Tracking the origins of African slaves in the Indian Ocean through personal names: the evidence of Sumatra records PAPER FOR: Thematic issue of Afriques on East Africa and the Indian Ocean. Thomas Vernet & Philippe Beaujard eds. Roger Blench Kay Williamson Educational Foundation 8, Guest Road Cambridge CB1 2AL United Kingdom Voice/ Ans (00-44)-(0)1223-560687 Mobile worldwide (00-44)-(0)7847-495590 E-mail rogerblench@yahoo.co.uk http://www.rogerblench.info/RBOP.htm This printout: Cambridge, 03 March 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION....................................................................................................................................... 2 2. GENERAL ................................................................................................................................................... 3 3. QUANTITATIVE RESULTS .................................................................................................................... 3 4 LINGUISTICS AND PERSONAL NAMES.............................................................................................. 5 5. WHAT CAN THIS DATA TELL US?...................................................................................................... 7 REFERENCES................................................................................................................................................ 7 TABLES Table 1. Overall sex ratio .................................................................................................................................. 5 Table 2. Conversions of source orthography .................................................................................................... 6 FIGURES Figure 1. Reported sources of slaves at Fort Marlborough ............................................................................... 4 Figure 2. Ages of slaves from different reported origins .................................................................................. 5 MAPS Map 1. Remaining African diaspora communities in the Indian Ocean ........................................................... 3 Map 2. Reported origins of slaves in the Fort Wentworth data ........................................................................ 4 ABSTRACT Although interest has begun to increase, studies of the Indian Ocean slave trade remain scattered and weak compared with the massive volume of materials on the Atlantic trade. Yet there is every reason to think that the overall numbers of African slaves traded may have been of a similar volume, albeit spread over a much longer period. The difference is that time-depth and geographical dispersal has led to a much greater degree of assimilation, so that there is no longer a significant lobby reclaiming identity and visibly at an economic disadvantage. As a consequence, the African contribution to the culture of the countries around the Indian Ocean has probably been seriously under-estimated. A great deal of work has gone into identifying African links in the meagre material on personal names and idiosyncratic lexical items in the New World. However, archive sources for the Indian Ocean slave trade remain largely unmined in this respect. Of particular interest are the names and origins of slaves recorded for the entrepot of Fort Marlborough, part of the British Bencoolen Presidency in Sumatra. Records for the years 1766-8 show that around 900 slaves were kept at the fort during these years. The personal names, putative origins and age are listed for each slave. The great majority were from Africa, either Angola, Mozambique or Madagascar, and the remainder from Nias or South Asia. The latter names are not all convincingly identified with these places and there is some reason to think that African slaves were transhipped via Nias, for example. The paper makes a preliminary assessment of this material, and in particular the origins of the Fort Marlborough slaves, through an attempt to match the names given in the records with the word structure of languages in the source area, and comparison with known personal names. The goal is to gain a much better appreciation of the routes by which African slaves were transhipped around the Indian Ocean and to make the argument for African influences in Asia more concrete. Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version 1. Introduction Until recently, the Indian Ocean slave trade had received almost no attention from scholars and certainly none from archaeologists. Yet it is of much greater antiquity than the Atlantic trade and was conducted on a scale of equal magnitude (Collins 2006 estimates some twelve and a half million slaves were transported over two millennia). The reason for this lacuna is thus little to do with its historical importance and everything to do with ‘voice’, the stridency of communities in calling attention to their identity. Although interest has begun to increase, studies of the Indian Ocean slave trade remain scattered and weak compared with the massive volume of materials on the Atlantic trade. The time-depth and geographical dispersal has resulted in a much greater degree of assimilation of those transported, so that there is no longer a significant lobby reclaiming identity and visibly at an economic disadvantage. As a