Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 Ceramics in Africa Olivier P. Gosselain* Université libre de Bruxelles Pottery making is a very ancient craft in Africa, as some of the oldest pottery remains known in the world were discovered on this continent. Dating from around 10,000 BCE – i.e., one or two millennia after the inception of the Jomon pottery in Japan – they were excavated in the Aïr Region of Niger (West Africa) (Haour, 2003). Throughout history, the craft has endured important changes in relation to the shape, function, and decoration of the products, as well as manufacturing techniques, scale of production, or the social status of the potters. The last decades have proved particularly significant in that regard, due to the massive introduction of plastic and metal containers, social and economic transformations, the development of tourism and urban lifestyle, and the spatial extension of social networks. In most places, ancient pottery functions such as cooking, handling, and serving have been abandoned, while new categories of products such as decorative or commemorative items, flowerpots, tiles, braziers, or incense burners have boomed. Water jars, however, continue to be massively produced in some parts of the continent, as they provide the cheaper and most efficient way of keeping cool water in rural areas. Social Background A comparison of several hundred ethnographic sources (Information examined in this article comes from two bodies of data. Since 1990, members of the Ceramic & Society Project developed at the University of Brussels and its research associates have conducted fieldwork in Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Togo, Benin, Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, and D.R. Congo, collecting information about some 1,000 potters in nearly 100 linguistic groups. The second body of data comes from a systematic perusal of the ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological literature devoted to pottery making in sub-Saharan Africa. These sources are of varying relevance and accuracy as they range from large-scale and detailed studies to more local/regional observations, or mentions in ethnographic monographs, administrative reports, and religious publications. Altogether, more than 900 sources have been processed, which relate to some 650 linguistic groups.) indicates that at last four–fifths of the African potters working today are women, which confirms the usual description of pottery making in Africa as a “female activity.” But male potters are also encountered in several regions of the continent, where they either specialize in the making of particular vessels (big water jars, elite ware, bottles) while women produce the largest part of the repertoire, or produce the whole range of vessels in contexts where women are excluded from the craft, or work together with female relatives, carrying out specific operations such as clay extraction and transport, clay preparation, firing, and, above all, plastic decoration (Schildkrout & Keim, 1990). The scale of production is highly variable, ranging from part-time, isolated artisans, whose products are essentially consumed locally, to full-time specialists working in workshops, whose vessels are distributed by middlemen in a 100–200 km radius. If men tend to be more frequently *Email: olivier.gosselain@ulb.ac.be Page 1 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 associated with the latter category, female potters may also be involved in mass production, especially in West Africa. In many instances, pottery making is open to anyone. All one has to find is someone who is willing to serve as a teacher. This means, in practice, having a close relative, friend, or neighbor who engages in pottery making and does not mind spending time with someone who may subsequently become a competitor. But restrictions are also observed throughout the continent, which pertain to age, gender, geographical origin, and, above all, socio-professional affiliation. For example, in many Sahelian societies, potters belong to caste-like subgroups such as blacksmiths, bards, tanners, weavers, woodcarvers, hunters, or jewelers (Drost, 1968; Frank, 1998; Gallay et al., 1998; Gosselain, 2001; Haaland, 1978; Lyons & Freeman, 2009; Sterner & David, 1991, 2003; Tamari, 1997). The members of these endogamous specialist groups are associated with specific activities and duties and distinguished from the remaining population. They are regarded with a mix of awe and contempt by nonspecialists, who often consider them dirty and impure and fear being harmed by their power. Due to recent economic changes, however, caste-like structures may become permeable to other social groups in specific places. Manufacturing Process There are seven main stages in the pottery manufacturing process: (1) clay extraction, (2) clay processing, (3) shaping, (4) decoration, (5) drying, (6) firing, and (7) postfiring. While most of these stages are mandatory, some – such as decoration and postfiring – are optional, although widely recorded across the continent (previous surveys of pottery manufacturing processes in Africa include Devisse, 1984; Drost, 1967; Gosselain, 2002; Krause, 1997; Livingstone–Smith, 2007). Clay Extraction Available data indicate that most African potters collect their clay within a 3–km radius from the place where they live and/or practice the craft (see Gosselain, 2002, pp. 40–41). Those who exploit sources beyond this threshold generally use animals, cars, trucks, or canoes to carry the clay. They also tend to make stocks that last from several weeks to the whole potting season. Four categories of extracting techniques are observed in Africa: surface collection, pit extraction, underground gallery, and underwater extraction. In surface collection, clay