THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA
S SULAWESI
EACH CHILD BRINGS ITS OWN FORTUNE
An Inquiry into the Value of Children in
a Javanese Village
by
Terence H. Hull
Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
in the Australian National University.
March 1975.
Most of the data used in this study were
collected during a field study organised
and executed jointly by Valerie J. Hull
and me. Except where otherwise acknowledged
in the text the analysis in this thesis
represents my original research.
Terence H . Hull
March 1975
ABSTRACT
One of the important issues in the discussion of
motivations
for large families is the degree to which parents
might regard children as being valuable in fulfilling
various material and non-material needs.
This is particularly
relevant in the study of peasant communities where the family
is frequently the basic economic unit of the society.
This thesis examines the implications of the concept of the
value of children in the context of a community in central
Java, with a mixed occupational structure which gives rise to
socioeconomic contrasts that are related to perceptions
of the value of children.
These, in turn, are related to
the fertility and family planning behaviour of community
members.
Various issues of importance in the community,
including the recent increase in the availability of
schooling, the problem of uncertainty under conditions of
extreme poverty,
and the reasons for resistence to the use
of modern forms of contraception,
of the value of children concept.
are explored in the light
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am happy to at last be able to acknowledge, in the
traditional form, the debts which I have incurred in the course
of preparing this thesis.
I owe a great debt to the people and the institution of
the Australian National University.
The study would have
been inconceivable without the scholarship
and field study
allowance which the A.N.U. put at my disposal.
Even the
period of analysis and writing, which proved the most difficult
stage of the study, was made pleasant by the congenial
surroundings of the Joint Research Schools, and particularly
the Demography Department.
Among the people at the A.N.U. who were prominent in their
help were: Professor J.C. Caldwell, who supervised much of
the pre-fieldwork stage of the study and cut through the
red-tape which seemed overwhelming at vital times; Masri
Singarimbun, who was my supervisor and kind teacher both before
and during the field study; and Lincoln Day, who corrected
many of my errors of grammar, punctuation, and the more
amorphous bits of my reasoning, without ever being discouraging.
During the fourteen months that my wife and I spent in
Indonesia we were glad to have the official sponsorship of
the Lembaga Ilmu Pengatahuan Indonesia (L.I.P.I.) and the
support, both in terms of practical assistance and convivial
atmosphere, of the Fackultas Geografi, Universitas Gadjah Mada.
We are also grateful to the various government agencies who
gave us permission to carry out research within areas for
which they were responsible.
We owe particular gratitude to the administrative officials
of Maguwoharjo, not only for their cooperation in an official
capacity, but for their valued friendship and hospitality.
Three young people from the village, Endang, Naniek,
and Sutiyar, relieved us of many of the difficult tasks
involved in transcribing and coding data.
They approached
these tasks with not only efficiency, and dedication, but
also good humour and unflagging energy.
The people who shared the experience of the study with
us most closely were the interviewer assistants who formed
our "family" in the village.
All of them; Amin, Ari, Budhi,
Harjono, Harti, Slamet, Sukarsih, Supardjan, Suprapto, Tri,
and Uum; worked on the survey with a diligence that went far
beyond anything that we might properly have expected, and in
addition they each contributed greatly to creation of a
happy and smoothly running home.
The debt we owe to the people of Maguwoharjo who not only
tolerated, but welcomed our intrusion into their lives, is
beyond the limits imposed by the traditional form of
acknowledgements.
In the future, we hope to find opportunities
to express our thanks in better, more personal, ways.
For the
time being we can only show our thanks by keeping the trust
iii
they have placed in us.
It is impossible for us to protect
the identity of the community - its location is obvious
from the various characteristics described in detail in the
text of this thesis - but we can do our best to protect
the identity of individuals and their families.
In what
follows case studies have been altered so as to preserve the
essential points, while not revealing information which might
prove personally embarrassing.
Hopefully also the pages below
will be seen to display the respect and friendship we feel
for our former neighbours.
Our stay with them was short,
but their kindness and warmth have remained with us since.
Many people have contributed materially to the writing
of this thesis.
Ann Sandilands wrote the many and complex
computer programmes which turned questionnaire responses
into tables.
Peter McDonald and Graeme Hugo waded through
some of the first drafts of chapters and gave valuable
comments which guided my later writing.
Chris Marrapodi
typed most of the final draft with her usual skill and
attention to detail, and Dianne Mahalm helped with some of
the typing jobs at the end when time began to press.
Graeme
Hugo also helped in proofreading the final draft, and aided
in the preparation of maps.
My special thanks must go to Valerie.
This is the third
research project on which we have coll ab orated.
Many pe ople
have asked how we can work together, live together and still
remain such good friends.
I don't know a simple answer, all
I can say is that I am looking forward to future collaborations
with undiminished enthusiasm.
V
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
MAP OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA
Frontispiece
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
±±±
TABLE OF CONTENTS
v
DETAILED LIST OF CONTENTS
vi
LIST OF FIGURES
xi
PART I
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 2
THE CONCEPT OF THE VALUE OF CHILDREN
THESTUDY OF FERTILITY BEHAVIOUR
PART II
1
IN
8
CHOICE OF A FIELD OF INVESTIGATION
CHAPTER 3
THE POPULATION PROBLEM IN JAVA
48
CHAPTER 4
THE COMMUNITY STUDY METHOD
95
PART III
CHAPTER 5
CHAPTER 6
PART IV
THE COMMUNITY OF MAGUWOHARJ0
THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE OF MAGUWOHARJO
THE DEMOGRAPHY OF MAGUWOHARJO
126
174
THE VALUE OF CHILDREN AND THE DETERMINANTS
OF FAMILY SIZE IN MAGUWOHARJO
CHAPTER 7
THE VALUE OF CHILDREN IN MAGUWOHARJO
236
CHAPTER 8
THE VOLUNTARY CONTROL OF FAMILY SIZE
349
PART V
CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS AND GENERALIZATIONS
CHAPTER 9
CHAPTER 10
SOCIAL CLASS, FERTILITY AND FERTILITY
CONTROL
373
INCENTIVES, COMPENSATIONS AND THE SUCCESS OF
FAMILY PLANNING: A PROBLEM OF THE VALUE OF
CHILDREN
APPENDICES
395
GLOSSARY
459
REFERENCES
461
SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRES
vi
DETAILED LIST OF CONTENTS
-----------------------------
Page
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1
The Value of Children in an Overpopulated
Is land
1.1.1
1.1.2
1.2
CHAPTER 2
2.1
2
The Appro ach of this Thesis to the_Study
of
the Value of Children
5
THE CONCEPT OF THE VALUE OF CHILDREN IN THE
STUDY OF FERTILITY BEHAVIOUR
S
Introduction: The Historical Roots of the
Concept of the Value of Chi ldren
8
Early Formulations of the Concept of
the Value of Children
8
The Concept of the Value of Children
in the Emerging Science of Political
Economy
10
Modern Discussion of the Value of Children
to Parents
16
2.2.1
A Brief Note on Terminology
19
2.2.2
An Analytical Scheme
of Fertility
21
2.2.3
2.2.4
CHAPTER 3
the
4
2.1.2
2.3
Statements About
of"Peasants"
What Does it Matter What Peasants
Think?
2.1.1
2.2
Normative
Attitudes
1
for the Study
The Change in Fertility Behaviour
in the Course of Modernization
27
Values, Goals and Tastes as
Expressions of Value of Children
38
Some Implications of the Concept
Value of Children
of the
41
THE POPULATION PROBLEM IN JAVA
48
3.1
Introduction
48
3.2
The Growth of J a v a ’s Population in the
Nineteenth Century
50
3.2.1
3.2.2
3.3
The Debate on the Magnitude and Causes
of Population Growth in Java in the
Nineteenth Century
51
Changing Government Perceptions
Rapid Population Increase
60
of
Population Growth in the Twentieth Century:
The Real Explosion
63
vii
Page
3. 4
Responses
3.4.1
3.4.2
3.4.3
3.4.4
to Rapid Population Growth
67
A Brief Review of the Transmigration
Programme: 1905-1971
68
The Roots of the Family Planning
Programme: 1952-1967
73
Family Planning Under the New Order
Government: 1967-1974
77
Results of the Family Planning
Programme: 1969-1974
81
3.5
Con clusion
93
CHAPTER 4
THE COMMUNITY STUDY METHOD
95
4.1
Perspectives for an Examination of the
Value of Children
95
4.2
The Community Study Approach
96
4.3
The Choice of a Suitable Community
99
4.4
Implementation of the Maguwoharjo Study
4.4.1
4.4.2
Recruitment
Ass is tants
and Training of
101
Establishment of Working Relations
with Village Officials
104
Construction and Printing of
Questionnaires
105
Collection and organization of
Informal Material
116
4.4.5
Collection of Local Statistics
118
4.4.6
Summary of Fieldwork Experience
118
4.4.3
4.4.4
4.5
101
Preparations
4.5.1
4.5.2
4.5.3
for Analysis
Computer Analysis
Data
120
of the Survey
120
Analysis of the Case Studies and
Field Notes
121
Defining Units of Analysis
122
4.6
S umma ry
124
CHAPTER 5
THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE OF MAGUWOHARJO
126
5.1
Introduction
126
5 .2
The Setting
127
vi Li
Page
5.3
5.4
The Dimensions of Social and Economic Class
in Maguwoharjo
134
5.3.1
Systems of Categorization
135
5.3.2
Components of Social and Economic
Class in Maguwoharjo
138
Ways of Life of the People ofMaguwoharjo
157
5.4.1
The Standard of Living
157
5.4.2
Financial Institutions
Village
5.4.3
Conclusion
CHAPTER 6
THE DEMOGRAPHY
The Age and Sex
6.3
Migration
6.3.1
6.3.2
6.8
174
17 4
Structure of thePopulation
177
182
Migration Statistics
Village Records
Derived from
183
Data on Migration Derived from the
Pregnancy History
184
6.4.1
Marriage Customs
188
6.4.2
The Changing Age at Marriage
189
6.4.3
Social and Economic Determinants
Marriage Behaviour
Patterns
of
of Marital Dissolution
The Level of Fertility
6.5.2
6.7
OF MAGUWOHARJO
187
6.5.1
6.6
171
Marriage
6.4.4
6.5
167
Introduction
6.2
6.4
163
The Generation Gap
5.5
6. 1
in the
and Family Size
192
198
203
Data on Fertility from the
Pregnancy History
206
Comparison of the Fertility of
Maguwoharjo and that of Other Areas
of Java and Southeast Asia
213
Socio-Economic Differentials of Fertility
216
6.6.1
Differentials
of Fertility
216
6.6.2
Differentials
in Family Size
223
The Level of Mortality
The Changing Structure of the Family in
Maguwoh arj o
225
2 34
ix
Page
CHAPTER 7
THE VALUE OF CHILDREN IN MAGUWOHARJ0
7.1
Introduction
7.2
The Material Benefits
7.2.1
7.2.2
7.3
241
Parents' Reliance on Material
Support from Their Children in
Old Age
273
The Material Costs of Schooling
277
7.3.2
The Material Costs of Bearing
and Raising a Child in Maguwoharjo
291
The Total Material Cost of Children
to Parents of Different Economic
Classes
299
The Balance of Material Costs and
Benefits
307
Non-Material Costs and Benefits
Childbearing
7.4.2
8.1
The Productive Contributions of
Children to the Household Economy
7.3.1
7.4.1
CHAPTER 8
240
276
7.3.4
7.5
of Childbearing
The Material Costs of Childbearing
7.3.3
7.4
236
in
317
Application of the Hoffman and
Hoffman Conceptual Scheme to the
Situation in Maguwoharjo
318
Values Attached to Families
Specific Sizes
330
Summary:
Risk and Uncertainty
Valuation of Children
of
in the
345
THE VOLUNTARY CONTROL OF FERTILITY IN
MAGUWOHARJO
349
Introduction
349
8.2
Traditional Methods of Family Planning
350
8.3
The Advent of Modern Methods
Planning
352
8.4
of Family
Voluntary Birth Control in Maguwoharjo
8.4.1
8.4.2
8.4.3
8.4.4
35 3
People's Orientation Toward Family
Planning
353
The Use of Traditional Methods
Birth Control
358
The Use of Modern Methods of
Birth Control
of
360
The Influence of Religion and
Schooling on the Use of Birth Control 363
X
Page
8.5
CHAP TER
9
9.1
I n d ic a tio n s for the Future Development
of Family P la n n i n g in Maguwoharjo
367
S OCI OECONOMI C C L A S S , F E R T I L I T Y ,
FAMI LY P LANNI NG I N MAGUWOHARJO
373
Introduction
9.2
The
Nature
9.2.1
9.3
The
373
of
Childbearing
The I n t e r r e l a t i o n
Means
9.2.2
The E m e r g e n c e
R i s i n g Income
Problem
of
Finance
9.4
Changing
9.5
How Mu c h Do We R e a l l y
F e r t i l it y M otivations
Maguwoharj o ?