consequence, the African contribution to the culture of the countries around the Indian Ocean may have been seriously underestimated. A significant aspect of the Atlantic trade for social and economic historians is that almost as soon as it begins, there are written records, and these records include numbers. Problematic as this data often is, it has allowed historians to produce quantitative estimates for the volume, destination and annual fluctuations of the trade (e.g. Curtin 1972). The other two major trades from Sub-Saharan Africa, the trans-Saharan and Indian Ocean trades, are both less well-documented in quantitative terms but extend further back historically. There is also a body of research on the Islamic trade across the Sahara, although much of this was in the 1960s and 1970s (Blench 2011). There is also no doubt that the large size of the American academic system and highly articulate lobbying by the African-American community have played a role in the plethora of publication. The relative infrequency of publications concerning former slave communities in South and Central America is a clear indication of the strength of this Anglophone lobby. A great deal of work has gone into identifying African Photo 1. Gate of Fort Marlborough, Sumatra links in the meagre material on personal names and idiosyncratic lexical items in the New World (Macdonald et al. in press). However, archive sources for the Indian Ocean slave trade remain largely unmined in this respect. Of particular interest are the names and origins of slaves recorded for the entrepot of Fort Marlborough (Photo 1), part of the British Bencoolen Presidency in Sumatra in the eighteenth century. Records for the years 1766-8 show that around 900 slaves were kept at the fort and associated settlements during these years. The personal names, putative origins and age are listed for each slave. The great majority were from Africa, either Angola, Mozambique or Madagascar, and the remainder from Nias, Malabar and Batta [Batticaloa]. Few of the names for these two latter places can be convincingly identified with their regions and it may be they were transhipped via Nias, for example. The paper1 constitutes a preliminary assessment of this material, and in particular the origins of the Fort Marlborough slaves. The scale of the information also makes it possible to calculate some basic age and gender parameters, such as the balance of the sexes and children versus adults. A preliminary attempt has been made to match the names given in the records with the word structure of languages in the source area, and comparison with known personal names. Some preliminary hypotheses are given in the Appendix Tables. However, due to the variable nature of the transcriptions and the fact that individuals may not have originated in the region from which they were transhipped, these identifications are very partial. Nonetheless, they contribute towards a much better appreciation of the sources and routes by which slaves were transhipped around the Indian Ocean. 1 This paper has benefited from long-term discussions with Philippe Beaujard and Martin Walsh, and specific comment from Philippe Beaujard, Martin Walsh, Maude deVos, Johannes Hammerle and Sander Adelaar. Much remains to be done in the identification of the personal names, and some may prove always elusive. 2 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version 2. General Former slave communities are dispersed across a wide range of Asian countries and today speak a variety of languages, and records may be in languages not read by European scholars. What is written about them often does not enter the Euro-American library system. However, a range of publications has begun to appear, focusing on historical topics (Harris 1971; Baptiste 1998; Scarr 1998; Segal 2001; Basu 2008; Campbell 2003, 2004; Catlin-Jairazbhoy & Alpers 2004; Collins 2006; Obeng 2007; Ray & Alpers 2007; Hawley 2008; Jayasuriya & Pankhurst 2003; Jayasuriya & Angenot 2008; Jayasuriya 2009, 2010). There is almost no relevant archaeology to date. Map 1 shows the approximate distribution of still-identifiable African diaspora communities around the Indian Ocean. The broader picture is that slaves were being transported as early as 0 AD from East Africa to Arabia, Oman, the Gulf and probably Gujarat. Exactly when the trade reached the northern coast of Arabia is less certain, but at least as early as the turn of the millennium. The most well-studied groups are the Siddi or Habshi (from the word for Ethiopia, Habesh), mainly Map 1. Remaining African diaspora communities in the Indian Ocean in Gujarat and Hyderabad, India. The Siddi population is uncertain and current estimates range between 20–55,000. Siddis are mainly Sufi Muslims, although some are Hindus and some Roman Catholic Christians. However, in marked contrast, there are villages in the forests of northern Karnataka whose residents are probably descended from Mozambican/Angolan slaves who escaped from Portuguese traders and ships. Finally there are the ‘Indo-African’ or Kaffirinya communities who still survive in Sri Lanka today. African slaves certainly also reached island SE Asia and China, where they were treated as exotics, but also the subject of severe racist stereotyping. There is no clear evidence for residual communities in SE Asia maintaining an African identity in the present. Kessel (2007) describes the Belanda Hitam, which refers to African communities on Java, but these are remnants of the Dutch colonial enterprise, having originally been transported to Batavia in the eighteenth century. 