is extracted on or just below the surface, either on the ground (plain, fields, dried ponds, or riverbeds), a hill, or the wall of a slope or an embankment. After having eliminated the superficial organic and mineral layer, the potter extracts clay without really digging underground. The operation may be described as “peeling” a clay bed. In pit extraction, potters dig vertically or diagonally into the ground, until an appropriate layer is reached. Most pits are some 1 or 2 m deep and 2 or 3 m in diameter. Due to repeated and intensive exploitation, they may take the form of a quarry, as in southeastern Nigeria (Nicklin, 1979, p. 349). Variations are observed in the way potters exploit and manage these structures. For instance, some use a pit until the clay layer is completely exhausted, while others abandon it when a specific depth is reached or as soon as it shows risks of collapsing. Raw materials may also be extracted from galleries. This type of structure generally starts with the excavation of a vertical shaft. When the access shaft reaches the clay bed, the structure is extended horizontally (Livingstone Smith, 2007; Nwafor, 1980; Schneider, 1993). Galleries, like pits, are generally abandoned at the end of the potting season, but some may be used several years in a row, the access shaft being re-excavated each year. Page 2 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 Finally, a rather uncommon technique consists in extracting clay from the bed of an active river, as among Tikar of Cameroon and Punu of Gabon (Gosselain, 2002, pp. 52–53). Here, artisans build two small dams in the river, bail out the water contained between the dams, and extract clay before the upstream dam gives way. It is usually in the course of other activities, and especially activities which force them to dig into the ground (e.g., tending fields, building houses, digging wells) or to frequent places such as riverbeds or swamps, that potters, members of their family, or any of their acquaintances may discover a new source and get the process leading to its possible exploitation under way. This involves assessing both the intrinsic qualities of the material (which often includes firing test vessels) and the compatibility of the site with other imperatives. A first requirement is that the clay must have the right physical properties, i.e., its plasticity, texture, color, and even taste and odor must fit with a potter’s personal requirements (see also Barbour, 1989; Brown, 1989; Frank, 1998; Trowell, 1941, p. 61; Woods, 1984, p. 305). If newly discovered clay is judged suitable, a second requirement is that it must be located nearby the potter’s main occupational areas and/or working place. Since pottery making is often subordinated to other activities – such as farming and domestic tasks – potters tend to restrict their investment in time and energy or, at least, avoid scheduling conflicts when practicing the craft. Sources located nearby living or working sites, fields, rivers frequented for fishing, roads, or tracks are therefore more likely than others to be selected and subjected to long-term exploitation. In fact, about 90 % of the hundreds of sources that we visited in sub-Saharan Africa were situated nearby or within sites used primarily for other activities. Such a situation has an obvious impact on clay exploitation strategies. More importantly, it shows that clay extraction sites are not distributed randomly or according to a craft-specific logic but are fully integrated in the territory frequented by both potters and non-potters. Finally, rituals and taboos often surround the selection and exploitation of clay sources (Barley, 1994; Berns, 1993; Drost, 1964; Gosselain, 1999; Herbert, 1993; Pinçon, 1993). For instance, certain persons are systematically kept aside from extraction sites or places where clay is stored and processed: men when the craft is in the hands of women, women in opposite situations, uninitiated people, members of distinct social groups from the potters, little girls or boys, pregnant women, menstruating women, twins, warriors, etc. Likewise, artisans must avoid doing particular things on the eve of extraction or when engaging in clay collection: having sexual intercourse, talking, singing, swearing, urinating, manipulating certain objects, eating particular food, etc. Rituals and sacrifices (e.g., prayers, food offerings) may also be performed at the extraction site. Clay Processing As in most places around the world, African potters never use clays in their raw state. Processing operations may be grouped into four main categories: pretreatment, removal of nonplastics, addition of nonplastics, and homogenization. Pretreatments usually consist in leaving the raw materials to dry, soak, or sour for hours, days, weeks, or even months. Soaking is usually done in a pit, an old jar, or a plastic container and used when clay is extracted in a dry state. It aims at allowing the material to regain its plasticity. If clay is already wet, the aim may be to obtain a better workability through increasing the amount and distribution of water between particles and pores. A long soaking time may also help in increasing plasticity through pH alteration and the subsequent flocculation of clay particles, but such souring process is quite rare among African potters. When clay is sufficiently dry or wet, undesirable nonplastics may be removed through a series of techniques. The most common one is hand sorting, as potters usually remove coarse impurities such Page 3 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 Fig. 1 Pounding sherds in wooden mortars for obtaining grog, the most common temper in Africa. Note the use of tools and postures identical to those used in food processing as pebbles, roots, or leaves when manipulating clay. But