CHAP TER
AND
10
Patterns
of
of
Goals
of
Goals
374
and
376
New G o a l s
with
376
in
Childbearing
F ertility
378
Control
U n d e rstan d About
of People in
380
the
3 81
I N C E N T I V E S , COMP ENSATI ONS AND THE S UCCES S
OF FAMI LY P L A N N I N G : A PROBLEM OF THE
VALUE OF CHI LDREN
Current
10.1
"Will
10.2
"Beyond
10. 3
"The
10.4
The
APPENDI CES
Technical
T.1
T.2
T. 3
T.4
Programmes
Family
Myth
End
of
of
Succeed?"
385
386
Planning?"
Population
385
390
Control?"
393
Either/Or
Appendices
The S i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e R u w a t a n i n
J a v a n e s e C u l t u r e : A Case Study of th e
Advantage of a M u l t i- p r o n g e d
Research Methodology
395
Th e A n a l y s i s o f Age M i s s t a t e m e n t
in the Maguwoharjo Study
39 8
The M e t h o d o f C a l c u l a t i n g t h e
C o n s u m p t i o n o f Food by C h i l d r e n
D i f f e r e n t Ages
A Brief
W hite’s
Supplementary
D e sc rip tio n of Benjamin
Research Methodology
Tables
of
420
White
426
428
GLOSSARY
459
REF E RENCES
461
SURVEY
QUESTI ONNAI RES
LIST OF FIGURES
Tage
Figures
26
2 .1
The
2 .2
Changing Utility-Cost Relations
the C o u r s e of M o d e r n i z a t i o n
2 .3
3. 1
3.2
3.3
3.4
6 .1
6 .2
T . 3/1
Choice
Situation
Over
29
C h a n g i n g P a t t e r n s of L i f e t i m e H o u s e h o l d
Net M a t e r i a l P r o d u c t i o n over the C ourse
of M o d e r n i z a t i o n
33
P o p u l a t i o n G r o w t h in J a v a 1 8 0 0 - 1 9 0 0 .
O f f i c i a l F i g u r e s J o i n e d by S o l i d Line,
H y p o t h e t i c a l F i g u r e s by B r o k e n Line.
(Indigenous Population)
56
Population
1900-1971
65
Growth
in
Java
and
Indonesia
M o n t h l y A t t e n d a n c e of New A c c e p t o r s at
Family P l a n n i n g Clinics, 1 9 7 1 / 7 2 -1974/75
( F i s c a l Y e a r A p r i l to M a r c h ) . ( F a s t i n g
M o n t h s Shaded)
87
M o n t h l y T o t a l s of R e v i s i t s to F a m i l y
P l a n n i n g C l i n i c s (A) and D e l i v e r i e s of
C o n t r a c e p t i v e s by F i e l d w o r k e r s (B)
92
P o p u l a t i o n P y r a m i d s for C e n s u s Age and
3 e s t Age D i s t r i b u t i o n s A c c o r d i n g to
P e r c e n t a g e of Each S ex at E ach S i n g l e
Y e a r of Age
179
P o p u l a t i o n P y r a m i d for Best Age
D i s t r i b u t i o n - F i v e - Y e a r Age G r oups.
( P e r c e n t a g e s of T otal P o p u l a t i o n )
181
C o m p a r i s o n of
Sca l e s of the
Children
423
C o m m o n l y Used C o n v e r s i o n
F o o d C o n s u m p t i o n of
Maps
Republic
4.1
Kelurahan
of
Indonesia
Maguwoharjo
Frontispiece
107
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Tiap anak membawa rejeki sendiri-sendiri
Each child brings
its own fortune
An Indonesian Saying
1.1
The Value
of Children in an Overpopulated Island
Rejeki means
Indonesian
fortune,
in the sense of wealth,
in the
language and has a similar meaning in Javanese.
The word was borrowed from the language of the Arab traders
who centuries
ago plied the Indonesian sea,
meaning was literally
food,
the word made its way
from the seaports
hinterlands
and its original
and by implication,
of Java it is no wonder
life.
to the agrarian
that it should come to
be used in a proverb explaining the essential nature
value
of children,
of fertile
means
As
for in an island with thousands
frontier land each child literally
of livelihood: willing hands.
of the
of hectares
did bring its
As long as there were
lands beyond the villages to be filled it only required the
application of labour to produce wealth.
But Java today is "filled up", at least in the sense that
there is no more
land for pioneering,
and the marginal increase
brought about by adding more labour to the production of
"wealth"
on already settled land is very low,
if not
zero.
Under these conditions, what sort of rejeki can children be
expected to bring?
the means
lives,
Can they really be expected to provide
of their own livelihood over the course of their
or are parents bearing a material burden which can
never be "repaid"?
Of what value is it to parents
to bear
children who will eventually become burdens on the social
amenities
of schools,
importantly,
health care centres,
and, perhaps most
the land and capital which provide
the means
of
production.
These are questions which visitors to the island have
often asked upon observing the poverty and crowded conditions
of Java,
and the conclusion
they very often reach is:
1
2
Children
are
not
valuable;
of
the
parents
resources
can
be
regarded
borne
them.
as
they
and
the
irrational
This
is
are
nation,
or
a reply
a drain
on
and
the
thus
irresponsible
which
this
material
the
for
thesis
parents
having
calls
into
question.
1.1.1
Normative
Javanese
of
their
elites
Statements
peasants
behaviour
are
often
practices.
They
about
are
by
a mu c h
people
based
are
on
of
said,
and
judgements
based
so
actual
the
behaviour
years
cinema
by
to
these
been
every
parents
not
personally
(out
of
is
quite
as
expressing
social
the
ii.
be
times
examination
which
irrational,
these
of
their
built
up
the
press,
books
and
"modern"
world.
Wh a t
is
that
peasants
since
children
nub
which
of
as
over
meant
the
other
welfare
of
children,
turns
the
on
the
in
problem
normative
his
one,
as
such
the
it
is
of
standard
be
able
to
structure
share
in
to
pay
property)
needs
another's
lies
if
the
be
seen
of
with
the
sensible
identifying
fertility
in
that
is
often
it
does
society,
or
concerning
defining
of
a person
private
may n o t
individual
in
the
than
the
concepts.
Even
decisions
if
as
question
people
that
regarded
and
society
children
should
irrationality
the
more
the
he
system,
that
and
reason)
"rational",
own v a l u e
that
concept
peasant
underlie
being
have
concerning
the
the
charge
family
they
whatever
that
the
the
The
assumption
in
which
if
resources
irresponsible,
this
to
have
on
Irresponsibility.
accepted
the
burden
person’s
The
individual^
of
foreign
childbearing
Ma ny
presumption
a normative
an
One
systems
the
afford.
institutions
behaviour.
is
an
Frequently
to
(for
clearly
observer.
value
on
via
the
"rational"
something
it
of
refers
a material
are
can
for
transmitted
Irrationality.
represent
wants
mu c h
Criticisms
and
things,
fatalistic.
stereotypes
corner
irrational
they
on
group.
their
other
"Peasants"
statements?
i.
are
and
as
not
of
indigenous
about
among
ignorant,
Attitudes
maligned
the
ideas
irresponsible,
are
the
the
of
peasants
conforms
to
the
criticised
as
being
not
take
even
family
value
"responsible"
is
of
account
the
fate
size.
Again
system
in
set,
of
and
once
3
again this could be very different for the observer than it
is for the peasant.
The relationships between people in a
society which reveal and condition these value systems thus
become important topics in the understanding of the meaning
of fertility behaviour.
iii.
Ignorance.
The biology of human reproduction being
what it is, the question naturally arises as to whether or
not peasants have the knowledge necessary to obtain control
over their family size, or whether they are in some senses
"forced" by the circumstances of their ignorance to accept
larger families than they themselves might feel to be
rational or responsible.
A whole set of questions is thus
raised concerning the conditions under which knowledge of
procedures for fertility control is formulated and transmitted
in peasant societies, and what forces exist as barriers to
the practice of effective birth control.
iv.
Fatalism.
It is odd that this word should have come
to have such perjorative connotations, because it is very
useful in describing the way people perceive their control
over their lives, and as such could be a worthwhile addition
to our vocabulary in describing the influences of attitudes
on behaviour.
It is particularly advantageous because it refers
both to the relation between the individual and society, and to
the individual's perceptions of the role of supernatural
forces in the world.
However,
after years of use in the
description of the peasant stereotype it has now become a term
almost synonymous with irrational,
and hence has to be treated
with extreme care in any analysis of behaviour.
These examples stand as warnings to any person contemplating
an inquiry into the value of children.
If the trap of becoming
involved in a study of the peasant stereotype, rather than of
Javanese people, is to be avoided,
normative statements
concerning fertility behaviour will have to be handled
carefully.
In particular,
attention must be focussed on value
systems, both at the individual and societal levels,
the relation among people within the society.
and on
Some account
must be made as to the knowledge people have concerning
fertility control,
and the degree to which social norms
4
and
In
personal
values
addition,
fatalism,
concerning
the
examined.
This
issues
the
can
allow
control
is
them
in
the
they
a tall
reply
to
Implement
sense
have
over
order,
mentioned
of
but
in
this
their
their
only
the
knowledge.
actual
lives,
by
attitudes
must
tackling
previous
be
these
section
be
challenged.