3. Quantitative results The original archive materials of the ledgers of the Bencoolen Presidency records for 1766-8 are presently held in the British Library, but the raw data has been published by Jayasuriya (2009). The names, ages and origins of slaves recorded for the entrepot of Fort Marlborough. Records for the years 1766-8 show that 3 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version around 900 slaves were kept at the fort during these years. The personal names, putative origins and age are listed for each slave. Figure 1. Reported sources of slaves at Fort Marlborough The source of almost the slaves is noted, and for 1% 8% 15% only twenty-four is their origin unknown. Of those, the great majority were from Africa, either Mozambique, Angola or Madagascar. The island 1% of Nias, off Sumatra, is the major extra-African 16% source. A small number are given as ‘Batta’, ‘Malabar’ and for one, the unidentified ‘Mannis’. ‘Batta’ is almost certainly Batticaloa in NE Sri Lanka, which was historically an important slaving port (Foreign Office 1838)2. Malabar is a 0% 3% generic term for the southwest coast of India, particularly northern Kerala, and a local source of Indian slaves trafficked by the Portuguese and the Dutch VOC (Machado 2004). These slaves, in a perverse irony, were often carried back to Africa, becoming household slaves to the Dutch burgers at the Cape. The pie chart in Figure 1 shows the 56% numbers and percentages from different source. Map 2 shows the locations of the reported origins Angola Batta Madagascar Malabar Mannis Mozambique of slaves in the Fort Wentworth data. Nias None Map 2. Reported origins of slaves in the Fort Wentworth data The total number of slaves in the records is 898, and they are divided between the sexes, but are predominantly male, with a ratio of approximately 2:1. Table 1 shows the precise figures for the sex ratio in the entire sample. 2 Indeed there are still identifiable Kaffirinya communities, whose songs can be seen on Youtube. 4 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version Table 1. Overall sex ratio N = 898 Gender No % Males 602 66.96 Females 296 32.93 For all except 68 (7.6%) of the slaves, the age is given. Nearly all those with no age are from a single holding site, Natal. Figure 2 shows the ages of slaves from different reported origins3. There are marked differences in the ages of slaves from different sources, with those of Malabar origin almost 60% older than those from Angola.The most probable explanation is that those originating in Angola and Mozambique were the direct result of slave raids, whereas those from Malabar, Nias and Batta were either captured in warfare or were already part of the secondary trade. Figure 2. Ages of slaves from different reported origins Malabar 36.4 Reported source Nias 31.8 Batta 31.1 Madagascar 29.4 Mozambique 24.2 Angola 22.8 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Age in years The data was divided by the slave-traders into categories of adults and children. There were 164 children in the sample, of which 154 had their ages marked. The age range for children was 2-17 years with a mean age of 9.3. It would be interesting to know whether the very young children were actually enslaved, or whether they represent the children born to female slaves after their capture and transportation. The age ranges are not entirely consistent, since there are 7 children within the age range 12-17 in the ‘adult’ category. Of the 676 adults whose ages are given, their mean age was 32 years with a range of 12-66. If we take a sample of all adult males, excluding those under 18, their mean age is 30.4 years, whereas the comparable figure for females is 32.6 years, i.e. there was no significant difference between the sexes. It is hard to know the accuracy these stated ages. They are presumably based on the slaves’ self-reporting, combined with an assessment by the slavers of the credibility of the report. Individuals in rural Africa even today may have only a general idea of their age, so there may be inaccuracies. Slaves who had been in the system for a period, and those from Asia may have had a more precise concept. Nonetheless, the consistency in age from different regions suggests the data is reasonably trustworthy. 4 Linguistics and personal names Linguistic evidence for the African diaspora remains weak. Much work has been carried out on the Austronesian heritage of Malagasy and there is limited evidence for Austronesian loanwords on the East African coast (Blench 2010). However, identifying African borrowings in Indian and SE Asian languages 3 Excluding the single slave from ‘Mannis’. 