there are several other ways of controlling clay composition and texture. For example, potters may pound the clay on a stone or in a wooden mortar or grind it with lower and upper grinding stones. Finally, nonplastics may be removed by sieving with baskets, pierced calabashes, or imported nylon meshes. Potters may also remove the coarser fraction of nonplastics by shaking the crushed raw materials in a calabash or by winnowing it with a winnowing basket or a calabash. A last technique, levigation, is quite rare in Africa. Here, the material is mixed with water until reaching a colloidal state. After having removed the larger, heavier particles on the bottom of the container, water is left to evaporate and the finer fraction is retrieved (David, 1983; Gallay & Sauvain–Dugerdil, 1981). Generally called “tempering,” the addition of plastic or nonplastic elements to the clay matrix involves a large variety of materials: other clays, dust, mud, termite heap clay, sand, gravel, rocks (calcareous rocks, gneiss, schist, and asbestos), iron stone, grog (crushed, grounded, and/or sieved potsherds; Fig. 1 – by far the most common material), fired earth, ash, straw, cereal husks, grass, stems, bark, dung (horse, cow, goat, or donkey), shells, calcareous solution (grounded and sieved calcareous rock mixed with a large amount of water; Sall, 2005), or bark decoction. The last processing step usually consists in a thorough homogenization of the material. Such operation is mandatory in clay processing and has a determinant impact on clay workability. It may be done in different ways: kneading with the hands, trampling with the foot, or pounding with various kinds of tools and supports (the most common ones are mortars and pestles, lower and upper grinding stones, and handles of diverse farming tools). Due to the frequent combinations of the four categories of treatments, as well as the diversity of tools, gestures, and materials involved, there exist hundreds of technical variants across the African continent. Such diversity sometimes leads processing techniques to become cultural markers at local or regional scales (Corniquet, 2011; Gosselain, 2008; Livingstone Smith, 2000). Potters often explain that they act the way they do because of tradition (i.e., because of the way they have been trained), but also because using other processing recipes would lead vessels to break during drying, firing, or utilization. Such a conception may justify the use of different processing techniques in relation to the intended function of vessels or vessel parts. Among Koma-Gimbe of Cameroon, for example, potters simply pound the clay when making small vessels but add sand when making large beer brewing jars. They explain that jars would crack when drying if they did not Page 4 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 do so (Livingstone Smith, 2000). Others examples of the use of different processing recipes for different uses have also been collected in other areas (Gallay & Sauvain–Dugerdil, 1981; Herbich & Dietler, 1991; Nicholson, 1929; Tobert, 1984; Trowell, 1941). Most commonly, however, potters use a single processing technique, irrespectively of the intended function of the vessels. Another factor that explains the use of specific processing techniques is the relationship with techniques used in other realms of activity, such as food processing and agriculture. For instance, staple foods and clay may be prepared with similar tools and gestures and according to similar recipes. In the Bariba village of Tourou (Benin), for example, potters pound the clay in a wooden mortar and separate the fine and coarse fraction by shaking the material in a calabash. Then, they pound the coarse fraction a second time, and let it soak in a jar placed in the sun. When the liquid is sufficiently thick, it is sieved through a pierced tin can and mixed with the fine fraction of the raw material. Potters explain that this mixture acts as cement and that the best millet porridge is obtained in a similar way. Similarly, the clay desalinization technique observed among certain Jola Kasa potters of Casamance echoes agricultural practices in mangrove zones (Sall, 2005). Symbolic or religious concerns may also influence clay-processing strategies (see examples in Gosselain, 1999). For instance, some Boko potters of Benin take great care in extracting all rootlets from the raw material. This is because rootlets are used to prepare a medication that prevents potters from “swelling” when fashioning vessels. Some West African potters often recycle archaeological sherds into grog, as they consider this material to possess particular qualities because “ancestors knew how to make stronger pots” or because “what has lain underground is stronger than what lies on the ground” (Livingstone Smith, 2007). Another example comes from Tukulor potters of Senegal who stop adding dung to the clay when they settle in Soninke communities, where dung is considered impure (Gelbert, 2001). Shaping In most instances, the shaping process must be separated into two specific operations, according both to their purpose and the set of tools and gestures involved: (1) roughing out and (2) preforming. During roughing out, potters transform a lump of clay and/or joint pieces of clay together in order to constitute a hollow volume – the rough shape – whose form, often cylindrical, is not that of the finished product. During preforming, potters give the hollow volume its final geometric characteristics through scraping and smoothing operations. Wheel throwing – not considered here – is only documented in North Africa, where male potters have used it for centuries. South of the Sahara, only passing references are made to the use of wheel throwing by a few male potters in the Lower Congo area. The Portuguese could have