1.1.2
Wh a t
Does
Perhaps
fertility
the
of
massive
most
in
other
A study
evaluation
of
the
individual
out
programmes
birth
of
the
with
family
this
and
of
the
points
World
ideal
of
in
in
the
control
his
US AI D,
Java
on
go
a
a
a
family
and
relates
long
wa y
toward
c o mmo n w i t h
neglecting
their
and
through
in
in
of
understand
Indonesian
programme
is,
2 or
to
embarked
should
guilty
parents
out
has
planning
programme
the
Bank,
children
context
countries,
trying
that
population
the
present
for
agencies,
wa y
in
Think?
fact
the
value
potential
Davis
is
the
other
of
reason
of
the
control
Kingsley
Java
achieve
goals
if
motivations
in
to
Feasants
important
international
campaign
finding
Wh a t
cooperation
planning.
to
Matter
behaviour
government,
number
it
attempts
3 child
evaluation
of
the
to
spread
family.
family
As
planning
p rogrammes:
In viev/ing n e g a t i v e a t t i t u d e s toward b i r t h c o n t r o l
as due t o i g n o r a n c e , a p a t h y , and o u t w o r n t r a d i t i o n ,
and "mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n " as t h e s o l u t i o n to th e
m otivation problem, family planners tend to ignore
t h e power and c o m p l e x i t y of s o c i a l l i f e .
If i t were
a d m i t t e d t h a t t h e c r e a t i o n a n d c a r e o f new human
b e i n g s i s s o c i a l l y m o t i v a t e d , l i k e o t h e r forms of
b e h a v i o u r , by b e i n g a p a r t o f t h e s y s t e m o f r e w a r d s
a n d p u n i s h m e n t s t h a t i s b u i l t i n t o human r e l a t i o n s h i p s ,
a n d t h u s b o u n d up w i t h t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s e c o n o m i c
and p e r s o n a l i n t e r e s t s , i t would be a p p a r e n t t h a t t h e
s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e a n d e c o n o my mu s t be c h a n g e d b e f o r e a
d e l i b e r a t e r e d u c t i o n i n t h e b i r t h r a t e can be
achieved.
( 1 9 6 7 : 733)
Partially
Davis
go
there
"beyond
through
has
response
been
family
the
growing
change
surrounding
Taking
to
planning"
planned
punishments"
children.
in
Davis
concerns
interest
and
of
the
more
such
in
"system
individual's
by
literal
those
programmes
encourage
the
as
voiced
which
would
population
control
of
and
rewards
valuation
by
of
interpretation
of
his
5
words
than
meaning,
in
terms
s o me
of
monetary
them
to
"accept"
from
one
point
incentives
thesis
in
we
payment
view
value
an
only
children.
would
be
a need
the
more
payments
which
areas
3)
the
as
As
a
part,
the
of
support
the
goal
those
placement
for
any
the
genuine
only
then
of
could
part,
high
of
the
there
scarce
funds
be
to
put
institutions
of
have
the
phenomenon
case,
which
sons,
whether
allocation
restructuring
that
financial
touches
the
encourage
mu c h
of
has
total
is
the
so
the
to
contends
of
it
the
latter
order
a source
whether
for
especially
compensation
or
in
not
consideration
or
complex
called
a second
"compensations"
use
are
"Children,
reconsider
of
productive
society
Pohlman
(1971:
If
have
planning.
values,
to
provision
schemes
their
peasants
a small
of
of
to
s o me
incentive
value
to
in
include
people’s
perhaps
new
these
age".
might
of
of
compensations:
old
of
impact
and
as
reflection
incentives
family
of
economic
security
the
proponents
payment
great
of
values
of
on
children.
A third
a study
of
curiosity
goal
the
value
over
motivation.
meant
to
science
a mong
of
might
It
to
but
for
s o me
proper
to
accept
satisfaction
one
the
This
thesis
demographic
community,
blend
of
result
will
no
be
study
and
this
in
the
of
in
the
of
and
participant
claim
can
be
representative
of
the
hand,
other
behaviour
in
one
community
can
people
wh o
share
same
for
of
concerning
"pure"
are
it
is
social
cited
seems
curiosity
as
at
least
inquiry.
Study
of
the
approach
collection
is
a single
As
presented
in
understanding
language,
a
involves a
prevailing
reveal
Value
for
methods.
findings
a detailed
often
of
energies
observation
the
need
research
observation
situation
On t h e
the
sort
unusual
of
wh e n
a project
the
data
that
a whole.
about
to
unit
survey
made
age
scientific
Thesis
technique
an
personal
a somewhat
that
to
the
question
an aly st’s
applied
goals
takes
interesting
the
of
satisfaction
appeal
resources
of
the
in
scarce
The A p p r o a c h
of C hildren
is
part
odd
the
1.2
as
seem
when
legitimate
set
children
may
relevant
research,
of
be
a particularly
human
be
which
important
culture,
a
here
Java
as
of
findings
history
and
6
system of social organization,
and we will have
frequent call
in the thesis to reflect on how the behaviour of people
living in one small area of Java might be repeated, with some
variations,
throughout
the rest of the island.
The organization of the thesis is as follows:
In the next chapter we will prepare the groundwork
analysis by reviewing briefly
for later
the historical background of the
concept of the value of children,
and describe an analytical
scheme which will be useful in our attempts to provide a
logical order for our thoughts
about
the factors which figure
in parent's valuations
of their children.
This chapter is
particularly important
for describing the economic
theory of
choice and showing how this often misunderstood theory can
be used in an explanation of fertility behaviour.
Following that,
an examination of the demographic history
of the island of Java will be presented in order to give readers
unfamiliar with Indonesia's history some appreciation of the
way in which
perceptions
the colonial,
and later the republican,
government's
of the causes of the population problem in Java
influenced their responses in attempts to institute programmes
of population control.
The brief history
of the Family
Planning Programme
contained in this chapter will also serve
as an introduction
to the approaches
are now being
followed in Indonesia.
In Chapter 4 the methodology
was
to birth control which
of the fieldwork, which
conducted between February 1972 and March 1973,
described, with particular emphasis
ensure
is
on the methods used to
the accuracy of the data collected as part of
the social survey.
Part
community.
3 of the thesis
contains
In Chapter 5 the social and economic structure
the village is described,
it is found,
of
and the substantial socioeconomic
class differences which were
people,
a description of the study
found there analysed.
live under conditions
Lower income
of extreme material
deprivation, while the "rich" are merely comfortable in
comparison with the standards
of western nations.
The demographi
behaviour of people in the village, which is reviewed in
Chapter 6, is found to vary according to income differences.
7
The poor have fewer children,
survive infancy,
and fewer of their children
than is the case with the rich.
The reasons
for these differentials are found to lie in differences in the
experience of various groups in regard to the "int ermediat e
variables".
The poor are more likely to be divorced,
separated,
or secondarily sterile than the rich, and they also cling more
tenaciously to such traditional practices as prolonged
breastfeeding and lengthy post-par turn abstinence.
Part 4 is explicitly concerned with the analysis of data
on the value of children.
In Chapter 7 the material costs
and benefits of childbearing are examined,
and an evaluation
made of the material value of children to parents of various
economic groups in the village.
The non-material costs and
benefits, which involve the satisfaction of a wide range of
goals that are set according to social norms, personal values
and cultural traditions are described, and consideration is
given to the impact of these non-material
goals on the individual’s
perceptions of the total value of bearing children and raising
a family.
At this point an evaluation is made of the
interaction of material and non-material costs and benefits in
the determination of parents'
fertility decisions.
Chapter 8
links the problems of parental decisions and parental
behaviour by reviewing how the non-material costs and benefits
of the practice of voluntary birth control figure in the
parent's attempts to implement decisions.
As a conclusion to the thesis,
an evaluation will be made
of the relation between socioeconomic status, fertility and
family planning in the community and of how the logic of
analysis of fertility behaviour in that context can be seen to
have implications for the situation in other areas of Java.
The final chapter will consider the extent to w h ich the
ambitious goals set for the study in this introduction have
been satisfied by the material presented in the thesis.
CHAPTER 2
THE CONCEPT OF THE VALUE OF CHILDREN IN THE STUDY
OF FERTILITY BEHAVIOUR
2.1
Introduction: The Historical Roots of the Concept of
"The Value of Children"
An only son preserves his father's name
And keeps the fortune growing in one house:
If you have two, you'll need to have more wealth
And live a longer time.
But Zeus can find
Ways to enrich a larger family:
More children mean more help and greater gains.
Hesiod
8th Century B.C.
Thus one of the earliest writers
childbearing presented his
and left them to us.
dramatically since
Days
constituted
findings
(1973:
70-71)
on the economics of
to his contemporaries,
Writing in the field has
the time Hesiod's
changed
aphorisms in Works and
the major element in the literature of
economics, but, the changes with respect to an analysis of the
value of children in peasant economies have consisted mainly
in adding modifications
rejecting his
thoughts
to his early results rather
completely.
people would be likely to take
quite seriously and literally
the concept
A large part
than in
of the world's
the last line presented above
today,
and they have developed
in some form in their own culture.
The Koreans
speak of each child bringing a pair of willing hands
to the production of food,
and the Javanese refer to the
conjoint arrival of the child and his
aspects of the benefits
"fortune".
Other
of children mentioned by Hesiod,
preservation of the family name,
family enterprise,
to apply
the
the continuation of the
and in other places,
the support given
to parents when they are helpless, have been recognized by
innumerable writers
through
accepted as true by millions
At their most basic
and are doubtless
of people in the world today.
these ideas imply one thing,
children are valuable
2.1.1
the ages,
that
to their parents.
Early Formulations
Children
of the Concept of the Value of
The early writers discussed the value of children both as
8
9
a fact
of
social
to
the
wa y
to
preserve
be
and
which
a utopian
them
in
ensure
social
childbearing
admonished
penalties
which
order
B.C.),
in
his
of
(1970:
promote
warned
boys
and
social
283).
also
marriage
well
for
their
elderly
prescribed
for
those
who
disobeyed
was
to
his
heavy
parents
fines
life,
he
exacted
girls,
stability
He
sensible
parents
family
have
teachings
c o mmo n
Middle
East
and were
to
holy
writ,
have
support
and
in
educated
old
(ie.
of
growing
along
themes
are
of
they
and
children
parents.
be
these
whipped
from h i s
more
estate.
rivers
of
found,
of
to
Parents
and
children
became
while
peasant
had
the
Some
of
a vestigial
importance
form
of
the
deeply
an
age
in
industrial
societies,
but
strength
Great
Indian
sub-continent
in
"little"
tales
the
by
original
villages
in
be
diminished
of
the
so
of
been
programs
other
in
out
are
has
of
relations,
should
grew
these
were
obligation
ingrained
which
systems
force
these
children
deeply
societies
In
the
underlying
that
change.
the
which
charge
their
cultures
religious
the
welfare
the
the
piety,^
in
of
and
in
filia l
the
parents
peoples
concepts
practical
to
of
of
remain
their
the
reflected
tradition.
resistance
the
the
socialized)
social
attests
a mong
obligations
and
bases
relations
region.
issue
age
that
some
that
such
Christian
ingrained
present
as
the
philosophical
which
in
reciprocal
particular
-
the
also
developed
Judeo
about
were
seen
this
in
477)
the
the
to
another
both
values
relation
and
provide
or
the
in
society,
children,
behaviour
were
imprisoned,
children
in
designed
one
( 4 2 7 ? —3 4 7
harmony.
a ma n n e g l e c t e d
Such
in
to
their
childhood
customs,
(1970:
of
schooling
regulations
and
to
nature
the
teach
If
relate
of
in
rules.
should
injunction
Plato
outlined
Heavy
a moral
harmony.
would
were
as
social
careful
to
and
individuals
exploration
to
life
than
to
traditions
or
China,
traditions
and
their
songs
of
give
growing
similar
the
each
tens
of
thousands
new
1
C o n s i d e r , f o r e x a m p l e , t h e Ten Co mmandme nt s g i v e n i n t h e
book of Exodus (20: 2 - 1 7 ) .
