoni 199 ') . 9 D.11. .·l111ic111i1a1e., Romc111L1t' 1. 32. 2. .-\!so sec Ser. ius Daniel is. lt'11ei., X . 3 3 7 . Plu. Rom. 21. 2 sho\\S that this \\as only one of sc\·cr..il options of imcrprclati<'n. 10 Classen 1 963: Sc hill ing 1980 . .-\t the beginning of the first century BCE. the pomit�·x mai:imm Q. '.\ l ucius Sc::ie\'ola did not appro\'c the pu b lic dissemination of theor i es about I krculcs. :\csculapius. etc. being di\'inizcd monals. C\'Cll if he bclie\'ed the m to be trnc: Varro ap. :\ugusl. C.D. 4. 27. Cf. La Penna 1988. Significamly. Scae rn l;1 was c oncerned with mortals becoming gods. not with heroes as demi-g,1ds - which points to ::i crncial differcnce betwecn Rom::in ::ind Greek conceptualiz::itions. 11 Cic. Brr11. 56: Cll 6. 31032///.S 1418. 12 Cato FR// 3 F I. 23: cf. Macer FR/I 17 F 2. V::irro was somcwh::it reluctant to con­ cur: Var. l. 6. 23-24. \'errius Flaccus. however. followed Cato in interpreti n g the L arental ia as a parcntario p11hlica in hi s j£is 1 i l'racncsrini: /11.11.·1: Ira/. XIII. 2. 17 on December 23 rd. 13 Calp. (hist.) FRH 7 F 7: cf. Schol. Luc. I. 196 Weber. I !er b urial on the C apit oli n e is also reported by Var. l. 5. 41 and Fest. in Gloss. Lal. p. 464 Lindsay s. \', .mrnm Tarpl'ium. Sm·. A. 8. 348 and Schol. Luc. 3. 154 We ber. 14 Beard 1987 : esp. p. 1-3. 15 Bear d 1987: p. 7. 16 Beard 1987: p. 12. 17 Cf. Sclunitzer 2007: dealing with the ara mai:ima as a place of memory from Antiquity onwards. For a compr ehensiv e discussion of the archaeological remains and the history of the cult. see Coarelli 1988: p. 60-105/127-139/164-180 and Torelli 2006. 18 Hem. FRH 6 F 5; Gel. (hist.) FRH 10 F 6: Coelius Antipater ap. Str. 5, 3, 3: D.H. An1iq11i1ates Romanae 1, 40, 6: Verg. A. 8, 268-272: Liv. l, 7, 3-13 (cf. 9, 34. 18): Ov. Fast. 1, 579-582: Prop. 4, 9: Plu. Q11aesrio11es Romanae 90 (- .\!01: 2 8 5e - f) : Tac. Ann. 15, 41; Solin. I, l O; Serv. A. 8, 269: Se rvius Danielis Aeneis 8, 271; Macrob. Sat. 3. 6, 12-17. D.S. 4, 21, 1-4 stands apart: Diodorus presents Pinarius and Cacius as friendly hosts of Hercules, but seems to imply that the cult of Hercules did only start l ater. Neither Evander nor the construction of the ara mai:ima are mentioned. 19 D.H. Antiquitares Romanae 1, 40, 6. The destrnction is reported in Tac. Ann. 15. 41. rebuilding in bigger dimensions is implied by Fest. in Gloss. Lat. p. 270 Lindsay s. l'otirium and Serv. A. 8, 271. The ara ma""Cima measured 31 x v. 21 m at minimum and was one of the biggest altars in the ancient wor ld : Torelli 2006: p. 593-594. 20 Solin. 1, 11. 21 Serv ius Danielis Aeneis 8, 278. Its preservation was due to being smeared with pitch. This object seems to be represented on some Antonine and Severan coins: van B erche m 1967: p. 336-338. 22 er. Torelli 2006: p. 579-580. 23 Macrob. Sat. 5, 21, 16-19. 'To empty the scyphus of Hercules' seems to have been proverbial expression for an a excessive drinking bout: Sen. Ep. 83, 23; Plu. Alex. 75, 5. Between Greece and Rome �5 24 SerYius Daniclis .. lcnci.,· 8. 278. The praetor 11rhm111s o lkr c d a h e i fe r eYery y.:ar on b.:half of th.: state: Var. L. 6. 54; D.H. A11th111itatcs Rommwt• I. 40. 