introduced the technique in the late seventeenth century (Vincentelli, 2003, p. 44), yet due to a lack of ethnographical information, it is impossible to know whether it is still used as such by Kongo potters. Roughing Out Techniques used in sub-Saharan Africa belong to seven main categories: (1) pounding in a concave form, (2) drawing of a ring-shaped lump, (3) superimposing and drawing of large rings, (4) molding (on concave or convex molds), (5) pinching, (6) drawing of a lump, and (7) coiling. As the last three techniques are widely documented outside Africa, only the first three will be considered here. The pounding technique – also called “tamper and concave anvil technique” – consists in placing a lump or a pancake of clay on a mat-covered depression or a concave anvil (wood, clay, or stone) and pounding it with the fist, a wooden pestle, or, more generally, a stone or clay tamper (Fig. 2). Progressing with rhythmic beating, the potter rapidly obtains a concave form that he/she turns continuously on the anvil or the depression while shaping it. This technique is used throughout the Page 5 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 Fig. 2 Shaping a vessel with the diverging pounding technique, on a concave wooden anvil with a clay tamper (Photo by Olivier Gosselain) Sahel, from Mali to Egypt (Drost, 1967; Gosselain, 2001; Huysecom, 1992; Sterner & David, 2003). Two main variants have been identified so far, whose spatial distribution across the continent could correspond to distinct historical processes (Gosselain, 2010): (1) converging pounding, in which potters pound the clay from the edge of the lump toward its center, and (2) diverging pounding, in which they progress from the center toward the edge. In the drawing of a ring-shaped lump, the potter fashions a ring of 20–60 cm in diameter with one or several slab(s) of clay and pulls its wall up with the help of the fingers (Krause, 1985; Lawton, 1967; Livingstone Smith, 2007; Roy, 1989). In most cases, the lower part of the vessel is fashioned later with coils or a pancake of clay, after the upper part has been preformed and is sufficiently dry to be upturned. A variant observed in western Cameroon consists in fashioning the bottom part before the upper one (Nyst, 1996). The superimposing and drawing of large rings is similar to the previous technique, except that the initial volume is obtained by superposing a series of crown-shaped rings of clay which are then carefully joined. So far, the technique has only been recorded in the southeastern part of Central Africa (Lorenz & Plesner, 1989; de Maret & Bulckens, 1978; Livingstone Smith, 2010; Woods, 1984). The seven techniques mentioned above are seldom used as such by African potters. The shaping of medium to large vessels usually involves the combination of the last two of these techniques, with the consequence that a detailed comparison of actual shaping processes allows one to identify more than 50 variants across the continent. In comparison with clay extraction and processing, the most striking aspect about the roughing out process is that it mainly relies on hand gestures. While techniques such as molding and pounding require specific tools and devices, it is especially the artisan’s hands and fingers that act during the major part of the shaping process. Gestures associated with the roughing out process also stand apart because of their relatively specialized character. Few relations exist with other activities at this level and only body postures (e.g., working while bending over the rough out or sitting on the ground with legs wide apart) may find an echo in other domains than pottery making. The reliance on specialized gestures has been identified as a crucial factor for explaining the frequent stability of shaping technique through time and space, as well as the possible coincidence between techniques and major social boundaries such as language, socio-professional groupings, or political units (Fowler, 2008; Gosselain, 2000, 2002). Their mastery involves a close interaction between two individuals and a training period that may span over several years, so that motor habits would be more resistant to change than other stages of the manufacturing process. Recent studies Page 6 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 have showed, however, that borrowing processes may also affect the shaping stage (Gelbert, 2001; Gosselain, 2008; Sterner & David, 2003). Another explanation could be that since potters frequently view shaping techniques as an inheritance and an index of their social affiliation, they develop a conservative attitude in regard to the transmission of technical practice at this level of the manufacturing process. This is the case among female potters of the Songhay blacksmith group in Niger, who have acquired the molding technique from their Bella neighbors (considered as former slaves) but have chosen to pass on their own pounding technique (“the true Songhay technique”) to their daughters. Preforming Carried out in continuation of the roughing out operations, this stage aims at giving the vessel its desired shape. To this end, potters scrape and smooth the wall with a series of tools, exercising gradual pressures in order to deform the clay material. To round off the body and make it bulge, potters scrape the outside and inside walls while supporting the wall with the other hand. The tools used for scraping the inside surface have a rounded or spherical form: rounded off pottery sherds, pieces of calabash, pods, large seeds, nuts, shells, or spoons. Moved horizontally or obliquely, they do not generate much displacement of clay since internal scraping aims essentially at modifying the shape of the body. Outside scraping and smoothing operations, on the other hand, allow the potter to