The f i r s t f o u r m i g h t b e c o n s i d e r e d
r e l i g i o u s t e a c h in g s , w hile the l a s t s ix deal with s o c i a l
i s s u e s , t h e f i r s t of which i s "Honour thy f a t h e r and th e y
m o t h e r , t h a t t h y d a y s may b e l o n g u p o n t h e l a n d w h i c h t h e
L o r d t h y God g i v e t h t h e e " .
P ro h ib itio n s a g a in st murder,
a d u l t e r y , r o b b e r y , l y i n g and c o v e t o u s n e s s f o l l o w t h i s .
10
generation ancient teachings about the value of children and
the duty of parents.
Through the ages the pressures of different conditions
and the rise of new institutional structures modified the
concept of the role of childhood in society and thus changed
the relation between parents and children.
For much of the
world's population these changes took several millenia, but
more recently,
they have for many people been compressed to the
course of only a few decades.
out of these influences,
Whatever the precise working
the general trend has been one in
which societies that have shifted from tribal or peasant modes
of production and distribution to those of a more industrial
type have seen a substantial attendant change in the role of
children:
from being integral parts of an extended family
economic concern to occupying a sometimes ambivalent position
in a nuclear family household which has lost its significance
as a unit of economic production while retaining its role as
society's basic reproductive institution.
Injunctions
that the parent should educate the child (meaning that the
child should be socialized into becoming a responsible member
of the family economy) were modified to mean that the child
should be prepared to maintain his independent household.
The rise of the school system is shown by Aries
(1973 (I960))
to be one of the major manifestations of the changing societal
concept of childhood in the life of individuals, and hence one
of the basic parameters defining the value of children through
the ages.
2.1.2.
The Concept of the Value of Children in the Emerging
Science of Political Economy
As economics developed,
first as a field of political
philosophy and then in England and Scotland as a field of
Moral Philosophy, it was inevitable that a concept as basic
as that of the value of children to parents, with all its
reciprocal connotations, should have appeared in the writings
of the pioneers of the field.
In the growing analytical
consciousness of the age, these writers usually concentrated
fairly heavily on the issues which seemed most important in
their day.
Thus Mandeville,
in 0ne of the remarks appended
11
to his Fable of the Bees
length the nature
(1714,
rev.
1724)
of maternal sentiments
discussed at great
and the effect of
"excessive" fondness on the development of children.
cautioned that
the children of the poor should not be schooled
because it "incapacitates
(1970:
He
304) and went
them ever after for downright
on to evaluate
labour",
the merits of different
forms of education for the well-to-do so that they might be
more productive in society.
the structure
His propositions, while
of logical statements
couched in
rather than as verse or
fiat, were still quite similar to those of Hesiod and Plato.
This should not be surprising since
was,
the economy of
his day
despite its more developed system of transport and emerging
national frameworks,
not far removed from that of the
basically agricultural societies of the Mediterranean in the
centuries before Christ.
that the family was
He assumed,
as Hesiod
and Plato had,
the basic unit of the economy and that
the relation between parent and child was one of the most
important of the society.
The concepts
of Plato,
of Mandeville which are so similar to those
are in stark contrast to those which emerged in
conjunction with
the Industrial system in Europe
end of the eighteenth
factories,
century.
The growing proliferation of
the growth of urban centres,
of the nation-state system,
toward the
the solidification
a flowering age of analysis
and
exploration had all begun to produce quite different types
of social and economic organization,
one result of which
was a transformation of the role of children in a society.
These changes,
not unexpectedly,
what was observed,
produced changes, in
and in the way it was interpreted.
In
this new age Smith continued to write of the proper principles
of chiId-rearing, but he also inquired about
social class differentials
the causes
in infant mortality
(1970
of
(1776):
181-2).
He suggested that the growth of population was related to the
reward granted labour in the market,
grew,
greater numbers
till adulthood
revisions)
(1970:
since,
as the reward
of children would be born and survive
182-183).
formulated his
famous
Later, Malthus
(1798, various
laws of population which
acknowledged a relation between the demand for labour and
the rate of growth of population.
He,
like Smith,
saw mortality
12
as one of the important restraining forces in the equation.
One of the early assertions
that the value of children
could be an inducement to high fertility was given by Arthur
Young in 1774.
He saw the proliferation of factories as
being an encouragement to population growth since children
could fill many of the places in the industrial work force,
and thus become "worth more than they ever were".
But one of
the most forceful statements of this idea is found in the work
of Ure, whose Philosophy of Manufactures
(1835) stands as a
celebration of the benefits of the industrial system.
In his
evaluation of the place of large families in the system he
contended that "the demand for juvenile labour is so great
as to render a large family not a burden but a source of
comfort and independence to poor people".
Ure certainly appears
to say that poor people might actively desire to have more
children than the rich because of the material benefits these
children might produce, and in response to this Griffith offered
an alternative interpretation of the fertility motivations
involved in the process:
The feeling that the new industries would provide
employment for the children at an early age and
enable them possibly to help the family exchequer
would tend, undoubtedly, to make parents
contemplate a large family with equanimity and
may have acted as a sort of encouragement to
population without the more definite incentive
implied in the theory that it was the value of the
children's work which led to the increase
of the population. (1926: 105, emphasis added)
In fairness to Ure, it should be noted that he had made his
observation by way of comparing the economic and social welfare
of large families in factory districts relative to that in
rural areas, and not as a contention that differences in
fertility or fertility motivation existed between the two.
1
In
This quotation from Young is reviewed by Trantner (1973:
70-71) who disputes it, saying, "it is unlikely that a
child's earnings ever covered more than a part of the costs
of his upbringing.
High fertility pauperised many families
..." This said, Trantner admits that many people seem not
to have perceived this and behaved as if a large family in
the new industrial economy was a passport to great wealth.
13
fact, he says,
where
"the peasantry
are penned up in close parishes,
they increase beyond the demand for their labour,
and
allow their children to grow up in sloth and ignorance".
His objection was
that the peasants,
had no justification
unlike their city cousins,
for their large
families.
But whatever the quibbles which might be pointed out
concerning the quality of family life in nineteenth
England,
the important
theoretical point
the concept of the value of children was
these discussions
Whereas
to be made is that
firmly linked in
to fertility motivations
the early philosophers
century
and behaviour.
saw that in agrarian societies
families were valuable as basic social and economic units,
and supported the bearing of many children as means
achieve this end,
to
industrial society had reorganized the family
and re-defined the concept
of the child's
role in the family
from family member to that of a wage earning unit under the
temporary control of the p a r e n t s .^
the concept
Griffith
thus restated
of the value of children:
The theory is that the early employment that
could be secured for children, and the large
part they played in the new industrial
scheme, rendered them a profitable investment
to the adult workers even if they were not
and absolute necessity.
The 1821 census
(of Great Britain) accepted the theory
that marriage was encouraged by the early
age at which children could be employed in
factories and the consequent small cost they
entailed for their parents. (1926: 101)
This might appear at first glance
from the philosophy
implications
1
of Hesiod,
to be
but,
of the two expressions
only slightly removed
as we shall see,
the
are quite different.
Eversley (1959: 80-88, 151-154) in expanding on some of the
Aries ideas, has taken note of the changes in the role of
children in the economies and societies of Western Europe
which occurred at the same time as the Demographic Transition
was taking place in the Nineteenth Century.
The changing
legal restrictions on the participation of young children
in the labour force and the gradual spread of schooling
combined to force up the effective material costs of
childbearing.
At the same time social pressures were
reinforcing the idea that the parents had a series of
responsibilities for the child's welfare and education,
thus effectively leading to the demand for what Becker (1960)
would call "higher quality" children.
See also Trantner
(1973: 70-71, 115-118).
14
The
also
moral
basis
underwent
a
transformation
the
proper
recast
the
of
in
England
by
means
the
control
of
wealthy
of
the
of
Ger man
abusive
the
perceived
the
of
children
lacked
when
they
life".
the
to
no
grew
The
child
earn
they
time
up
more
begin
than
to
of
they
they
in
new
1845)
of
"utterly
is
completed
their
the
parents
keep
the
rest
a
lodging,
and
for
from
the
fourteenth
or
children
emancipate
themselves,
themselves.
out
and
In
regard
to
they
had
child"
for
work.
"a
and
later
far
to
for
and
This
often
a word,
the
week,
happens
the
paternal
for
of
dwelling
lodging
as
it
suits
1
Ure, in 1835, had a view of the t r e a t m e n t of c h i l d r e n in
f a c t o r i e s w h i c h o p p o s e s t h e s t e r e o t y p e s we h a v e c o me t o
accept:
. . . I n e v e r saw a s i n g l e i n s t a n c e o f c o r p o r a l
c h a s t i s e m e n t i n f l i c t e d on a c h i l d , n o r i n d e e d
did I e v e r see c h i l d r e n in i l l humour.
They
seemed t o be a lw a y s c h e e r f u l and a l e r t , t a k i n g
p le a s u r e in the l i g h t play of t h e i r m uscles, enjo y in g the m o b ility n a t u r a l to t h e i r age.
The
s c e n e of i n d u s t r y , so f a r from e x c i t i n g sad
e m o t i o n s i n my m i n d , w a s a l w a y s e x h i l a r a t i n g . . .
The w o r k o f t h e s e l i v e l y e l v e s s e e m e d t o r e s e m b l e
a s p o r t , in which h a b i t gave them a p l e a s i n g
dexterity.
Conscious of t h e i r s k i l l , they were
d e l i g h t e d t o show i t o f f t o any s t r a n g e r " .
( 1 9 6 7 : 301)
(continued p.15)
1969:
exchange
so
enough
f ro m week
board
mother
family
practice
on
These
a
(Engels,
often
in
as
them".
they
year.
attended
the
get
sum
a catalogue
family
the
parents
fixed
fifteenth
which
they
a
Engels
ruined
" Wh e n
of
labour
mothers.
her
with
the
son
which
because
about
were
with
contains
the
the
direct
the
youngsters
herself
cost
by
but
to
the
on
Working
one,
from
their
infancy
work.
was
maladies
breakdown
were
the
associated
and
their
of
attention
work
dangerous
about
institutions
Written
children
concerns
Condition
this
their
old
children
relationships
the
system.
pay
house,
economic
evils
owner,
in
to
great
The
the
the
trouble
out
the
family
of
and
dissolution
going
the
putting
to
of
labour
and
care
of
children's
young
parents
value
drew
progressive
of
the
work which
factory
practices
practice
wh o h a s
of
of
Europe.