3: cf. Liv. I. 7. 12. Not.:. how.:v.:r. Ver g . A. 8, 180, spe aking of bulls . For t he cult at the £1ra 111mi111£1 in ge n .:ra l cf. \\'issowa 1912: p. 271-284; Latte 1960: p. 213-22 1; M arcos Casq u.:r o 2002: esp. p. 73-99. Th.: a nn ua l sacrifice of the praetor 11rha1111.1· was con sid .:r.:d pre stigiou s e nou g h to b.: comm.:nwrated by inscriptions: ('JL 6. 312/JLS 3403; ( '/L 6. 3131/LS 3402; ( 'JL 6. 314: CIL 6. 3151/LS 3409; CJL 6. 3 16/JLS 3404: CIL 6. 3171/LS 3408; CJL 6. 3181/LS 3407: CIL 6. 3191/LS 3405. Cf. To rd li 2006: p. 602-603. It is notabk. though. that all insc ript ion dat.: from the time of Commodus onwards. It is not surprising that the cult of I krculcs should ha v.: gained heigh t ene d importance und.:r an .:mperor who pr.:s.:ntcd himself as/ lt'rc11/cs Ro111a1111s. 25 Cf. D.11. .l111h111itatc.1· Romanac I. 40, 3; Liv. I. 7. 3: Str. 5. 3. 3; S.:rvius Da n i e lis .rl c11cis 3. 407; i b id . 8. 288. 26 Acilius FRII 5 F llFGrHIBNJ813 FI. 27 Varro ap. i\lac rob. Sat. 3. 6. 17 (with further re fer en ce to Gavius Bassus). 28 Euxenus and other Italic mythographers ap. D.11. Antiquitatcs Romanac I. 34. 4-5: ibid. 6. I. 4: Fest. in Gloss. Lat. p. 430-432 Lindsay s. v. Satumii; cf. ibid. p. 462 Lindsay s. '" S£1t11mo (heav ily restored); Macrob. Sat. I. 8. 2; i bid. I. I 0. 22: Serv. A. 3. 407. S ol in. I. 12 confuses the altar with the acdes Satumi. The Graccus ritm in the cult of S at u mu s is also me ntion e d by Cato fr. 77 M alco v ati and Plu. Q11acstio11cs Romanac 11 ( .\fora/ia 266c). Cato is the earliest reference to the practice in our sources. b ut perhaps he refers to the ce leb ration of the Saturnalia only as docs Accius (Acc. fr. 3 l\lorcl) who a lso derived the Saturnalia from Greek m odels. On the v arious aetiologic al legends. cf. Graf 1992: p. 14-21. 29 P ighi 1965: p. 3, 1, I. 90--9 1; ibid. 3. 3 fr. 4. I. 5-6; ibid. 3. 3 fr. 5a. I. 49. 30 Macrob. Sat. 1, 10 22 e x plicitly states the conceptuali z at i on of the Graceus ritus as - . an alien o ne. 31 Cf. Freier 1963: p. 109-113. 32 Macrob. Sat. 3, 12, 1-4. dep ending on Varro. The same material is presented by Servius Daniel is Acncis 8, 276. 33 Var. L. 5. 84 (jla111i11es); i bid. 5, 130 (on priestesses ); Verg. A. 3. 405-407; Plu. Q11aes­ tio11cs Ro111a11ae 10 (- .\foralia 266c-e); Serv. A. 3, 407. Signifi cantly, L. Yitellius pe rformed his notorious adoration of Caligula capite relato: Suet. Vit. 2, 5. The phrase capitc relato does not only apply to a veiling of the head with the toga, but also to the wearing ofa priestly cap. The most compreh ensive discussion is still Freier 1963: esp. p. 39-118, but this is now to be complemented with Glinister 2009. 34 Va rro ap. Pin. Quaestiones Romanae 90 (- Moralia 285e- f) . Cf. Latte 1960: p. 217. 35 Prop. 4, 9; Pin. Quaestiones Romanae 60 (- Mora/ia 278e-f): Gel. 11, 6, 2; Macrob. Sat. I, 12, 28. This allegedly fits with Greek parallels: there was a proverbial saying th at women do not go to the sanctuary ofHeracles: App. proverb. I, 88: Suda s. v. yuv� i:i<; 'HpaKl,fou<; ou qiom;i. In Phocis Heracles had the cult title misogynist : Plu. De , ' ' Pythiae oraculis 20 (- Moralia 403 f). Cf. Farnell 1921: p. 162-163. 