mask irregularities and to heighten the vessel through the displacement of a rather large amount of clay. Such operations are typically carried with flat and oblong tools, such as flat sticks, spatulas, bones, blades, pods, shells, or corncobs. Forming the neck may be achieved with different techniques, either in continuation of preforming the body or after having added one or several coil(s). A first technique consists in bending the upper part of the wall through horizontal smoothing of the inside wall. In this case, the potter exercises an increasing pressure on the smoothing tool, while supporting the wall with the other hand, until the appropriate shape is obtained. Another technique consists in smoothing the outside wall of the vessel horizontally with a tool whose curvature corresponds to that of the neck. Rounded off sherds or calabash pieces are typically used to that aim. A last technique consists in pinching the rim between the fingers (directly or with the help of a leaf, a rag, or a piece of leather) and rotating the vessel slowly with the other hand while exerting a constant pressure on the rim and progressively tipping up the hand toward the exterior (Fig. 3). Finally, some potters form the lip of the vessel through constant pressure between fingers – or with the help of any supple material – as in the neck-forming method described above. Depending on the position of fingers, the pressure exerted, and the materials used, lips may acquire a rounded or sharp profile or bear a groove. The rim may also be shaped through smoothing with a flat or slightly concave tool such as a spatula, a stick, a bone, or the nervure of a large leaf. Here also, the potter usually rotates the vessel while exerting a constant pressure on the tool or, alternatively, moves the tool itself on the rim. A last method consists in adding one or several coil(s) above the rim or on its side and smoothing it with fingers or a supple material. The individual dimension of preforming operations must be stressed. While frequently sharing a pottery tradition with a larger group of people, individual potters often develop idiosyncrasies at this level of the manufacturing process, through the specific ordering of operations and the way tools or fingers are used (Kaneko, 2007). Minute variations in profiles – neck, lip, handle, or base – are also likened to “signatures,” which can be recognized as readily by eye as by touch (Gosselain, 2002, pp. 113, 115). Page 7 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 Fig. 3 Forming the neck and the lip of a vessel with the fingers. A constant pressure is exerted on the wall while the vessel is rotated slowly with the other hand (Photo by Olivier Gosselain) Another striking characteristic of the preforming stage is its permeability to innovation. Starting from simple and common forms, artisans are able to innovate in order to meet new demands (e.g., flowerpots, moneyboxes, stills, or incense holders) or to modernize the aspect of their products (Argenti, 1999). This explains the current appearance of a new generation of flat-bottomed pots fitted with handles, which are faithful copies of the aluminum pans produced in urban environments. The production of such vessels may also allow individuals to position themselves as experts and agents of modernity within their community. Decoration Decoration occurs either after shaping, while the paste is still wet, or after drying or even firing. In the first case, the techniques used belong to four large categories: (1) grooving, (2) incising, (3) impressing, and (4) appliqué. Grooving consists in tracing lines or figures on the surface of the vessel with the fingers or a tool with a rounded or sharp extremity: sticks, stalks, thorns, ends of calabash scrapers, sharp stones, bones, shells, nails, bicycle spokes, bracelets (drawn on the surface), bundles of stalks or thorns held between finger or driven into a clay ball (Fig. 4), hair combs, and indented pieces of calabash. Incising is similar to grooving, except that the tools used have a sharp cutting edge so that clay surfaces are actually incised. Such tools include knives, spearheads, or scraps of metal. Impressing is done with distinct tools and methods. The simplest is to press any kind of device or material (fingers, natural objects, sticks, combs, or carefully designed wooden or iron stamps, as those used in the Inland Niger Delta; Gallay, Huysecom, & Mayor, 1998), in order to make a single impression that may be subsequently repeated on the surface. Another method consists of pressing and rocking convex devices such as blades or indented combs and bracelets on the surface and obtaining zigzag-like rows of impressions. Rouletting is a third technique, in which natural objects (corncobs, shells, fish vertebrae, plant parts) or roulettes (made by carving wood or twisting, knotting, braiding, coiling, or wrapping fibers) are rolled on the vessel’s surface to obtain regular patterns (Haour et al., 2010). Appliqué corresponds to any kind of clay elements added to the vessel surface, e.g., coils, buttons, spikes, and human or animal figures. Decoration made on dry and hard surfaces comprises painting and specific surface treatments. The most usual ones consist of applying a slip made of iron-rich clays, crushed beforehand on a stone or in a mortar, and subsequently sieved and diluted in water. The application is made with the hand or Page 8 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 Fig. 4 Decorating a vessel with a comb‐like device (Photo by Olivier Gosselain) Fig. 5 Applying a mineral paint with the help of a blade (Photo by Olivier Gosselain) a rag. In many instances, slipped surfaces are then carefully polished with round stones or strings of seeds (mostly from baobabs) or cowries. The resulting effect, after firing, is