1844 ( w r i t t e n
factory
employment
in
face
effects
family,
the
the
expose
only,
alienation
practices
in
the
in
growing
concept
treating
Engels'
Class
no
change
evaluate
family.
the
occurring
ways
to
of
another
172-173).1
15
Engels’ Manchester was a far cry from Plato's Athens,
and the industrial system was very different from the economy
of farming and herding which prevailed in earlier times,
but the concept of the value of children to parents has some
similarities.
At its heart it is concerned with the bond
between parent and child, and as such constitutes a ubiquitous
concern in any society.
Marx devoted many pages to
discussion of the relation of the work of women and the death
rates of their children (1932: Chapter 10) while Mill often
called for the state enforcement of the parental duty to
educate their offspring (1971:
160).
The reputations of
numerous novelists were built on plots involving the parentchild relation, and dealing with themes such as the work
of young children, education,
and filial obedience.
support in old age, inheritance
But while many of the issues remained
the same, right from Hesiod down to contemporary writers,
the
answers to the basic questions of how parents value their
children have varied widely with the growth of different ways
of organizing the production and distribution of goods and the
maintenance of social relations.
At the core stand the quite
different ways in which the family is defined in society.
Under agrarian conditions, where the family exists as not
only a primary unit of production, but also as the joint owner
of the means of production,
specifically land, the role of
children in the scheme is quite different from what it is
when land is communally owned, or if the family is completely
dependent on heavily capitalised industry for its occupation
and reward.
The early writers on economics had some implicit under
standing of these social changes but it is only comparatively
recently that any attempt has been made to deal systematically
and explicitly with some of these issues.
1
This attempt has
(continued from p.14)
Casual observation of children in Javanese villages,
shops and factories today would also find them playful,
but it would be a stretch of the imagination to call
them carefree.
Anyway, the crucial point in such a
discussion should not be the happiness of the child,
but the potential lost to other purposes, not the
nimbleness of the child's fingers, but the deformity of
the adults, and the questions of nutrition, health, and
material welfare which weigh so heavily against the children
of both Ure's factories and Java's villages.
16
been spurred on by great concern over unprecedentedly
rates
of population increase and the desire
through
the manipulation of human fertility.
contemporary social scientists have
rapid
to control them
In this venture
frequently attempted to
explain high fertility in terms of the value parents place
on their children,
institutions
and the implications
this has
for the
of childbearing and childrearing in a society.
In the following review of some of the more prominent
contributions
in this direction we will have
frequent opportunity
to reflect on the number of times modern writers
those themes
poet:
outlined almost 28 centuries
ago by a Greek
the preservation of the family line,
benefits
of children,
return to
the material
the material costs of children,
the
corporate strength of the large family
and the support given
by children to aged parents.
while
the implications
However,
the themes
abide,
they contain can be very different in the
complex world today compared to that which brought forth Hesiod.
2.2
Modern Discussions
of the Value
of Children to Parents
I anticipate that many sensitive, thoughtful
people will be offended by these studies of
fertility because they may see them as debasing
the family and motherhood.
These highly personal
activities and purposes of parents may seem to be
far beyond the realm of economic calculus.
(Schultz, 1973: S2-S3)
Schultz had good cause
to be concerned about the reaction
which might be provoked by the presentation
analytical explorations
First,
of
into the value of children to parents.^-
as representatives
normally
of a series
of that branch of the social sciences
associated in the minds
of the general public with
the material side of life,
he and his
shackled with a vocabulary
and kit of analytical tools which
appeared to many people
aspects of the value
or respect;
1
in short,
to ignore
fellow economists were
the "important" non-material
of children - such things
as affection,
the emotional values which each
These papers were contained in the special issue of the
Journal of Political Economy edited by T.W. Schultz (1973)
which presented the results of a conference held in 1972.
The bibliography of that volume contains many citations
relevant to the concept of the value of children.
17
individual feels.
Second,
Schultz and his
before
(1960),
represent
them Becker
collegues,
and
a branch of economics
which has a conspiciously short experience in the study of
human
fertility and a contrastingly
micro-economic problems
market
forces.
long experience
in studying
of human choice in the context of
They thus stood in danger of provoking not
only the sensitive people of the general public because of
an alleged debasment of motherhood,
but also the academicians
who have been busy in the fields of sociology,
demography
and also in certain branches
of economics,
human
fertility since the turn of the century."*'
group
the entry of Becker,
Schultz,
the arrival of the Mongol hoards.
to bear on problems
studying
To this
et al. may seem akin to
They were bringing one
of the most elaborate sets of analytical
sciences
anthropology,
of human
tools
in the social
fertility where data
are often poor or n o n - existant, and where precise definitions
of psychological dimensions
of behaviour are seldom adequate
to cover the variety and intricacy of the way people actually
behave.
As a result,
neo-classical analyses
Leibenstein points
out
are often little more
(1974:
462)
the
than catalogues
of equations expressing what would happen if parents behaved
"as if" they possessed certain values
rather than expositions
of the actual influence of values on behaviour.
In spite of Schultz'
apologia a great deal of disagreement
continued to exist between those who follow the neo-classical
1
Leibenstein (1974) offers the most thorough direct criticism
of the efforts of Schultz and his neo-classical collegues of
the Chicago and Columbia schools of economics.
He also
offers a poke at members of other disciplines: "Demographers
and population economists appear to be a touchy and
sensitive group.
By and large they like their own theories,
stances, policies, or viewpoints, and are readily resistant
to alternatives.
This stems, in part, from the fact that
people interested in the so-called population problem have
frequently gotten into the related disciplines involved
out of a strong emotional commitment.
Thus, competing view
points do not always obtain the fairest of hearings!' (19 74:
458f.)
Hopefully in what follows we can avoid Leibe n s t e i n 's
further disapprobation by showing a fair appreciation of the
contribution of competing viewpoints.
18
approach and those who approach the study of fertility from
other disciplines
or other branches
sides, which are sometimes
loosely
of economics.
The two
characterized as
representing the "economic" and the "sociological" theories
1
2
of fertility respectively
seldom meet
and when they do it
is often accompanied by misunderstanding arising out of basic
differences
techniques.
of definition and ignorance of each other's
3
In such an atmosphere Easterlin's
assertion seems particularly
relevant:
recent
"The greatest need
is for a theoretical framework which will enable economists
and sociologists each to see the relevance of the other
discipline's work".
Such a framework has yet to emerge.
The present study, being basically empirical,
to attempt such a task.
Instead,
cannot pretend
in the following few pages
1
These groupings do not accurately reflect the actual divisions,
since a number of economists who use different approaches
are closer in their conclusions to the sociologists than
to the neo-classicists, and the recent upsurge of interest
in fertility among psychologists has produced a large body
of material (see the work of Fawcett, Pohlman, and the
Hoffmans) which is of importance in the "sociological"
camp.
As a result, it is best to avoid placing too much
emphasis on the names.
2
An example of the type of isolation which sometimes results
from the exclusiveness of the two groups, is the short shrift
given to the work of the neo-classical economists in a
recent volume on Psychological Perspectives on Population
(Fawcett 1973) in which many contributors dealt with the
issue of the value of children from a material perspective,
but in the long bibliographies attached to their papers
never referred to the work of Becker or Schultz, the leaders
of the "other" approach.
This sort of ommission was
particularly evident in the paper of Hoffman and Hoffman, who
in part deal quite explicitly with issues surrounding the
economic value of children.
3
Hawthorn has shown one example of this in his brief review
of the reactions to Becker's seminal paper.
He points out
that Blake's (1968) direct attack on Becker's thesis
involves a basic misunderstanding of the elements Becker
refers to in his use of the term "tastes".
Many of the
factors she cites in evidence against Becker are in fact
covered by this term in his analysis.
19
we will review some of the more important
which
are relevant
concepts
to the findings we will be presenting
from a study of the value of children to parents
in central Java.
and studies
Of necessity
in a village
the selection of the literature
covered has been coloured by the concerns which arose out
of this study,
and hence is biased toward those issues
to an underdeveloped society.
relevant
It thus ignores much of the
literature about the value of children in developed societies.
Hopefully,
brings
though,
the increased clarity which
to our interpretation of the behaviour of people in
Java will compensate
2.2.1
this review
for such ommissions.
A Brief Note on Terminology
Before we look at any of the contributions
in detail
an attempt must be made to clear up some of the issues of
terminology which so often hamper discussions
of children to parents.
of the value
The first term which is often
troublesome is "value" since it has specialized connotations
in each of the various social sciences.
Hoffman
(1972:
27)
gives a definition of value which underlies many sociological
or psychological discussions
of fertility:
The value of children refers to the functions
they serve for parents or the needs they
fulfill.
The specific values, ... are anchored
in particular psychological needs; they are also
tied to the social structure and thus subject to
cultural variation and social change
In this sense
have needs,
the term seems
and
a
"value" is placed on those
satisfy these needs.
called "benefits",
to be positive - individuals
In economics
"satisfactions"
term "value" is used to denote
benefits
things
similar^things
that
are often
or "utilities" and the
the net of the balance between
and the costs which are met in procuring them.
In this way
"values"
can be positive
the benefits and costs
or negative
depending on
involved.
One of the unfortunate effects
of the difference in
terminology is the misunderstanding of the nature of a child's
value according to each interpretation.
an economist speaks
of the "utility"
For instance, when
of a child the implication
contained in the term is that anything which brings satisfaction
1
But the terms are not exactly the same,
the next section.
as we will discuss
in
20
to the parent can be regarded as part of this concept.
Unfortunately many people think of utility as being a purely
material concept which excludes many of the emotional
satisfactions which are associated with childrearing.
Thus,
Hoffman and Hoffman set out on their discussion of the value
of children by stating that they are not concerned with
"utilitarian" values alone, and define "utilitarian" as being
the "practical worth" of a child,
(1973:
19,57).
or its "economic utility".
Other writers compare so-called economic
with non-economic values, and some use the term "psychic" to
denote emotional and other non-material values.
The
confusion is rampant as various social scientists argue back
and forth over issues on which the main basis of disagreement
is their definition of terms.
I have found it useful to deal with this confusion by
substituting two other terms:
"Costs" and "benefits" seem
reasonable terms to refer to those aspects of the childbearing
situation which provoke feelings of dissatisfaction or
satisfaction.
However,
the use of such modifying terms
as "economic" and "psychic" is very misleading;
for what we
are really concerned with are the changes children make to
the material life of the parents, on the one hand, and to
their non-material life, on the other, and changes in either
area can have implications of both an economic and a
psychological sort.
Thus, if we speak of "material" or
"non-material" costs and benefits we refer to concepts which
can serve all social scientists.
What has happened previously
is that the costs and benefits were erroneously labeled
according to their presumed connection with a particular
science, rather than in terms of their essential properties.
For example,
consider the types of benefits which the
Hoffman’s call "economic".