36 Wissowa 1912: p. 279; Latte 1960 : p. 215 derive the tithe to Hercules from Greek models. 37 The whole victim had to be eaten on the spot: Var. L. 6, 54 (with the commentary of Erkell 1987: p. 57-58 ) ; Servius Danielis Aeneis 8, 183. When Su l la consecrated the tenth of his possessions to Hercules, the leftovers were thrown into the Tiber: Plu. Sult. 35, 1. Gree k origins: Latte 1960 : p. 217; Marcos Casqne ro 2002: p. 97. 38 Cornelius Balbus ap . Macrob. Sat. 3, 6, 16; Serv. A. 8, 176. 39 Scheid 1995; Scheid 2005. For a recent co m pa rison between Greek and Roman sacrificial ritual on a factual level, cf. Mylonopoulos 2006. 40 Scheid 1995: p. 26-28. 26 Andn·as Hartmann 41 Sd1ciJ J 1N5: p. 26. 42 Sa,·rifo:c to I l1'lh'': l'lut. <J11.1<·.,rio11<-' Rom.111.1,· 13 ( - . \lor,i / i,1 21 i hf �< > 7a ) Cf. Glinistcr - . 2009: p. 20 I. l"'iming to c111l!lc\:ti1'llS bcl\\ ccn I h111'''· h and er �111-! I lcn.:uks. 43 lluct 2012: p. 55-62. 44 \br,·1\S Ca,yl1Cf<1 2002: p. 78: ( ilinist<.:r 200'): p. 202-2()). 45 Cun. 4. 13. 15. 46 F..:,1. in (i/ou. /. .it. p. 4 IO l . in J sa y 47 \ 'ar /.. 5. 84. s. \ ..\tnlf'f'l/.\. . 48 F..:st. in <ilo.'·'· Lu. p. 430 l . inJ say s. 49 kn . . tdn.u. 2. 7. 17. 50 \an l k n: h ..:m J 959-1960: 'an \'. s,u11mii. l k rd 1..: m 1%7: p. 307-338. supp<H1c·'1 by l'iganiol l lJ62: p. 1263-1264: l.itl\1-(iill..: 1 9 80 : p. 53-64: Erkdl l %7: p. 511 5 7: Erkdl 1993: Sablntuc·.:i 1 9 ')2: er. abo R..:butfat I %6. :\gains! this . SC<.: Bllnn.:t 1988: p. 294-304. 51 The t'nly paralkb tll the Cin1<·c11., ri111s arc th..: Ftr11w11., rit11.' and the Ftrusca disciplin.1. r..:sp.:<:ti\dy. 52 Sd1..:id 1 9 95 : p. 20-22. lntapr<'latio <iri1<·ca mad..: the distin.:tilln b.:t1\<:cn ·Greek" anJ ·Roman· !!11d s s11mC\\ hat ditlirnlt in an'" .:;1sc. 53 Fest. in ( ifo.'-'. I.at. p. 268 Lindsay s. ,._ pacgrina sacra. On the <:ult of Ceres cf. Cic. l.cg. 2. 21. re fe rrin g to noct u rn a l sacrifices by wom en . The hymns to \lagna ;'<.later h:id to be recited in the Grc..:k l:in!!ua!!c: Sen-. (i. 2. 394. 54 Orlin 2010: p. 8 6-1 1 0 . On Ccrc; sec Cic. Bath. 55: Val. :\lax. I. I. I. Later p rie s t ­ esses seem to h:i \e been dau!!hters of Roman citizens (11./.RI' 61: /l.S 3343). but i t is ccn:iin ly not a coincidence th :it the later inscription gi,cs Sicily as t h e area of o ri g in of the p riestess . On :\l:ig na :\later. see D.11. Anrit111itatcs Romana,· 2. 19. 4-5: Roman citize ns were expressly forbidden to pan icip:i te in the s pecifically al ie n ri te s. ..,.., D.H. Antic111ita1<•s Romanac 2. 19. 4. 56 S ch eid 1995: p. 29-30 s tre sses t he in terdepende nce of Rome's sd f- p res ent at ion as an open cit y and the concept of Grnccus rilm. 57 Li\'. I. 7. 15. 58 Cf. Orlin 2008 on Cass. Dio 53. 2. 4. 59 Tac. A.1111. 12. 24. 60 Orlin 2008: p. 245-2-i1 makes the \'ery s:ime point with regard to the prom otion of the cult of Apollo under Augustus: "At the same time. the p l:i ccm ent of Apollo's temple within the pomcrium su ggests tlrnt the Greek cult. Apollo. was to be considered Roman. The action may ha\'e been s ymboli c. but the implications arc clear: in r es hap ing the boundaries of Roman identity. Egypt was marked as non-Rom:in. while Greece could now be seen as Roman". 