a dark-red and shiny surface. Polishing may also be done on unslipped surfaces or with graphite, as among several South African populations (Bell & Calder, 1998; Fowler, 2008; Lawton, 1967). Painting occurs either before or after firing. In the first case, by far the most common, it is done with various mineral pigments diluted in water and occasionally mixed with gum arabic, salt, or sugar, all elements that are said to favor adherence on vessel walls. Pigments are applied with a feather, a millet ear, a stalk, or a stick with a crushed or rag-wrapped end. In southwestern Niger, Bella and Zarma potters use a blade for drawing thin lines and motifs (Fig. 5). Postfiring painting is essentially observed in South Africa or in modern contexts, where vessels are aimed at tourist or city markets. Potters then use industrial paints and inks. Regardless of the techniques, tools, or materials, a striking feature of decoration is the casual way in which most potters talk about it. Decoration would essentially be a matter of “simple embellishment,” “like a hairstyle or clothes,” the main function of which is to “attract the customer’s eye.” In some cases, even the aesthetic function of decoration is questioned, as when potters explain that roulette impressions are simply a matter of modifying wall texture to prevent pots from slipping when manipulated (Bredwa–Mensah, 1996; Priddy, 1971). Page 9 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 This does not mean that artisans proceed randomly, outside rules, or reference frameworks. On the one hand, pottery decoration is but an ornamental manifestation among others in a given context. Aesthetic choices may be influenced or even channeled by practices unrelated to pottery making. For example, there exist numerous parallels between vessel ornamentation and tattooing or scarification (Barley, 1994; David, Sterner, & Gavua, 1988; Ritz, 1989), as well as architecture or other elements of material culture (baskets, gourds, aluminum pots). On the other hand, if decoration is obviously open to innovation (e.g., the current vogue of painted inscriptions in West Africa), change mostly affects the components of the decors, rather than their organization or “grammars.” Interestingly, the later could be related the symbolic function of decoration or the expression of collective identities (David et al., 1988). Drying There exists a broad palette of practices and attitudes in regard to drying. Some potters deem it necessary to place the wares in the sun during the early stage of drying, while others take great care to shelter them during the first hours, the first days, or even the whole drying process. Similarly, some may wait several weeks or several months before firing the vessels, while others do it after 2 or 3 days. While drying periods are often shorter in dry areas than in tropical areas, variations seem essentially related to personal conceptions and schedules, rather than climatic variations or the chemical and physical characteristics of raw materials. Thus, potters who make vessels on demand or frequent weekly markets generally resort to short drying periods. If necessary, wares cracked from too fast a drying are simply repaired with fresh clay. Such flexibility in drying procedures is due, in part, to the accommodating nature of the raw materials used in Africa. But it may be reinforced through the use of preheating techniques that allow the gradual evaporation of residual water. For instance, pots may be placed around or above a cooking earth (Gosselain, 2002, pp. 145–146; Priddy, 1971; Woods, 1984), on glowing embers (Kanimba & Bellomo, 1990; Mercader, Garcia–Hera, & Gonzalez–Alvarez, 2000), or on a rack-like structure below which a fire is kept going, as among several Kongo groups from Central Africa (de Maret, 1974; Mpika, 1986). Firing Although the emphasis will be put here on fuels and structures, several other aspects of firing may be taken into consideration, including the scheduling of firing events, the location of firing structures, the way vessels and fuel are positioned within the structure, the overall firing schedule (duration, refueling, way of assessing the degree of firing of the wares), or the identity of people taking part in the operation. Fuel As summarized by Livingstone Smith (2001, p. 993), almost all categories of combustible materials are used for firing pottery in Africa, from sawdust to rubber tires. Used independently or combined in various proportions, they may be grouped into three main categories, corresponding roughly to those made by the artisans themselves when asked about their conception of “appropriate” and “inappropriate” fuels: (1) manure of cows, donkeys, camels, or horses; (2) light materials (dry grass or cereal stalks, cereal chaff, palm fronds, leaves, twigs, barks, or roots); and (3) heavy materials (branches and logs from dozens of tree species). Neither the firing structure nor the firing conditions possibly sought by potters seem to impose restrictions on the selection of fuel materials. With the notable exception of manure, whose Page 10 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 Fig. 6 Firing structures used in Africa: (1) bonfire, (2) elevated bonfire, (3) bonfire with isolation, (4) depression, (5) pit, (6) pit with isolation, (7) oven, and (8) updraft kiln (Drawing by Yvette Paquay) combustion is slower, all the fuels used throughout Africa allow potters to obtain similar firing schedules and temperatures. Structure Eight firing structures are documented in Africa (see details in Drost, 1967; Gosselain, 2002, pp. 153–162): (1) bonfire, (2) elevated bonfire, (3) bonfire with isolation, (4) depression, (5) pit, (6) pit with isolation, (7) oven, and (8) updraft kiln (Fig. 6). Bonfires are the most commonly used structures in Africa. Pots