These are associated with the
labour of the child or the money it can produce in terms of
bridewealth or dowries,
that is, the material goods and
services produced by the child.
But these material goods are
"valuable" because of the attributes
satisfaction, pleasure,
in the parent.
they have which provoke
comfort or other positive feelings
An economist who studies the behaviour and
attitudes of the parent with regard to these kinds of benefits
21
is thus dealing at base with a phenomenon which is related
to people's feelings.
If he does not explicitly outline the
link between child/labour/food/satiation,
it is not because
the link does not exist or is unimportant, but because he
thinks that the link is so durable and unchanging as to be
assumed out of his area of concern.
If the psychologist then
turns to examine the link child/laugh ter/the parents feel joy,
there may not be a material good or service made available
by the child which provokes the parents'
the non-material link, laughter,
(but not the same)
the economist.
reaction, but
is analytically similar
as the material good which was examined by
The difference is in the nature of the
attributes which the child possesses intrinsically, or which
come only as a result of the child's presence, and the most
basic description of this difference is that some attributes
are material and others are non-material.
For the bulk of this thesis we will thus refer to "material"
and "non-material" costs and benefits, except where the
terminology of some other writer is under discussion.
Value
will generally refer to the net magnitude of costs and benefits,
and will be seen to have both material and non-material
components.
One of the advantages of this terminology is
that it is relatively neutral with respect to social science
disciplines.
There is no question of the material aspects
being the particular "domain" of any group of academics or of
others having exclusive authority to analyse the non-material
aspects.
In general,
this approach to the definition of values
also avoids problems of identification.
Whereas, before, a
distinction between a "psychic" cost and an "economic" cost was
often difficult to draw, there is less reason to think that a
material attribute is the same as a non-material attribute,
even though both have the property of being able to provoke a
feeling in the observer.
The difference lies in the form they
take; food is material, laughter is not, money and labour are
material,
2.2.2
respect and love are not.
An Analytical Scheme for the Study of Fertility
Spengler (1966) has made a detailed examination of what
he terms the "reproductive economy" and has outlined a scheme
22
for
the
analysis
economic
First,
(see
of
theory
he
the
of
choice.
contends
that
previous
a set
of
At
intermediate
constitute
of
exchange
and
they
study
of
is
the
selection
individuals
in
institutions
as
the
tax
considerably
calls
between
that
in
goals
the
and
values
The
system,
the
four
reasons
study
fertility
and
why
wh o
of
of
school
or
focus
are
occupy
to
an
the
study
means
in
by
for
the
reproductive
influenced
me a n s
by
in
his
or
other
a spouse)
or by
household,
extended
is
unstable
attention
the
of
the
"values"
constituents
and
example
outside
call
abstraction
relation
may b e
(for
follows:
determine
These
goals
context
this
(1966:
not
the
o b j e c t s , which
basic
and e v a l u a t i o n
church,
do
on
as
abstract,
less
focus
based
normally
and n o n - m a t e r i a l
The
household
is
developed
goals.
between
individuals
outlines
of
of
decision-maker,
of
is
circums c rib e but
satisfied.
relation
scheme
relatively
satisfaction.
may b e
this
are
material
becomes
which
sociologists
Spengler
position
thus
which
economy
which
specific
behaviour
her
a level
ideas
what
which
behaviour
This
section)
conceptualizations
behaviour.
fertility
such
family.
advantageous
Spengler
for
the
115):
1.
I t h i g h l i g h t s t h e f a c t t h a t me a n s a r e s c a r c e , a n d a s
s u c h s e t s b o u n d s t o t h e numbe r and mi x o f g o a l s t h a t
c an be s a t i s f i e d by t h e d e c i s i o n m a k e r .
This im p lies
t h a t the problem of d e c i d i n g i s u b i q u i t o u s .
2.
Th e g o a l s s e t by a d e c i s i o n m a k e r
c h a n g e d e p e n d i n g on t h e i n f l u e n c e
p e r s o n a l f o r c e s which are br ou gh t
situation.
This i m p l i e s t h a t the
(or c o n t i n u e d a c c e p t a n c e ) of g o a l s
are s u b j e c t to
o f s o c i a l and
t o b e a r on t h e
determination
i s an i m p o r t a n t
process.
At
3.
P o i n t s 1 and 2 i m p l y t h a t t h e c o n c e r n o f e c o n o m i c s
o v e r t h e a l l o c a t i o n o f s c a r c e me a n s a n d t h e c o n c e r n
o f s o c i o l o g y o v e r t h e f o r m a t i o n and o r d e r i n g o f s p e c i f i c
g o a l s a r e c o m b i n e d , t h u s b r i n g i n g t o b e a r t wo
important s e t s of s o c i a l theory to the c o n s i d e r a t i o n
of a p a r t i c u l a r problem.
4.
W h i l e i n r e a l i t y g o a l s a n d me a n s may n o t a p p e a r t o
be s t r i c t l y i n d e p e n d e n t ( 1 9 6 6 : 117) i f t h e y are
a n a l y s e d a s b e i n g i n d e p e n d e n t e n t i t i e s we c a n s e p a r a t e
( a ) t h e i m p a c t o f g o a l c h a n g e on t h e wa y me a n s a r e
u s e d and ( b ) t h e p r o c e s s o f g o a l c h a n g e a s s u c h .
the
heart
me a n s
and
ma k e r
is
the
of
this
scheme
abundance
forced
to
make
of
is
the
goals
choices.
fact
implies
These
that
that
the
scarcity
the
choices
decision
may n o t
be
of
23
consciously
rational,
reflection
over
consideration
but
they
reveals
maker
of
are
the
in
wa y
as
to
refers
so
may
not
be
and
are
thus
choice
this
often
on
in
relation
is
not
wh o
is
of
analytical
may
of
from
reveal
the
in
normative
goals
and
by
to
120)
can
is
from
his
the
preference"
terms
of
of
analyst's
but
for
As
Spengler
description,
while
goals
maker,
"observation
(115) .
behaviour
antecedent
task
a
economic
welfare,
actual
statements
extent
expect
decision
analyst
a
such
that
the
the
strive
in
decision
in
material
to
choice
becomes
allocation.
sceme
goal
the
of
careful
of
the
concept
places
the
goals
sim plifies
between
they
forced
of
to
(1966:
and
of
satisfied,
rationally
outputs
a number
defining
terms
greatly
rationality
act
out
fact
Thus
process
hidden
the
important
conceptualized
behaviour
than
behaviour
in
be
were
maximization
the
to
that
satisfaction
person
directly
reliance
rather
the
of
into
arise
available
are
in
people
This
the
2
forcefully
advantage
This
to
through
the
of
the
goals.
economic
satisfaction
says
which
inputs
maximize^
ma n w h i c h
an
rational
they
are
which
decisions.
convert
that
which
goals
proposition,
their
sense
means
the
evaluations
achieving
rather
all
reaching
they
the
the
practically
tautological
that
all
in
of
to
understanding
means.
1
I n t h i s c o n t e x t t h e t e r m m a x i m i z e (make t h e m o s t u s e o f )
c a n be s e e n t o be s y n o n y m o u s w i t h o p t i m i z e (make t h e most
e f f e c t i v e u s e o f ) s i n c e t h e o n l y wa y s a t i s f a c t i o n c a n b e
a t a ma x i mu m g i v e n t h e c o n s t r a i n t s f a c e d by t h e i n d i v i d u a l
i s i f t h e means a r e u s e d t o s a t i s f y g o a l s i n t h e op t imu m way.
2
E c o n o m i c , w h i c h comes f r o m t h e G r e e k w o r d s o i k o s ( h o u s e )
a n d n o m o s ( m a n a g e m e n t ) h a s c o me t o b e r e g a r d e d a s a n a d j e c t i v e
w h i c h h a s t h e s a m e c o n n o t a t i o n s a s m a t e r i a l , a n d t h u s ma n y
p e o p l e r e g a r d e c o n o m i c s as a s c i e n c e of t h e m a x i m i z a t i o n of
m aterial welfare.
H o w e v e r , a s an e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e w o r k o f
Co mmo n s ( 1 9 5 0 : 1 4 5 - 1 7 0 ) G a l b r a i t h ( 1 9 7 4 ) o r o t h e r
i n s t i t u t i o n a l e c o n o m i s t s would show, e c o n o m i c s as a s c i e n c e
i s n o t e x c l u s i v e l y i n t e r e s t e d i n m a t e r i a l v a l u e s and
g o a l s , e v e n t h o u g h ma n y e c o n o m i s t s d i s p l a y a g r e a t a m o u n t
of i n t e r e s t in t h e s e i s s u e s in t h e i r work.
Perhaps a term
which s t r e s s e s the w e l f a r e a s p e c t of the s c i e n c e s h o u ld have
been d e v e lo p e d - f o r example "benenom ics" or " s a t i o n o m i c s "
( t o p u t L a t i n p r e f i x e s on t h e G r e e k r o o t ) w h i c h s h o w t h e
f a c t t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s a r e m ana gi ng t h e i r a f f a i r s so as to
a c h i e v e s ome n o r m a t i v e l y d e f i n e d b e n e f i t o r s a t i s f a c t i o n .
But i n t h e a b s e n c e of t h i s a b r o a d e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of what
t h e s c i e n c e o f e c o n o m i c s i s a b o u t w o u l d a v o i d mu c h
confusion.
24
Spengler
of
goals
and
to
goals
he
has
means
makes
a number
and
seven
the
of
observations
wa y
points:
they
can
(1966:
about
interact.
the
nature
With
regard
115-116)
1.
Goals are i n t e r r e l a t e d .
T h e y may c o m p l e m e n t , r e p e l
or be n e u t r a l w i t h r e s p e c t to each o t h e r , or they
may b e m u t u a l l y s u b s t i t u t a b l e .
2.
B e c a u s e of t h i s , t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f means t o a c h i e v e
a s p e c i f i c g o a l may p r o v o k e a c h a n g e , p o s i t i v e o r n e g a t i v e ,
in oth er, r e la te d goals.
T h e i n d i v i d u a l may n o t b e
aware of t h e r e l a t i o n b e f o r e t he d e c i s i o n i s made,
in which case r e g r e t or u n e x p e c te d b e n e f i t w i l l
arise.
3.
F u r t h e r , i f one g o a l c a n b e a c h i e v e d o n l y on t h e
c o n d i t i o n t h a t a n o t h e r i s f r u s t r a t e d , as in t h e
c a s e wher e i t demands a l l of a s p e c i f i c t y p e of means,
or w h e r e i t i s r e p e l l a n t to t h e a l t e r n a t i v e g o a l ,
t h a t f r u s t r a t e d g o a l c a n be s e e n as a c o s t o f h a v i n g
s a t i s f i e d the f i r s t goal.
( P r i n c i p l e of o p p o r t u n i t y
cost) .
4.
U n d e r n o r m a l c o n d i t i o n s , t h e r e p e a t e d a t t a i n m e n t o f an
o b j e c t which s a t i s f i e s a goal lea d s to the d e c l i n e in
t h e a m o u n t o f s a t i s f a c t i o n w h i c h i s a c h i e v e d by t h e
a t t a i n m e n t of the g o a l.