61 Scheid 1995: p. 29-30; Scheid 2005: p. 29-31. 62 CIL 13, 1668/ILS 212; cf. Tac. Ann. 11, 24. 63 Livy introduces Evander and Hercules rather briefly in the context of the Romulean foundation narrative: Liv. l, 5, 1-2; ibid. 1, 7, 3-13. Propertius relates the Hercules­ Cacus episode without mentionin g Evander at all: Prop. 4, 9. 64 Papaioannou 2003. 65 The Lupercalia trigger the mentioning ofEvander, the Graecus ritus at the ara mai:ima starts the Hercules-Cacus-episode. 66 Cf. Paratore 1971: p. 28 1-282 (pace Delcourt 2001: p. 838-844). 67 Fantham 1992: p. 159. The attempt of Rodriguez Mayorgas 2010: p. 93 to downplay the importance of the Evander legend is not very convincing. 68 Servius Danielis Aeneis 8, 203. Garanus returns in Orig. gent. Rom. 6 as R ecaranus , the friendly host of Hercules. 69 Aelius Stilo ap. Var. L. 5, 66, identifying Hercules with Sancus and Dius F idius. 70 Fest. in Gloss. Lat. p. 254 Lindsay s. v. proptcr viam. 71 Varro ap. Macrob. Sat. 3, 12, 6. Cf. Serv. A. 8, 275. Between Greece and Rome '27 72 The sh ip of:\eneas. which is reponed by Proco p. Goth 8. 22. 7-1 6 seems to h aw been found only after the Augustan period. Cf. Q uilic i 1998: l\luth 2 0 06: p. 438--440: Hartmann 2012b: p. 212. 73 Cf. e.g. Erskine 2001: p. 15-36: \\'alter 2006: p. 94-103: Rodriguez l\l ay orgas 2010. 74 Verg. ·L 8. 306-369. . 75 For the dc\'elopmcnt of the Pall ad iu m legend at Rome. see now Asscnmaker 2007: San V ic ente 2007: A ssenmake r 2010 (d e aling with the numismatic evidence). The Palladium did not become an imponant motif of impe r ial self-presentation until the later first century CE: Pera 2004. 76 Cic. Sca111: 48: id. !'/iii. 11. 24: Liv. 5. 52. 7: id. 26. 27. 14: Fest. in <Jlo.u. Lat. p. 2 96 Lindsay s. '" ,f'e1111s>; Ov. Fast. 6. 433--436. 77 This is clear from th e storv about the bl indin l! of L. Caccilius l\letellus who allc!.!cdlv had sa\'cd the sacra from� fire in 241 BCE. e �en if the story is a lat er invention: Leuz� 1905: I3rclich 1939. Ov. Fast. 6. 450 and Luc. 9,993-994 e x plicitly state that men were not allo w ed to enter the sanctuary and sec the Palladium. 78 Luc. L 597-598. 79 Cf. Liou-Gille 1980: p. 122-134: Thomas 1990: Dubourdieu 1993: Scheid 1993: p. 117-121: t\lavrogiannis 2003: p. 21-34: Hanmann 2010: p. 235-242. 80 Literature on the Pcnates abounds and the confus ion alrea dy present in our ancient sources pe rsists The most extensive treatment is Dubourdieu 1989. . 81 Timae. F<JrHIB.\'J 566 F 59. Lye. Alex. 1261-1262 also mentions the Penates of Lavin­ ium as the Trojan ones. 82 There were different Penates even at Rome: Varro ap. August. CD. 6. 22 distin gui shes between sacra l't:stalia and Penates in the temple on the Velia. Serv. A. 2. 325 locates the Penates in the regia. 83 Var. L. 5. 144: A sc . Scaur. 1 p. 21 Stangl: Plu. Cor. 29, 2: Serv. A. 3. 12. Cf. Thomas 1990: p. 146-155. The fi'riale C11ma1111m refers to a sacrifice to Vesta and the di puh(/ici) l'(enates) p(opu/i) R(omani) Q(11iriti11m) after the creation of Augustus as polll{/i.•x 111mi11111s: CJL 13, 3682/C'/L 10, 8375//LS 108/Jnscr. ltal. 13. 