5 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version remains problematic. Indo-Shirazi communities in Gujarat still clearly retain memories of Swahili although it is no longer spoken (Jayasuriya 2009). Some African borrowings can still be identified among the Kaffirinya communities in Sri Lanka. However, one source has so far gone largely unexploited, the area of personal names. This section looks at the potential to identify the lexical sources of the personal names assigned to particular geographical origins in the Bencoolen records. Not all the names listed should be linked to these places and there is some reason to think that African slaves were transhipped via Nias and Madagascar, for example. A preliminary assessment of the origins of the Fort Marlborough slaves, attempts to match the names given in the records with the word structure of languages in the source area, and comparison with known personal names. For the names of slaves attributed to African origins, at least some do seem to reflect the personal names occurring in this region. Others are manifestly European names, while in some cases, especially for Madagascar and Mozambique, they are apparently of Arabic origin (cf. Campbell for Madagascar & Capela & Medeiros 1987 for Mozambique). This is not remarkable, given the significance of Omani Arabic in Zanzibar and other slaving ports on the mainland. Very occasionally, in the South Asian settlements, clear efforts to transcribe typical Indian names are present. More difficult are cases where, for example, the individual may have had a Portuguese name, not recognised by the recorder and spelt in an idiosyncratic fashion. Almost all names are single words, sometimes with qualifiers (‘Old Jane’ etc.). Only rarely do we get two names and these do not necessarily represent personal names plus surname. However, some Malagasy names clearly divide into qualifier plus head noun and are so shown in the appended lists. Given the tendency in the Atlantic slave trade records to simply normalise all names to European ones, this record of personal names is rare and a precious survival. Spelling conventions are not entirely uniform, and occasional unusual spellings suggest that the slave must already have had a conventionalised name and perhaps even have been literate. One intriguing example of this is the Mozambican name, Lamaschereka, which incorporates a characteristic German spelling convention. Others are almost certainly drawn from Spanish or Portuguese, such as Manuel or Francisco. However, there are also possible respelt Hispanic names such as Riveru (? for Ribeiro) or Shaveer (? for Javier). The typical Malagasy affricates, often in word-final position, are represented as ‘dz’. Thus Massoondritz is probably Masundritsy, a name which suggests a Malagasy formation. The great majority, though, do seem to reflect a template drawn from eighteenth century English. This was prior to any type of phonetic spelling, let alone the IPA, so to interpret what the writer was hearing, we have to retranscribe the names. Fortunately, none of the probable source languages would have had complex consonant clusters or double-articulations, such as labial-velars, which were so perplexing to early authors writing on West Africa. Table 2 shows the conventions used to convert the originals to a more uniform orthography. Table 2. Conversions of source orthography Source orthography IPA Conversion c k ch ʧ -ck k ee i oo u o o Malagasy has the affricates /ʈʂ/ and /ɖʐ/, written tr and dr in missionary orthographies, which seem to be used in some of the names. In addition, final –h always indicates a more open vowel quality. Thus ah ~ ɑ and eh ~ ɛ. Doubled consonants are usually irrelevant, i.e. ‘ss’ can be taken to represent /s/. The most difficult issue is with diphthongs. There are many double or even triple vowels, and exactly what quality they represent is less than clear. Bantu languages rarely have the mid-central vowel /ə/ and this is not underlyingly part of Malagasy, but does occur phonetically. 6 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version There are many names, and not all can be listed here, so to make the data available, they are posted on my website. As a sample of the potential interpretations of the key lists, I have included extracts from Nias, Madagascar, Mozambique and Angola in the Appendix, with some of my hypotheses concerning their possible affiliation. Basically, all obviously European and Arab names are excluded, as well as those which seem to be very different from the languages of the claimed source area. Strikingly, there are more potential identifications for the Nias list than the others, in particular Nias clan and toponyms. This suggests that at least some of the slaves were indeed drawn from the interior populations of the island. The acknowledgements in Footnote 1 list those researchers who have kindly commented on the lists, and whose observations are included. 