are placed on a bed of fuel, at ground level, and covered with another layer of fuel. Such structures vary tremendously in size (50–250 cm in height and 50–700 cm in diameter), firing duration (from 20 min to several hours), as well as the number of vessels fired at once (from 1 to 500). The number pieces may depend on the stock available at the time of firing but also personal conceptions. For example, some Gbaya potters from Cameroon deem it impossible to fire more than one to three vessels at once. They thus multiply firing sessions or construct several bonfires side by side. So far, elevated bonfires have only been observed in the Great Lakes region, among the Twa of Burundi and Rwanda and the Konjo of Uganda (Célis & Nzikobanyanka, 1984). The technique Page 11 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 consists in placing vessels on elevated rack-like layers of branches placed on four or five big stones and covering them with fuel. During firing, they fall gently on the ground as the branches gradually burn down. Bonfires with isolation differ from simple bonfires in that a layer of fireproof materials – sherds, enamel wares, sheets metal – is placed either between the vessels and the upper layer of fuel or upon the whole structure. In the first case, the aim is to avoid color variations caused by contacts between fuel and vessel surfaces. In the second, the aim is to shelter the structure from the wind. Depressions are shallow structures dug in the ground (between 20 and 40 cm depth) in which vessels stand partly above the ground when having been placed on the fuel bed. Their shape is circular, oval, or rectangular, with diameters (or sides) ranging from 100 to 500 cm. As for bonfires, important variations are observed in the number of wares fired at once and the duration of the firing. Variations also exist in the way vessels are positioned within the structure. For instance, while most potters place them horizontally or vertically, some place them upside down on the bed of fuel, in order to obtain a dark and shiny internal surface, as among the Zaghawa of Sudan (Tobert, 1984) or Hausa and Kanuri of Niger. What differentiates pits from depressions is that, in the former structure, vessels remain below the ground surface after having been placed on the fuel bed. Their depth always exceeds 50 cm and may reach as much as 100–150 cm, for a diameter ranging from 50 to 400 cm. Another difference pertains to the duration of the firing, which is often several hours long. In a variant observed among Bamileke Fe’fe’ from western Cameroon (Gosselain, 2002) and Kongo Manyanga from Congo (Mpika, 1986), the wares are placed on a rack-like wooden structure standing above the pit and gently tipped in the hole in the course of firing. Pits with isolation resemble bonfires with isolation in that a layer of fireproof materials is placed either on the vessels or on the upper layer of fuel. This technique is commonly used in southern Africa (Krause, 1985; Lawton, 1967) and throughout the Sahel area, from Senegal to Sudan. Here, the firing usually lasts a whole night, even though the fire actually burns for a few hours. Ovens are wall-enclosed structures within which vessels are not separated from the fuel. Such structures have only been documented in West Africa. They are made of mud, with a height of 50–180 cm and a diameter of 100–400 cm. The base of the wall has one or several hole(s), through which fuel (usually stalks or grasses) is charged during firing. 20–200 vessels may be fired at once in such structure. They are piled and subsequently covered with fuel and/or a layer of sherds. A simpler oven technique, observed among some Yoruba of Nigeria (Fatunsin, 1992, pp. 39–40) and Bariba of Benin, consists of firing vessels in a bottomless jar placed on mud bricks upon a small fire. Such technique is only used for small pieces. Updraft kilns are particularly rare in sub-Saharan Africa. So far, they only have been observed in western Nigeria, among the Nupe of Bida (Nicholson, 1934; Vernon-Jackson, 1960) and the Yoruba of Abeokuta (Fatunsin, 1992). While such firing structure is constituted of a circular mud wall – as ovens – fuel is placed in a distinct chamber and separated from the vessel with sherds or a perforated clay plate. They are in fact strongly reminiscent of the fish dryers used along the River Niger, within and to the north of the Nupe area. Measurements made in the field show a considerable homogeneity in firing conditions, despite the variety of fuels and structure used throughout the continent. Whether in regard to temperature rise, maximum temperatures, or the time of exposure to specific temperature thresholds, each technique allows for similar results (Livingstone Smith, 2001). Such homogeneity echoes the way in which potters determine the completion of the firing process: in most instances, they retrieve the vessels or stop refueling when vessels’ walls become incandescent. Page 12 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 There exist multiple relationships between firing techniques and techniques used in the realm of food processing (Gosselain, 2002, p. 165). But not with metallurgy, even in societies where male blacksmiths and female potters belong to the same endogamous subgroup. The fact that both activities are respectively practiced by different genders and in different circumstances would seem to hamper technical transfer. As other stages of the manufacturing process, firing is also surrounded by a series of prescriptions and prohibitions. Yet, they are both less numerous and less influential in technical terms, as they aim essentially at avoiding “evil” or “impure” individuals. This worry stems from the public and collective character of the firing process. In many regions of Africa, artisans associate