2, 44. Unfonu­ nately it is not made clear, whether this refers to Roman or Lavinate Penates. . 84 Cine. FRH 2 F 3/BNJ 810 F 9: D.H. A11tiq11itates Romanae l, 67, 1-2: Val. Max. I, 8, 7: Se r i us Danielis Aeneis l, 270. Cf. Dubourdieu 1993: p. 75-76: Grandazzi 2008: p. 748-752. A similar story was told in respect to an attempted translation to Rome: v Servius Danielis Aeneis 3, 12. 85 Cf. Liou-Gille 1980: p. 131-132. 86 That the ci ty s main sanctuary of F rutis/Aphrodite was administrated by the inhabitants ' of Ardea in Strabo's time, is the best indicator for the decline of Lavinium: Str. 5, 3, 5 . Scheid 1993: p . 119-120 makes the imponant point thatLavinium did not panicipate in the monumental rebuilding of nearly all major sanctuaries in Latium during the second century BCE. 87 Fab. Pict. FRH 1 F 5/FGrH809 F 2; Cato FRH 3 F 1, 14b; D.H. Antiquitates Romanae 1, 56, 2. Cf. Liou-Gille 1980: p. 128-129. 88 On the 'cite fant6me' see Thomas 1990: p. 164-170. but the idea goes back to Wilmanns 1867: p. 16-17; Wissowa 1915: p. 31-33. Cooley 2000 thinks that the priesthood of Laurentes Lavinates existed as a privileged group alongside a political community. 89 Cf. Saulnier 1984; Scheid and Granino Cecere 1999: p. 101-104 and p. 109-112 . The prosopographical data is conveniently collected in Scheid and Granino Cecere 1999: p. 155-177; Rilpke 2005. Wissowa 1915 is still the seminal study on Latin priesthoods. The 'citizenry' ofLaurentes Lavinates had its own priests (e.g. augures, flamines, pont/fices, Sa/ii, Vestals, rex sacrorum) and magistrates (pr aetor) . Evi­ dence for the priesthood starts with Claudius. The priests had to perform cultic func­ tions on the spot (Saul n ier 1984: p. 531), but this did not mean that they permanently 28 A.ndn:as Har1111a1111 ri:siJ..:J at L1,inium. Sd1..:iJ anJ (iranitl\l Ci:ci:ri: l lJ lJ9: p. 11 (I 1:"te that eYen the prai:wrs ofthi: Lauri:nti:s I.a\ inati:s \\i:ri: dw�..:n rnim pi:l1pk ,1Ji,, ,1byiously liYed i.:lsi.:\\h..:rc·. 90 er. thi: similar situati,,n ninc·cming thi: prii: st s l'f thi: 1996. ·"''.,.'' ·'"'"':.i: c iranino Cec er e 91 ( ·,,,/. l11<·0J 8. 5. 46. 92 s� mm. !:i'· I. 71. 93 \ al . \tax. 1 .6.7: sanifi.:i: ore. lh,�tilius \lan.:inus bdi.1n: his ,kp:1rtun: for Spain " (also Obsc4. 24 ;111J sa.:rifi.:i: \1f all ( \\h.:ri: ahc11111 -- \\itlllllll ll1.:ali1ation -- l.iY. /'a. 55): \L1n,1h. Sat. 3. 4. II: 1nsul s . prai:wrs anJ Ji .:t atn r s: S..:r\'ius lhnic:li' .lt'ncis 2. 296 prl1babl y is a snibal error for ad,·11111). \I. :\cm iliu, S.:aurus. co nsu l (( in 11 5 BCE. was a.:cuscJ because h.: haJ not p.:rform.:J the La' i11a1e s acrific e in the r eg ul ar way: :\s.:. Sc-.wr. I p. 21 S t angl : cf. Cic. f),·iot. 31: Val. \bx. 6. 5. 5: Cass. Din 27. 92. Li\'. 5. 52. 8 al s o mentions c.:rtain .1<1aa pcrformcJ by the Romans at L a \ iniu m. Th.: carli.:st r.:frrcncc to the s acr i f i ces at La,inium prold1ly is Cato FRH ' 3 F 2. 25. Cf. .-\lfi\!Ji 1957: p. 19--23: G al insky 1%9: p. 146--148: Radke 1 981: p. 346--347: DubourJi.:u 1989: p. 3 5 5 --3 6 1 : Pina Polo 2011: p. I 05--108 (d ou bti n g th.: annu:il pr c s.: nc.: ofth.: consuls). 94 Luc. 7. 