5. What can this data tell us? The function of this paper is to draw attention to a fascinating source of data which has remained unexploited. Much remains to be done on identifying the names in the records, and assessing the credibility of their origins. The Fort Wentworth records reflect the British and Dutch slave trade; no slaves are recorded as from the Indian Ocean islands or from Gujarat. More complete analysis will provide a much better appreciation of the routes by which African slaves were transhipped around the Indian Ocean and make the argument for African influences in Asia more concrete. References Baptiste, Fitzroy A. 1998. The African Presence in India—I and II. African Quarterly, 38,(2): 76-90, 91-126. Basu, Helene 2008. Drumming and Praying: Sidi At the Interface Between Spirit Possession and Islam. In: Struggling With History: Islam and Cosmopolitanism in the Western Indian Ocean. Edward Simpson & Kai Kresse eds. New York: Columbia University Press. Blench, Roger M. 2010. New evidence for the Austronesian impact on the East African coast. In: Global origins and the development of seafaring. Atholl Anderson, J.H. Barrett & K.V. Boyle eds. 239-248. Cambridge: Macdonald Institute. Blench, Roger M. 2011. The present in the past: how narratives of the slave-raiding era inform current politics in Northern and Central Nigeria. In: Comparative Dimensions of Slavery in Africa: Archaeology and Memory. Paul Lane & Kevin MacDonald eds. 361-391. British Academy for Oxford University Press. Campbell, Gwyn 1996. The Origins and Demography of Slaves in Nineteenth Century Madagascar: a Chapter in the History of the African Ancestry of the Malagasy. In: Fanadevozana ou esclavage: Colloque international sur l'esclavage a Madagascar. 5-37. Antananarivo: Musée d'Art et Archéologie de l'Université d'Antananarivo. Campbell, Gwyn ed. 2003. The structure of slavery in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia. London/Portland: Frank Cass. Campbell, Gwyn ed. 2004. Abolition and its aftermath in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia. London/New York: Routledge. Capela, Jose & Eduardo Medeiros 1987. O tráfico de escravos de Mocambique para as ilhas do Índico, 1720-1902. Maputo: Núcleo Editorial da Universidade Eduardo Mondlane. Catlin-Jairazbhoy, Amy & Edward A. Alpers eds. 2004. Sidis and Scholars: Essays on African Indians. Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press. Collins, Robert O. 2006. The African Slave Trade to Asia and the Indian Ocean Islands. African and Asian Studies, 5 (3-4): 325-47. Colomb, Philip Howard 1873. Slave-Catching in the Indian Ocean: a Record of Naval Experiences. London: Longmans, Green and Co. Curtin, P.D. 1972. The Atlantic slave trade: a census. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Foreign Office (Great Britain) 1838. Returns: Slave Trade, East India and Ceylon. HMSO. Harris, Joseph E. 1971. The African Presence in Asia: Consequences of the East African Slave Trade. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press. Hawley, John C. ed. 2008. India in Africa, Africa in India: Indian Ocean Cosmopolitanisms. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Jayasuriya, Shihan de Silva 2009. African identity in Asia. Princeton: Marcus Wiener Publishers. Jayasuriya, Shihan de Silva 2010. The African diaspora in Asian trade routes and cultural memories. Lewiston: Edwin Lellen Press 7 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version Jayasuriya, Shihan de Silva and Jean-Pierre Angenot eds. 2008. Uncovering the History of Africans in Asia. Leiden: Brill. Jayasuriya, Shihan de Silva and Richard Pankhurst eds. 2003. The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press. Kessel, Ineke Van 2007. Belanda Hitam: The Indo-African Communities of Java. African and Asian Studies 6, 3: 243-79. MacDonald, K., Blench, R.M. Mills, E. & D. Morgan in press. Sibling names and the Kongo origins of Marie-Therèse Coincoin, an African plantation owner in colonial Louisiana. Paper for submission to xx. Machado, Pedro 2004. A forgotten corner of the Indian Ocean: Gujarati merchants, Portuguese India and the Mozambique slave trade, c. 1730-1830. In Campbell ed. 17-32. Obeng, Pashington 2007. Shaping Membership, Defining Nation: The Cultural Politics of African Indians in South Asia. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Ray, Himanshu Prabha, and Edward A. Alpers eds. 2007. Cross Currents and Community Networks: The History of the Indian Ocean World. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Scarr, Deryck 1998. Slaving and slavery in the Indian Ocean. Houndmills: Macmillan Press. Segal, Ronald 2001. Islam's Black Slaves: The Other Black Diaspora. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 8 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version Appendix: selected identifications of slave names in the Bencoolen records Angola personal names recorded in 1767 Name Mavoolah Mayemba Mazeerah Mehemah Miyalhah Moamza Moander Mobah Moban Mouwah Mussoomah Nooambool Pahnzoo Painba Peindee Sabo Samsalangah Sayvo Sepattu Socoalah Solaza Soongoo Vaoingie Veera Vessee Voovoo Woolah Zainga Zoongo Name Retranscribed Age Bahambee Bahambi 30 Beindah Bənda 21 Booanga Bwanga 26 Boombah Bumba 31 Brombah Bromba 9 Cabcondar Kabkonda 35 Chembainee Chembeni 28 Chimbaindee Chimbendi 28 Congar Konga 10 Coombah Kumba 11 Dongo Dongo 3 Dooloo Dulu 19 Elavoona Elavuna 31 Emba Emba 27 Goma Gomaa 33 Gomba Gomba 21 Gongo Gongo 31 Gooamba Gwamba 27 Gooloo Gulu 10 Goondoo Gundu 26 Imbaohee Mbawe 27 Imbeimbu Mbembu 28 Imbodo Mbodo 33 Imbuimba Mbwimba 36 Imbuka Mbuka 28 Impah Mpa 33 Impassee Mpasi 39 Impupee Mpupi 34 Incongar Nkonga 37 Indallah Ndala 26 Inenaza Inenaza 28 Ingoamba Ngwamba 32 Inguamah Ngwama 29 Injeimbu Njəmbu 38 Inloomba Nlumba 26 Inpundee Mpundi 27 Insaca Nsaka 25 Jamajingah Jamajinga 32 Jemey Jeme 27 Jingah Jinga 29 Macaco Makako 17 Macoco Makoko 15 Macooloo Makulu 26 Macoombay Makumbe 11 Mahrah Mara 29 Makabah Makaba 9 Massangah Masanga 8 Massongoo Masongu 37 Mata Mata 21 Mavingah