T h u s , w h i l e o n e a p p l e may
s a t i s f y hunger each a d d i t i o n a l apple w i l l achieve
m a r g i n a l l y l e s s s a t i s f a c t i o n , a n d may e v e n t u a l l y l e a d
to d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n .
( P r i n c i p l e of d i m i n i s h i n g
marginal u t i l i t y ) .
5.
F o l l o w i n g on t h e a b o v e p o i n t s , i t c a n b e s e e n t h a t
a n i n d i v i d u a l may b e u n a w a r e o f g o a l s w h i c h a r e l a t e n t
in the decision-m aking environment.
J u s t as t h e
s a t i s f a c t i o n o f p a r t i c u l a r g o a l s may l e a d t o t h e e m e r g e n c e
o f n e w g o a l s d e m a n d i n g t o b e s a t i s f i e d , s o i t may a l s o
lead to the a c t i v a t i o n of l a t e n t g o a ls , which then
m a k e d e m a n d s on t h e s c a r c e m e a n s a v a i l a b l e , a n d c h a n g e
the n a t u r e of the c h o i c e c o n f r o n t i n g th e i n d i v i d u a l .
6.
The s t r u c t u r e o f t h e s o c i a l a nd e c o n o m i c s y s t e m a t
a p a r t i c u l a r time i m p l i e s a d i v i s i o n of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y
f o r t h e a p p l i c a t i o n of means t o s a t i s f y g o a l s , and
a n y c h a n g e i n t h a t s t r u c t u r e c a n i m p l y new w a y s o f
making d e c i s i o n s .
Thus w h e r e an e x t e n d e d f a m i l y
p r o v i d e d o l d age s e c u r i t y in a p r e v i o u s e r a , a
s t a t e - r u n w e l f a r e p r o g r a m m e may t a k e o v e r t h e f u n c t i o n ,
a n d d e c i s i o n s by i n d i v i d u a l s as t o t h e wa y t h e y w i l l
use r e s o u r c e s w i l l be a l t e r e d .
7.
I n t h i s wa y we c a n s e e t h a t t h e r e p r o d u c t i v e e c o n o m y
w i l l be a f f e c t e d by t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l
and s o c i a l power w i t h i n t h e t o t a l s o c i e t y .
Where,
f o r e x a m p l e , t h e s o c i e t y i s s t r u c t u r e d i n s u c h a wa y
t h a t m o th e r s - in -la w have g r e a t i n f l u e n c e , then
i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e c i s i o n s w i l l be a f f e c t e d by t h i s f a c t .
25
With regard to the nature of means, Spengler observes that
the condition of s c arcity is a vital determinant of behaviour,
for if there were no scarcity there would be no need to
choose between the satisfaction of competing groups of goals all goals would be satisfied and there would be ab s olut e
rather than optimal satisfaction available to the individual.
The problem is complicated by the fact that various kinds of
things are taken as means to achieve goals, and these are not
usually easily substitutable.
One basic division is that
between material and non-material means.
In the well-known
example of the extremely wealthy man who is dissatisfied
with life because of the bad relations he has with his family
and the mental upset he has because of anxiety over possessions,
we find a case where unlimited amounts of one kind of means
are useless to satisfy a specific set of goals.
Because of the scarcity which characterizes
the problem
of choice, individuals often exhibit goal displacement.
This
arises in cases where means are used less efficiently than they
were formerly, and individuals thus "eliminate" or downgrade
the goals which they had previously attempted to satisfy.
If
new goals arise, previous goals may be displaced in a new
ordering of goals, or where an individual suddenly discovers
that a goal which he previously regarded as an isolate is in
fact dependant on the satisfaction of some other goal he
may be forced to leave unsatisfied some lower order goals
because of the scarcity of means at hand.
Also if some goal
which was previously satisfied by another individual or
institution is suddenly made the personal responsibility of the
individual,
lower order goals may be left unsatisfied.
An
example of this might be the case where a creche shuts down,
thus transferring the responsibility of the care of infants
back to the parents.
Suddenly they will have to leave
unsatisfied goals of mobility and employment which had been
important in their decision making.
to satisfy goals may shrink.
Finally the flow of means
Goals with low priority are
thus sacrificed in an effort to attain the goals of highest
priority.
None of this is really new in terms of how analysts have
seen tne psychology of human fertility behaviour.
As Spengler
26
pointed
out,
scheme
that
the
combining
benefits
the
changing
optimal
of
is
economics
in
their
the
stress
this
wa y
to
be
both
the
goals
of
and
means
as
brought
to
bear
As
Spengler
the
economic
to
of
be
the
fully
crystalized
seen
Goals
problem
expressed
preferences
goals
is
in
emphasis
on
this
emphasis
on
on
the
important
expressing
the
Socioeconomic
of
psychological
individual
on
allows
One wa y
D istributive
Resources
system
(tastes)
gives
(given
as
expressed
1
Spengler
way, b u t
symmetry
the
in
to
as
is
goals
which
the
of
Objects
thus
seen
and
the
satisfaction
price
of
condition
system).
in
the
formulated
expresses
prevailing
the
Structure
Structure
(Means)
--------------------- P r i c e S y s t e m
(scarcity)
Choice
be
lays
follows:
P r e fe r e n c e System
(tastes)
to
Wh a t
THE CHOI CE S I TUATI ON
Definition
c o me
is
developed
sociological
are
means
it
Values
The
have
analytical
that
which
choice
of
Spengler
is
an
literature.
of
behaviour.
diagramatically^
scarcity
behaviour.
of
distribution
building
fertility
concepts,
structures
FI GURE 2 . 1
detail
in
of
and
and
disciplines
human
of
determinants
goals
about
problem
combination
of
concepts
of
the
advantages
great
both
problem
outlines
in
unusual
the
of
the
(psychology)
concepts
somewhat
of
concepts
sociology
these
is
on
one
of
The
wa y
into
priority
each
of
a system
of
the
a number
scarcity
economic
values
of
of
means
problem
( 1 9 6 6: 119) d i a g r a m s t h e s y s t e m i n a somewhat d i f f e r e n t
I t h i n k t h i s p r e s e n t a t i o n b e t t e r shows t h e b a s i c
of h i s a n a l y t i c a l scheme.
27
is centred on
with
the interaction
the price
which
system to determine
are anticipated
points
out
regard
to material
goals
the way
and values
this
regard
v a r i ation
to make
this
that since
system,
fertility
calls
of society
2.2.3
ordinarily
in both
in
accordance with
life in
the pollution,
observe
to have
take
the
guise,
and
term
but
the
people
occurred-
"modern"
rise
be helpful
in per
the demographic
traditional,
to modern
with
had
the
We will
review
phenomenon.
textbook
expansion
two approaches
aspects
positive
for in
to this
to modern
and,
for,
in a normative
urbanization,
income)
as
as societies
it may
the theory
changed
of s o cioeconomic
later,
they
for the moment
(material
fertility
which were
life
fell,
formerly
to the e xplanation
economics
(1957),
in his
stable
of this
classic
focusses
of
from
followed by a new stability.
proposed by L e i b enstein
on development
good,
so much
patterns
that populations
One,
a very
of
the bad has been
if we
fertility,
so mortality
of great
in the Course
and isolation which
posits,
agrarian b a sed
result
times
transition
forms,
in the s o c i o economic
for industrialization,
of
of
in fertility
their progress
income
the
of
it is
However,
capita
in an analysis
system and
the relevance
people,
to stand not
as a catch-all
to
of modernization.
principles
cities
in
I hope
Behaviour
in
to notice
disciplines.
change
see quite negative
big
small
determination
the change
is modern
rejected or overcome by humans
Other
of
for many
e volutionary
point.
of both
the course
to it - if something
they have
is subject
of the
accompanies
has,
a great
can change as
the price
as we examine
The Change in Fertility
Modernization
"Modernization"
ring
fertility beh a v i o u r
to an u n derstanding
structure
system
It is important
on the expertise
that
because
119)
in choice behaviour with
an under s t a n d i n g
behaviour
paid
of relatively
the preference
clearer
(1966:
the other hand psychologists
to change
this point
scheme
On
are altered.
according
preference
to be
changes
goods.
Spengler
resources
system
of objects
traditionally
and
system
in describing
have emphasized
have
to prices
the preference
importance
a choice
to be satisfying.
that economists
deal of attention
assumed
of a given preference
on the
28
changes to the structure of goals and the price system which
occur as per capita income rises.
The other,
developed by
Lorimer in a short paper contributed to the World Population
Conference in 1965, presents a picture of the life cycles
of families under conditions which prevail at various stages
of the modernization process.
i.
Leibenstein (1957) .
The first point to be made
about Leibenstein's description of the response of fertility
to the increase in per capita income which comes about with
modernization is that it is very general, and not meant
to describe the relation between fertility and average income
at each stage of development.
His concern is much more with
the way the changing socioeconomic structure affects both the
goals of parents and the means of satisfaction at their disposal.
The goals he distinguishes
(and which he calls utilities)
are
those concerned with (a) the personal pleasure a parent derives
from a child - or the consumption utility (Uc) , (b) the
material production which results from the child’s labour and
which benefits the parent - or the production utility (U^),
and (c) the security that the parent receives from the
assurance of material support during the period of his old
age when he is unable to care for himself - or the security
utility (Ug) .
The means of satisfying these goals are
described by Leibenstein as involving costs which are (a)
direct in that they involve specific material payment for
the maintenance of the child according to prevailing standards
(C,) (and which, while tied into goals, are not treated as
d
such) or (b) indirect in that the satisfaction of goals
through childbearing involves the sacrifice of other goals which
are incompatible (C^) - these are what we called "opportunity
costs", ab ove .
Leibenstein summarizes the changes which occur to these
goals and costs over the course of modernization with reference
to the following diagram:
29
FI GURE
2.2
CHANGING U T I L I T Y - C O S T RELATI ONS
COURSE OF MODERNI ZATI ON
OVER THE
Ut i l i ty
or
Cost
In c o m e
Source:
Th e
Adapted
shape
presumes
of
the
the
no
those
in
utility
with
as
involved
Three
the
take
he
sim plifies
says,
to
suppose
more
or
less
societies,
a source
at
the
of
so
in
of
he
in
that
Leibenstein
the
it,
joy
security
Leibenstein,
since
kept
care
the
would
of
the
alternative
kinds
income
effects.
be
various
curves
to
income
to
in
sources
first,
to
as
any
according
have
costs
factors
course
face
rising
draws
in
their
the
increased
income).
parents
from
of
There
traditional
children
than
consumption
(U ) a s a h o r i z o n t a l l i n e .