with relatives, friends, or neighbors for firing their wares. Such associations do not only help in alleviating their work but also meeting scheduling constraints (e.g., the existence of weekly markets) when only a few firing locations are available. Interestingly, communal firings often give rise to micro potting communities when artisans start to regroup on a regular basis. Operating within broader communities, they are characterized by the existence of close social bonds between members and the development of specific technical practices not necessarily limited to the firing process (Corniquet, 2011). Postfiring In many regions of Africa, vessels are subjected to various treatments after firing, either when retrieved red hot from the fire or after having cooled off. Aiming at improving the physical characteristics and/or appearance of vessels, postfiring treatments may be grouped into five categories: (1) organic coating, (2) resin application, (3) smearing, (4) smoking, and (5) water sprinkling or soaking. Organic coating is by far the most common treatment. It consists of coating the surface with an organic mixture made from parts (bark, fruits, leaves, branches, roots) of several dozen tree species, the most common of which are Bridelia ferruginea, Bridelia micrantha, Parkia biglobosa, Parkia filicoidea, Diospyros mespiliformis, Ximenia americana, Pterocarpus angolensis, and several Acacia and Syzygium subspecies (see details in Drost, 1967, pp. 174–182; Gosselain, 2002, pp. 184–190). After having been crushed, the material is boiled in water (decoction), put into hot water (infusion), or soaked at ambient temperature (maceration). Application is done by immersing hot vessels in the mixture, sprinkling it on the walls, or smearing the surface with the help of a series of brushlike tools. Alternatively, cooled off vessels are coated with the help of a rag. Besides having a decorative purpose, organic coatings are said to have strengthening and waterproofing effects. Resin application is solely aimed at waterproofing the vessels. In this case, the inside surface is coated with resin extracted from several tree species – e.g., Canarium schweinfurthii, Copaifera demeusei or mildbraedii, various Acacia species, Euphorbia candelabrum, Dodonea viscosa, and Guizotia abyssinica – either by melting it directly in the vessel or pouring it in after melting. The vessel is then rotated rapidly for ensuring a homogeneous surface coating. Organic materials may also be smeared on the surface or cooked in the vessel in order to strengthen or waterproofing them: leaves of Ricinus communis or Sida rhombifolia, oil or sap from Raphia vinifera or Elaeis guineensis, fruits, fibers, roots, cereal husks, milk, porridge, or cow dung (see examples and details in Gosselain, 2002, pp. 191–192). Smoking aims at covering the vessel surface with wood tar in order to give it a black shiny aspect – and according to several potters, improving their strength and waterproofing. To that aim, vessels retrieved red hot from the fire are usually buried in organic materials such as grass, cereal husk or chaff, animal manure, fruit pods, and bark or wood shavings (see examples in Gosselain, 2002, pp. 192–193). Another technique, observed in the Great Lakes region and South Africa, Page 13 of 18 Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-3934-5_8911-2 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 consists in maintaining vessels above a small fire (Armstrong, Whitelaw, & Reusch, 2008; Fowler, 2008; Trowell, 1941). Lastly, vessels may be immersed in, or sprinkled with, freshwater or boiling water (see examples in Gosselain, 2002, p. 193). Here again, the aim is to waterproof and strengthen the wares. As with clay processing or firing, artisans often emit strong views about the choice of ingredients, preparation recipes, or application techniques. As diverse – and even antagonistic – as they are, they seem to follow similar logics. For instance, sub-Saharan potters use at least 50 different plant species for making organic coatings, but few of them know about the existence of other plants than the ones they use, and most believe that there is simply no alternative to their choice. The same applies to the preparation of the plant parts or the application technique. Seen from a comparative and analytical perspective, however, all choices are perfectly justified from a technical or aesthetical point of view. The chromatographic analysis of various fruits and barks used in sub-Saharan Africa indeed reveals the presence of a specific category of tannins, the procyanidins, with excellent coloring and waterproofing properties (Dialo, Vanhaelen, & Gosselain, 1995). The most striking aspect of the postfiring stage is its connection with many other domains of activity. For example, most of the plant species exploited by potters are also used as food, dyes, basketry materials, waterproofing materials for wall and pavements, and, above all, pharmacopoeia. This last domain reveals interesting ties, as the illnesses and injuries treated with the help of preparations similar to those used by potters are mostly characterized by discharges (Gosselain, 1999, 2002, pp. 197–198, pp. 210–211): wounds, diarrhea, gonorrhea, hemorrhage, menorrhagia, ulcers, etc. Pots are thus treated as human bodies, and reversely. Similarly, postfiring treatments are often connected to birth and circumcision rites. What is at work, here, is the materialization of an extremely widespread association between pottery making and human beings (Armstrong et al., 2008; Barley, 1994; David et al., 1988; Gosselain, 1999; Ritz, 1989) that seems to channel potters’ behavior in relation to the choice of ingredients as well as processing and application techniques. 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