Mavinga 9 9 Retranscribed Age Mavula 26 Mayemba 28 Mazera 26 Mehema 30 Miyala 44 Mwanza 33 Mwanda 11 Moba 32 Mobã 13 Muwa 13 Musuma 9 Nwambul 29 Panzu 20 Pãba 27 Pende 28 Sabo 29 Samsalanga 2 Sevo 10 Sepatu 26 Sokwala 22 Solaza 2 Sungu 8 Vawŋe 11 Vira 12 Vese 9 Vuvu 29 Wula 26 Zenga 21 Zungo 22 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version Madagascar personal names recorded in 1767. A few sound distinctly Malagasy, but many are clearly of foreign origin. Suggestions as to better retranscription of the source name welcome. Name Allancova Allemas Ampalasooka Ampanitz Ampansah Bahraik Bahroch Retranscribed Alankova Alemas Almasi? Ampalasuka Ampanity Ampansa Baraka? Mbaruku? or Baluchi? Ballandean Banga Blandina? Banga Banian Bohate Bon Boornderah Cafuongoo ? Banyan Bohate Bahati Cajee Cajoe Camboah Caroomayna Bundera Bendera? Kafwongo Kifauwongo Kaji Kajo Kambwa Karumayna Chaqua Chaka Chambahouk Charoobey Chambahuk Charube Cheanzee Cheasah Chebaissee Chebonco Chefungo Chehasook Chehempar Chelafeah Chelaindook Chelasooree Cheleffey Chelemfah Chelimbene Chemacoolee Chemaloo Chemamendooh Chemenarose Chemondahs Chemongelo Cherahefah Cheraliah Cherarass Cherasoque Chianzi Chiasa Chebaysi Chebonko Chefungo Chehasuk Chehempa Chelafeya Chelaynduk Chelasuri Chelefe Chelemfa Chelimbene Chemakuli Chemalu Chemamendu Chemenarose Chemondas Chemongelo Cherahefa Cheraliya Cheraras Cherasoke Comment Malagasy alan kova ‘forest of nobles’ Swahili < Arabic ‘diamond’ Malagasy Malagasy Malagasy Swahili < Arab = ‘blessing’ (common name) European Mbaruku = Swahili < Arab (common name); Baluchi = ethnonym with various spellings, Baluch, Baloch etc. ? European Swahili? (name still current in Zanzibar). In Malagasy the word means ‘with holes’. Less likely ethnonym Swahili < Arabic ‘luck’ (common name) European Swahili < Arabic ‘flag’ Swahili lit. ‘death shammer’, the name of a plant or insect ? same as next kakazo in Malagasy means ‘piece of wood’ Malagasy karamàina ‘person who is salaried’, though in turn borrowed from Swahili garama Malagasy ? cf. traka. This word has many meanings in Malagasy including edible leaves, stand up and others. Malagasy ? cf. clan name tambahoaka Malagasy ? cf. tsarovy, imperative of tsaroana, perceive, remark, take care (? =place name Quelimbane) 10 Age 46 41 31 36 29 31 23 28 None 33 32 26 24 11 40 56 None 41 12 31 28 36 26 31 9 41 28 36 46 51 31 27 32 36 23 26 42 41 30 33 32 34 45 31 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version Name Cherassee Cherobatta Cherooa Cherooey Cheroohin Cherookin Cherora Cherrown Cheserichia Chesile Chesoosile Chessaih Chessansero Chessaro Chessissay Chessoooza Chevunda Chillarava Retranscribed Cherasi Cherobata Cherwa Cherue Cheruhin Cherukin Cherora Cheron Cheserichia Chesile Chesusile Chesay Chesansero Chesaro Chesisay Chesuza Chivunda Chilarava Chimanifique Chimenovah Chittimpoorah Chittindeah Chittinkingay Choassay Choboo Chongsaha Chontoon Choossay Chunburo Colloo Cooroo Coralee Dasanganga Deambana Eilah Embia Gavogavo Gunvanah Hambazoo Handassee Handay Chimanifiki Chimenova Chitimpura Chitindea Chitikinge Chwase Chobu Chongsaha Chontun Chusay Chumburo Kolu Kuru Handayme Handeme Handruso Hanessa Hanganah Hanozee Hansanny Hararu Hegooran Hemendaza Heuenra Handruso Hanesa Hangana Hanozi Hansani Hararu Heguran Hemendaza Hevenra Dasanganga Deambana Ela Mbia Gavogavo Gunvana Hambazu Handasi Hande Comment ? sounds Bantu) Malagasy ? cf. tsila (walk in undulating fahion)+rava (destroyed, beaten) ? sounds Swahili) ? Sounds Indian Malagasy ? cf. koro either ‘with rounded ears’ or ‘turkey’ European ? sounds Indian Malagasy ? cf. ela ‘long [time, distance]’ Mbia is a personal name common on the east coast gavo means ‘grey, colourless’ in SW Malagasy lects ? Malagasy andasy ‘Wait!’ in SE Malagasy lects cf. Malagasy handy ‘tree sp.’ in SW lects or ‘in spite of everything’ in SW lects ? < Malagasy mandèmy from the root lemy ‘soften’ sweeten, weaken’. sounds Malagasy ? < Malagasy hàingana ‘prompt, rapid’ 11 Age 38 30 28 30 26 36 38 32 36 31 26 57 31 46 41 23 32 30 36 31 30 28 30 28 36 33 41 28 36 41 27 36 28 31 7 12 51 23 28 31 None None 31 27 46 38 14 30 33 24 30 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version Name Hewlimbey Hewong Hongah Retranscribed Hulimbe Hewong Honga Hooannee Horanney Humbazoo Illepe Illuro Iman Imbimbee Immihinga Insagah Jahdendy Jalvey Japporana Jaroombay Jinedamboh Jinedassah Jongavah Juk Jukoo Jumah Jungo Hwane Horane Humbazu Ilepe Iluro Imani? Imbimbe Imihinga Insaga Jadendi Jalve Japorana Jarumbe Jine Dambo Jinedasa Jongava Juk Juku Juma Jungo Jungu? Junjee Kakeky Kalampolah Kaleelee Kany Kelemalacca Keysaw Junji Kakeki Kalampola Kalele Kelele? Kani Kele Malaka ? sounds European Kisa? kilahi Kindrua Kola Kuru~Kulu? Lambu~Lambo Killahee Kindrooah Kollar Kurooh Lamboo Larose Laser Laye Lumankoo Madongee Madoonbah Mahamzaha Mahasihaz Mahavinitz Mahavoonoo Mahombu Mahoo Mahulee Malembe Mamberu Laye Lumanku Madonge Madumba Mahamzaha Mahasihaz Mahavinitz Mahavunu Mahombu Mahu Mahuli Comment Bantu ? < Malagasy hèvoña ‘surpassed, beaten’ Swahili ‘(to) bribe’, also Malagasy monga ‘without fingers or toes’ Bantu Swahili < Arab ‘faith’ (a common girl’s name) Bantu Bantu ? < Malagasy jiny ‘genie’ + dambo ‘wild boar’ see next ? < Malagasy joko ‘to lean’ Arab / Swahili (a common