392--396. 95 Th.:r.:for.:. t he Laurent.:s La\'inat.:s should not b.: s.:.:n :is a r.:pbc..:111.:nt for the s ac ­ rifices of th.: mag i s tr at .:s <lur ing th.: R.:publican p.:rioJ (pace Frat.:antonio 2003: p. 68-70). 96 Ser;ius Danielis .-1. cnc is 3.12. S.:r\'ius g.:n.:rally u s.:s impcrator as a <l.:signation for the .:mperors. 97 Sil:\. _\fare. 27. 4. 98 On the pro so pogr aph y. cf. Scheid and Granino Cec er e 1999: p. 101--103. 99 Flamincs: S en-. ../. . 8. 664: yearly sacrifices of the ponti ficcs and the co nsuls to Aeneas lndi!!es: Scholiae Veronensia :lcncis I. 259. Th is isolated testimonv should be referred to tl;e Penates or discarded altog.:ther: cf. Rodriguez M ayorg as 2 010 : p. I02-103. I 00 Cf. the important study of Erskine 200 I. IOI D.H. .-1.ntiquitatcs Ro m anac 1.61 and 68 (citing Arctinus. Satyrus an<l Callistratus): Varro and unnamed Gracci ap. S en iu s Danielis.frneis 3. 167: Str. 8. 3. 19. Other tradi­ · tions made Dardanus come from Italv. howe\'er: Ven::. A. 3. 94-95 and 161-1671 ibid. 7. 205-208 and 240-242: ibid. 8. 3 �39: Servius o ;nielisArneis 3. 167. Cf. Horsfall 1973: Scuderi 1978: Horsfall 1987. Etruscan and Greek origin might not have been antithetic options. though: Yanotti 1999. 102 Pyrrhu s: Paus. I, 12, I (but see the critical remarks of Erskine 2001: p. 157-161: the Molossian kings claimed Trojan descent themselves); D.H. A11tiq11itates Romanae 20,6, 1 makes the king acknowledge the Romans as Greeks, of course. [Hannibal]: P. Hamb. 2, 129 col. YI. I. 120-124. 103 Plu. Flam. 12. 11-12. Cf. Evans 1992: p. 37; Erskine 2001: p. 41--42. 104 Yerg. A. 8, 12 6-144 and 169-174. Cf. Galinsky 1992: p. 104; Mavrogiannis 2003: p. 172-175. Hostile Greeks, however, are not totally absent from the Aeneid: Hill 1961: p. 90-92. 105 Sil. Pun. 13, 30-81. Cf. Ripoll 2001: p. 361-362. 106 Titus Tatius allegedly was murdered at Lavinium during a public sacrifice to the 'paternal gods', i.e. the Penates: D.H. Antiquitates Romanae 2, 52, 3; Liv. 1, 14, 2; Plu. Rom. 23, 3. Cf. Poucet 1967: p. 276--292. 107 Momigliano 1984: Fla ig 1999: esp. p. 85-91. 108 Scheid 1993: p. 119-121. 109 Cf. also Graf 1996 on the connection between ritual, aetiology and the fonnation of collective memory. Between Greece and Rome 19 1 10 O\'. Fast. 2. 3 79. er. Liou-Gille 1980: p. 182-194; Rod rigua Mayorgas 2 007: p. 118; St c rb cnc Erker 2009: p. 162-167; Rodr iguez M ayorgas 2010: p. 98: ·1 . . . ] the lupcrci were considered to perform the li\'es of Romulus and Remus as shepherds " . 111 l'frilschilier 2009. 112 Var. L. 6. 19. er. D r o s sart 1974; P fei ls chifter 2009: p. 129-13:?. O\'. Fast. 4. 326 mentio ns a stage play that c o m m em o rated the transfer of l\lagna !\later to Rome. It prob a b ly was perfonned d uri n g the lucli .\/cgalcnscs. On t hi s sec \\'ise­ man 2002. 1 13 D.11 . .·l11tii111i1a1c.1 Roma11ac I. 79. 10. The arc haizin g language at Li\'. I. 16, 3. where Romulus is ac claim ed clcus cleo 11at11s. might suggest that the passage draws on an ancient ritual text. 114 er. Scheid 1993: p. 112-114. It is to b e noted, howe\'er. that the carmcn sacrnlarc of I lorace Joes not c ontain references to the s pec i fic o ri gin of the /11c/i thcmscl \'cs. The information gi \' en is · m y tho logica l " (or h isto r i cal) . but not aetiological. On the other hand. Zos. 2. 