name) Swahili ‘large cooking pot’; also widely heard as a slang / children’s version of Mzungu = ‘white person’ Swahili ‘noise’ ? < Malagasy kanikany ‘at once’ Spelling suggests reference to the port of Malacca ? cf. Swahili ‘story, reason, affair’, but also Malgasy kiso ‘small knife’ < Swahili kisu ? < Malagasy ki prefix + lahy ‘male’ sounds Malagasy ? < Malagasy kolakola to balance, stand straight widespread Bantu ‘great, old’ cf. Swahili kuu < kulu cf. Malagasy lambo ‘wild boar’ European ? sounds European ? < Malagasy lay ‘hair’ Swahili ‘lumps, balls, clots’, pl. of donge sounds Bantu cf. Swahili hamsa ‘5’ < Arabic ? < Malagasy mahasy ‘that which sanctifies’ azy him ? < Malagasy maha- ‘that which makes’ vinitsa, vinitra ‘angry’ ? < Malagasy maha- ‘that which makes’ + vono ‘killing’ ? < Malagasy maho(ña) ‘food other than rice’ ? < Malagasy maha- ‘that which makes’ huli ‘come back’ sounds Bantu sounds Bantu 12 Age 36 28 30 23 30 28 36 9 33 13 None 28 35 31 32 29 26 18 29 9 11 8 31 11 8 31 34 31 26 17 26 38 41 None 33 31 7 2 11 40 31 37 36 37 39 35 56 36 38 34 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version Name Mampehanehu Mampehanno Mampehonihee Mampujah Mampujak Manavel Mandoo Manas Mandoo Mandrosgin Mannoitz Mapoololoo Mapuhana Marembong Marooley Massay Massembarou Massiss Massoo Retranscribed Mampehanehu Mampehano Mampehonihi Mampuja[k] Mampujak Manavel Mandu Manas Mandu Mandrosgin [?] Manoitsi [?] Mapulolu Mapuhana Marembong Marule Masay Masembaru Masis[i] Masu Maso? Matoerah Mauadum Mesa Metrompah Moca Mompelassah Mompuhany Monridday Mooey Moonra Moora Mooroo Muendie Mumpinga Namaloo Namannoo Namgarcah Namkoika Narumanna Nukalar Numbarrack Pambah Pambu Par Penday Matwera Mawadum Mesa Meza? Metrompa Moka Mompelasa Mompuhani Monriday Muey Munra Mura Muru Mwendi Mumpinga Namalu Namanu Namgar[i]ka Namkoyka Narumana Nukalar Nakala? Numbarak Mbaraka? Pamba Pambu Par Paa? Penday Pooloo Pesang Prishanabool Ramah Ranalley Rangooney Ratchunlo Reahka Pulu Pesang Prishanabul Rama Ranale Rangune Rachunlo Reaka Comment sounds Malagasy. mampe- is a causative prefix sounds Malagasy. mampe- is a causative prefix sounds Malagasy. ? < Malagasy manavelo ‘that which makes you content’ ? < Malagasy mando ‘humid)’ ? < Malagasy cf. toitsy ‘character, place’ sounds Malagasy ? < Malagasy masay ‘small’ ? < Malagasy masina ‘sacred’ varo ‘Hibiscus sp.’ ? < Malagasy matsitsy ‘mean’ widespread Bantu ‘eyes’, cf. Swahili macho, also Malagasy maso Swahili < Portuguese ‘table’ sounds Malagasy ? < Malagasy mampe- causative prefix + lasa ‘leave’ ? < Malagasy mampe- causative prefix + hani(na) ‘food’ ? < Malagasy mora ‘easy, sweet’ ? < Malagasy moro ‘edge’ or iMoro ‘name of a region’ Bantu Bantu [? sounds Indian] Swahili < Arabic ‘copy; book’ Swahili < Arabic ‘blessing’ (a common name) Swahili ‘cotton’ Swahili ‘duiker; roof’ cf. Swahili –penda ‘to like’; Upendo / Pendo ‘love’ is a common name ? sounds Malay~Indonesian. cf. Pulau ‘island’ ? sounds Indian ? Swahili < Arabic (a name heard in Zanzibar) Malagasy~Arab personal name ? < Malagasy personal name ? < Malagasy riaka ‘sea, flood’ 13 Age 41 31 41 46 36 48 13 46 13 37 37 26 36 36 31 16 7 None 24 34 15 36 46 6 28 32 9 30 33 33 None 31 46 31 56 7 19 23 13 9 31 9 32 28 3 28 56 26 30 31 21 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version Name Refovah Retranscribed Refova Rehoosook Rehusuk Reneka Resaroah Retavuk Reneka Resaroa Retavuk Rice Riela Rikinkin Rice Rahisi? Ryela Rikinkin Rikseny Rilavu Rimeja Rindahee Ripapa Rikseny[i] Rilavu Rimeja Rindahi Ripapa Risooarah Risuara Risoondah Rivasah Risunda Rivasa Rohavak Rohavak Sayvolah Selaekeah Serranlaza Solengeso Somano Somelah Sonarique Sooah Soojay Sevola Selaka Seranlaza Solengeso Somano Somela Sonarike Sua Suje Soomay Soomeral Soovooratto Soudazza Tabbooah Tallahu Tamballo Tampine Sume Sumeral Suvurato Sowdaza Tabuwa Tabia? Talahu Tambalo Tampine Tanandah Tarpune Tassy Tillah Tinedambo Tollahee Tombing Tonoumay Toojoo Umberry Tananda Tarpune Tasi Tila Tine Dambo Tolahi Tombing Tonowme Tuju Mbele? Comment ? < Malagasy re- prefix of names for persons hova ‘nobility’ ? < Malagasy re- prefix of names for persons hosoka ‘powdered tobacco’ ? < Malagasy re- prefix of names for persons tavoka ‘pith of banana stem’ [? sounds European] Swahili < Arabic ‘cheap; easy’ ? < Malagasy ri for irì ‘that one’ + ela ‘long’ ? < Malagasy re- prefix of names for persons + kinkina ‘small finger, penis’ ? < Malagasy re- prefix of names for persons + lavo ‘fallen’ ? < Malagasy re- prefix of names for persons + papa ‘tuber sp.’ ? < Malagasy re- prefix of names for persons + soa ‘good’ hara ‘seek’ ? < Malagasy re- prefix of names for persons + vasa examine carefully ? < Malagasy re- prefix of names for persons + havaka ‘empty space’ ? < Malagasy say ‘small’ + vola ‘money’ ? Arab or Malagasy selaka ‘tributary’ ? < Malagasy seràña ‘port’ + laza ‘renowned’ ? < Malagasy soa ‘good’ ? < Malagasy Soja, Soza common personal name (? < E. ‘soldier’) ? < Malagasy sovoka ‘bandit’ + ranto ‘search far away’ ? < Malagasy saotra ‘thanking’ + laza ‘renowned’ Swahili < Arabic ‘character’ (a common name) ? < Malagasy talaho ‘action of praying’ ? < Malagasy ta- ‘person’ + valo ‘eight’ ? < SW Malagasy tàmpiny ‘projections before and after a cart’ ? < Malagasy tanan-dahy ‘village of a man’ < Malagasy tasy ‘sea’ < Malagasy tinay ‘intestines’ + lambo ‘wild boar’ ? < Malagasy tojo ‘glimpsed, encountered’ Swahili ‘in front, in the lead’ 14 Age 28 31 34 41 41 16 33 31 32 28 33 28 26 46 38 24 28 None 36 38 36 36 31 31 57 48 7 33 29 38 50 11 15 31 34 21 13 12 30 23 36 None 8 34 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version Mozambique personal names Name Acooray Bagoolay Barrack Retranscribed Akure Bagule Battary Bendur Cadongo Cambola Chamba Chambley Cheaasso Chegeomey Chell Fush Chemarook Chenoney Chifunloo Chinsuree Chirumbeso Chohale Coninkee Cooroo Dollohaka Dooanea Gainjee Gainjee Godagodazo Gongoo Hahmus Batari Bendur Kadongo Kambola Chamba Chamble Cheaso Chegeome Chelfush Chemaruk Chenone Chifunlu Chinsure Chirumbeso Chohali Koninke Kuru Dolohaka Duanea Ganji Ganji Godagodazo Gongu ? Hamis Hamenaw Hammetraw Inenemamah Innebaraga Jaross Jassphoo Jenon Jimezell Jinnalieha Kerkey Killamsaw Kutrankey Lamaschereka Loohemboo Maccadum Madlin Manadum Marainday Mareakoo Massoondritz Matsugee Hamenaw Hametraw Inenemama Inebaraga Jaros Jasfu Jenon Jimezel Jinalyeha Kerke Kilamsaw Kutranke Lamashereka Luhembu Makadum Mad[u]lin Manadum Marainde Mareaku Masundritsi Matsugi Comment Arabic origin but recorded in Colomb (1873) recorded an enslaved Yao man with the name Baraka Age 20 23 10 35 43 Bantu 11 23 n/a n/a 25 9 n/a 33 None n/a 10 8 28 19 33 25 19 9 9 14 13 Arabic origin but recorded in Colomb (1873) recorded an 23 enslaved Nyasa [=Chewa] man with the name Hamis n/a n/a 28 20 23 n/a 27 n/a 26 n/a n/a n/a 19 ? Bantu 30 40 n/a 28 22 32 ? Malagasy. masu = ‘eye’ 36 20 15 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version Name Mincamboah Mogoss Mogoss Mossaha Mossegeolooh Mossumbah Muccaraka Muekaylaloo Mumey Mumphany Mundaka Nakihinga Namaseepah Namcoochoo Nameoddum Namgore Nampingua Nampuneh Namsarey Napubo Narnaranka Neyombio Radeboo Rakey Buny Razue Remahnay Sallema Retranscribed Comment Age Minkamboa ? Bantu 21 Mogos 10 Mogos None Mosaha 21 Mosege olu 37 Mosumba ? Bantu 9 Mukaraka 23 Mwekelalu 20 Mume n/a Mumfany ? Malagasy 11 Mundaka 23 Nakihinga Bantu 19 Namasipa Bantu 23 Namkuchu 28 Nameodum 29 Namgore 29 Nampingwa Bantu 19 Nampune 24 Namsare 9 Napubo Bantu 29 Nanaranka 26 Neyombyo None Radebu n/a Rakebuny ? Malagasy n/a Razwe 26 Remanay ? Malagasy 36 Salama Arabic origin but recorded in Colomb (1873) recorded an n/a enslaved Ngindo woman with the name Salama Sangole Sangole 36 Senagree Senagri 23 Songolo Songolo 20 Songory Songory 23 Soo Su 23 Sorrooroo Soruru 32 Sumank Sumank[a] 11 Swamhanka Swamhanka 33 Tamiyal Tamiyal n/a Tanish Tanish n/a Toveru Toveru 23 Tresseck Tresek 31 Turriah Turia 12 Tychongansoo Chongansu 13 Walmas Walmas 31 Wallmat Walmart 55 Comment by Maude Devos. The names that begin with the na- formative definitely look Bantu, especially those that are followed by something that looks like a nominal prefix (nakihinga, namasipa, namkuchu, namgore, nampingwa, nampune, namsare). I know the na- formative occurs frequently in Makhuwa lexicon but as described by Schadeberg (2003: 86). Interestingly, he specifically says that na- (as well as ka-, cf. Kadongo in the list) are used as formatives in personal names. Nias personal names Words cited are from the Nias language unless otherwise noted. 16 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version Source version Assalee Avrovookah Bohovia Cabboo Cajula Calooboo Carosse Casar Chalon Chiar Chinehy Crobee Crop Dattah Dossunio Fagohay Faogy Gabayney Gamo Gaysumo Handagy Haraja Hellemanoo Jaiuh Jobah Jonis Junery Laboo Lahay Lallay Lamby Laroh Lassah, Lassay Layrah Legahay Lullah Maloosay Manajay Mangundah Meeda Minga Mongoojoo Moy Muna Mundeah Ontong Padang Pamolu Papoh Pokugunna Rimpat Rooley Roomea Retranscribed Asali Avrovuka Bohovia Kabu Kajula Kalubu Karos Kasar Chalon Char Chinehi Krobi Krob[i] Data ?Datu Dosunyo Fagohe Fawgy Gabene Gamo Gesumo Handagi Haraja Helemanu Jayu Joba Jonis Juneri Labu Lahe Lale Lambi Laroh Lasa Laira Legahe Lula Maluse Manaje Mangunda Mida Minga Monguju Moy Muna Mundea Ontong Padang Pamolu Papo Pokuguna Rimpat Rule Rumea Comment fuka a net to catch birs ‘garden’ ‘impudent’ Indonesian title Gohae, name of a Nias clan faogö = friend Baene, name of a Nias clan Nias toponym, near G. Sitoli raja = king hele = bathing place, manu = chicken Arise! footprint lalai ‘sprout (new leaves) Lasa, name of a Nias clan fish sp. gahe = foot wooden trough for pigs maluze snake sp. manaje small tree sp. with sweet fruits ? cf. Malay mengundang ‘invite’ Miga, Nias toponym, near G. Sitoli Moi, Nias river name munemune = food basket Austronesian ‘island’ Sumatran place name Indonesian personal name 17 Tracking the origins of African slaves Roger Blench Revised version Source version Saboyo Saindee Sariboo Se Dattah Selaboo Sequio Sheejoyae Soassooah Somboyoo Surumbowat Taboola Tappanooly Tasoogy Tayabey Tumumbuy Valash Retranscribed Saboyo Saindi Saribu Se Data Selabu Sekio Shijoye Swasua Somboyu Surumbowat Tabula Tapanuli Tasugi Tayabe Tumubwi Valash Comment sa = one, boyo = worm Pasaribu, name of a Batak clan Indonesian title labu = fruit sp. See above Susua, Nias river name sombuyu = the soft one well-fed pig Sumatran place name = ‘we awoke, we arose’ Pastor Hammerle notes that ga- is a common prefix for Nias personal names meaning ‘elder brother’. 18