5. 3 mentions the singing of h ymn s that were different carmcn saccularc (wh ic h appears ibid. 2. 5. 5). Scheid and S c hnegg ­ Kiihler 2002: p. 129-13 1 (cf. 150-152) also suggest that t he lucli scacnici dur­ ing the games ( P igh i 1965: p. 287-291) mi g ht have incl u de d representat i on s of from the · my thologie · . 115 Fest. in 0/o.1s. Lat. p. 190 Lindsay s. v. Octohcr cq1111s. er. Tima e . FGrll/BtU 566 r 36. 116 B ec k 2008: esp. p. 113-115 (dealin g with the Repub li can aristocracy. but his remarks ar.: pertinent to the imperial period. too); Varhelyi 20 I 0 (e.g. p. 49: ·1. . . ] r eligion was one of the few areas where the senate m anaged to maintain involvement and authority·). 117 eic. Fam. 23. 8. 118 Thc . f/am rn Q11 iri1 1alis also participated in this sacrifice: Val. Ant. FRH 15 F 3. 119 Su et. 0ram. et rhct. 17 and lmcr. ltal. 13. 2,17: January I Ith and 15th (earmentalia). Feb mary I 7th (Quirinalia), March 23rd (Tubilustrium) and 24 th (q11a11do rcx comitia­ rit). April 23rd (Vinalia), December 23rd (Larentalia). 120 Cf. Scheid 1993: p. 114-115 who, however, seems to me to underestimate the i mpor­ tance of the monument: It is true, that the fasti were only some sort of commentary to the actual cult, but the publication on the forum (probably following a decree of the ordo) did invest the antiquarian interpretations ofVerrius Flaccus with a higher degree of aut ho rity and a more bi ndin g character. 121 Varro e.g. pu rsued a senatorial career and was an active participant in the Roman civil wars. 122 I may point to Cornelius Epicadus, the learned freedman of Sulla. 123 Ph. Legatio ad Gaium, 14 7 on Augustus clearly shows the recognition of Roman Hellenism by a t hird party. 124 Pighi 1965: p. 3, I, I. 90-99. 125 On Dionysius's concept of Greece cf. Delcourt 2003. 126 D.H. Antiquitates Romanae 2, 18, 2-19, 5. 127 D.H. Antiquitates Romanae l, 89, 2. 128 D.H. Antiquitates Romanae 2, 21, 3. 129 D.H. Antiquitates Romanae 7, 71-73. Dionysius cites Fabius Pictor as his source. It might very well be that the conclusions about the Greek origins of Rome are drawn from this historian, too. er. Thuillier 1975: p. 580; Bernstein 1998: p. 95-96; Prescendi 2007: p. 60-70. 130 D.H. Antiquitates Romanae I, 89, 3-1, 90, l: favourable comparison with Greek colonies in the Black Sea region that became entirely barbarized. On this aspect of Dionysius 's thought cf. the nuanced discussion in Peirano 20 I0. 30 A.Jl(/rcas Hart111a1111 13 I Cf. the recent discussion in S p a wfo rth 2012. One m a y also pPint to Augustan preJikl·tions for a rch :i istic :ind classizing art. I ', _,_ Cf. lbn m : rnn 2012a: p. 127-156. Bibliography .-\11\ildi ...\. ( 1957). Die tmja11i.,l·h,·11 l "ra/m,·11 da Riima: Rektoral.'f,,.11,t;r,1mm ch•r L"niwr­ _,if<ll Basd./i"ir da., Jahr N56. 13asd . .-\ssenmaker. I'. (2007). " P ignus sa lutis a tque im p.:rii. l."enjeu du Palladium Jans ks lunes pt'litiques de la fin de la R.:publique·. 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