However, bo th the
c
i ncome p r o d u c e d by t h e c h i l d , and t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f
rising
would
the
indicates
162)
curve
child
Costs,
as
get
modern
material
the
curves
(or,
reason, he
societies
(1957:
various
modernization
is
from L e i b e n s t e i n
of
effects,
Figure
These
arise
of
are
2.2.
as
with
be
expected
standards
at
which
rise
child
and
the
would
related
to
the
opportunity
be
more
increased.
u tilities
development
are
discerned.
embodied
second
result
of
costs
substantial
the
those
rise
child
to
The
a
modernization.
could
satisfactions
effects
stages
fall
in
type
the
the
are
fact
and
shape
the
that
Th e
of
survival
whereas
30
in
traditional
that
many
society
child
children
are
the
while
This
in
to
to
u tilities
of
such
born
related
societies
that
is
Thus
m ortality
child
adult
younger
to
additional
but
did
each
it
and
birth
will
be
when
having
will
falls,
20,
live
the
them
age
of
the
ages.
to
to
have
is
at
less
a
but
for
the
that
influence
it
the
The
on
does
so
at
case
has
m ortality
in
modern
cost
example,
need
not
contain
a better
chance
utility
losing
same
to
the
children
qualified
with
to
is
the
rates
much h i g h e r
the
The
2.2)
a much h i g h e r
children
impact
u tilities
that
age.
on
in itial
means
for
clearly
Figure
infant
any
is
various
arrows
the
modern
that
This
the
is
in
time.
proportionately
than
meant
sure
different.
fact
account
that
long
heavy
it
fairly
increase
are
rates
conditions
(see
This
productive
pain
for
to
m ortality
amount
not
by
societies
to
one
is
mortality
may b e
somewhat
decline^
respect
the
is
effect
costs
traditional
for
a parent
level,
costs
high
infancy,
income
amplified
as
in
live
survival
the
died
him w i l l
the
and
the
of
wh o w e r e
reasoning
survive
parent
(U
avoided,
result
society.
rate
raising
a
large
also
says
to
born
that
ages
or
the
that
with
U
Ug ) ,
joy
c
where
of
rises.
2
1
For a v ery u s e f u l d i s c u s s i o n of th e c o s t s i n v o l v e d in h ig h
m o r t a l i t y see Hansen (1957).
A r e c e n t a r t i c l e by Enke a nd
Brown ( 1 9 7 2 ) s t u d i e s t h e i n c i d e n c e o f c o s t o f d e a t h f r o m
t h e p o i n t of v i e w of d e d u c i n g p r i n c i p l e s by w h i c h l i m i t e d
m e d i c a l s e r v i c e s c o u l d b e r a t i o n e d i n s u c h a wa y a s t o
e n s u r e the l o w e s t ec on omic c o s t t o th e n a t i o n i n term s of
l o s s o f c a p i t a l i z e d human a s s e t s .
One c o n c l u s i o n : " wh y
s h o u l d p u b l i c l y f i n a n c e d r e s o u r c e s by d e v o t e d t o p r e v e n t i n g
i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y , when t h e e c o n o m i c w o r t h of s u c h m a r g i n a l
infants is negative?
The e c onomy w o u l d be b e t t e r o f f w i t h o u t
them.
T h e b u r d e n o f p r o o f i s s u r e l y o n t h o s e wh o r e c o m m e n d
d i v e r s i o n of h e a l t h r e s o u r c e s from c a r i n g f o r p r o d u c i n g
a d u l t s to c a r i n g f o r consuming c h i l d r e n " . (304)
I t i s no
w o n d e r t h a t ma n y p e o p l e t h i n k t h a t e c o n o m i s t s t a k e a c c o u n t
of t oo n a r r o w a r a n g e of v a l u e s in t h e i r a n a l y s e s .
2
The i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h e s u r v i v o r s h i p e f f e c t h a v e b e e n o f
g r e a t i n t e r e s t t o d e m o g r a p h e r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y as t h i s e f f e c t
r e l a t e s to the problem of e n s u r i n g w ith a c e r t a i n degree
of p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t a c e r t a i n number of c h i l d r e n of a
given sex might s u r v i v e to p r o v i d e s u p p o r t f o r the p a r e n t .
A r t i c l e s by H e e r a n d S m i t h ( 1 9 6 8 , 1969) a n d I mme r wa h r ( 1 9 6 7 )
use model l i f e t a b l e s to work out p r o b a b i l i t i e s of son
s u r v i v o r s h i p acco rd in g to v a rio u s s p e c i f i e d assum ptions
a b o u t t h e p a r e n t s ’ demand f o r c h i l d r e n t o , f o r e x a m p l e ,
l i v e u n t i l t h e f a t h e r i s 65 o r t o a t i m e w h e n t h e f a t h e r
has a s p e c i f i c p r o b a b i l i t y of b e in g dead.
R u t s t e i n ’s (1970)
(continued
p.31)
31
The third effect is the occupation distribution effect,
which acts mainly to add to the costs of childbearing and
decrease productive utility (see broken arrow on Figure 2.2)
This occurs because a new occupational structure implied in
the modernizing society generally leads to restrictions on
child labour, and increased demands for schooling.
Also,
the types of work available to women sometimes have to be
foregone in favour of caring for children,
thus adding to the
opportunity costs of childbearing.
It might also be noted that while Leibenstein developed
this discussion with reference to a child of a given parity,
he assumed that the relation between the utilities and costs
for different parity births would not be the same.
The
utilities would be expected to fall with parity, while the
costs could, but would not necessarily,
rise.
Taking all
these influences together, and going much deeper into the
character of changes which might be assumed to accompany
modernization, Leibenstein developed a much more complicated
2 (continued)
analysis of data from Taiwan suggests that, in behavioural
terms, parents adjust their fertility not so much in
response to a specific experience of the death of a child,
as to a generalized fear of a child's death.
Harrington's
(1971) analysis of Pool's African data stresses the connection
between infant mortality and fertility motives, but says
that under some conditions higher mortality is the result
of modernization.
In Davis' (1963) theory of multi-phasic
responses to demographic pressure the theory is developed
that increased survivorship has many implications on a
wide variety of social institutions, and thus provokes a
wide variety of responses which cover the whole range of
demographic behaviour.
In contrast to this Hagen's
mechanistic notion that mortality attitudes are "imbedded
in unconscious motives relating to sex and family inculcated
in children during their first six years" implies that any
decline in fertility in response to a decline in mortality
must await at least the period from ago six to adulthood.
Further, he says, since the transmission of norms is unconscious
the lag may be delayed up to four generations depending on the
"speed and conspicuousness of the decline in death rates".
(1959: 320).
Aside from the notion of a "conspicuous" death
rate, one wonders at the unverifiability of a theory couched
in such te rms.
32
theory of population growth, but for our purposes the elements
of his theory which are presented here are sufficient to show
how an economist might analyse the course of fertility
transition with reference to the principles concerning the
relation of different types of values and fertility which we
outlined in the previous section.
Basically the process of
modernization is seen as changing both the type of goals
which individual decision makers base their preference systems
on, and the direct and indirect costs which, as reflected in
the price system, characterize the condition of scarcity of
means available for goal satisfaction.^
Let us now look
at this same process from the perspective of the family life
cycle.
ii. Lorimer (1965) .
Lorimer takes the concepts of
utility and costs which Leibenstein described over the course
of economic development and outlines, in a relatively simple
exercise,
the implications of this process in terms of the
changes which occur in the balance of utilities and costs over
the course of the life cycle of individual families under
1
The question of the relation between modernization and
fertility decline has received much attention as concern
over high population growth rates and poverty has grown.
Heer (1972) reviews many of the basic findings on this
subject.
Using Spengler's scheme to describe the changes
in behaviour which came about in the course of the
European fertility transition, he stresses particularly the
contradictory forces of rising income (which tends to promote
fertility), rising costs of childcare (which tends to depress
fertility), and the restructuring of preference systems
in response to the wider variety of sources of satisfaction
of particular goals which were formerly satisfied only by
children (which would also tend to depress fertility).
In
cross-sectional studies which use income as the independent
variable it is common to find a positive relation with
fertility; whereas the overall differences in social
structures in various societies, reflected in long time
series studies of the relation between income and fertility,
focussed more on the preference and cost differences and
thus found a negative relation.
The total impact of
modernization, though, was negative - fertility fell in
response to the changes in society.
33
typical conditions at different stages of modernization.
He defines four general stages in the demographic/economic
transition and makes a number of assumptions about the
characteristics of each stage based on a wide variety of
empirical findings.
He specifies fertility and mortality levels,
ages at marriage, and the consumption and production of
material goods by children at various ages, expressed in terms
of proportions of "adult male consumption units
.
basis of his various specifications he calculates
stage of the life cycle
the age of the wife)
On the
for each
(which he measures according to
the net material production (or consumption
since they are in the same units)
of the household.
The
assumptions Lorimer makes are outlined in Table 2.1, and the
results of his "experiment",
the curves of net material
production for each stage, are shown in Figure 2.3
FIGURE 2.3
CHANGING PATTERNS OF LIFETIME HOUSEHOLD NET MATERIAL
PRODUCTION OVER THE COURSE OF MODERNIZATION
e
c o
O *H
•H 4-1
Age of Mo the r
Note:
I -Traditional Society, II-Same with Mortality Decline,
Ill-Industrial Society,
IV-Same with Fertility Decline.
See Table 3.1 for specific characteristics of each type
of Society.
Source:
From Lorimer, 1965: 95
1
The simplicity of Lorimer's exercise is deceptive.
In
the four pages of his conference paper he packs a large
amount of information of techniques of estimation,
qualifications and implications which could well stand
elaboration.
The paper, since it was tucked away in the
proceedings of a conference, has received less attention
than it deserves, though it has had some impact in recent
discussions.
See, for example, Nag (1972: 60),
Hawthorn (1970: 72-73) and Simon (1974: 129).
34
TABLE 2.1
PARAMETERS USED IN LO RIMER'S EXERCISE TO SHOW
THE CHANGING MATERIAL VALUE OF FAMILY FORMATION
UNDER DIFFERENT SOCIOECONOMIC CONDITIONS
Type of Society
Conditions
II
III
IV
7.0
7.0
7.0
4.0
30
50
50
50
Age at Marriage
F e males
Males
18
21
18
21
18
21
23
26
Material Levels:
Production
Adult (>15) Male
Female
Child (<15)
1.6
1.6
0.8
0.8
0.15 at age 8
I
Fertility
Total Fertility Rate (F )
Mortalitv (West Model)
e Females
o
1.8
1.8
0.6
0.6
0.12 at age 12
Linear rise t o age 15
Consumption
Adult (>15) Male
Female
2
Child (<15) Age
2-5
6-15
Note:
1.0
1.0
1.0
1.0
0.8
0.8
0.8
0.8
0.3
0.3
0. 3
0.3
to
0.5
rise
0.3
Linear
Linear rise 0.5 t o Adult level
See Lorimer (1965) or Simon (1974: 127-130) for fuller
outlines of the assumptions embodied in the exercise,
including birth intervals, as well as sources for
the es timates.
The value of an exercise like this is that it expresses
in concrete terms relations which are difficult to define with
regard to particular societies at particular stages of development.
For example,
in the diagram it can be seen that the spans of the
curves which fall below the horizontal "0" level of net
production show both the magnitude and duration of the period
during which children are net material costs on the household
economy in each stage.
Under conditions of high fertility
and high mortality which characterize the traditional agrarian
35
society (Curve I) this period is minor in both duration and
magnitude because the death of some children during the
period relieves the parents of the cost of their maintenance,
while the survivors eventually mature and become net producers.
In essence, mortality creates wider spaces between children,
and thus spaces the incidence of net costs and production
at wider, overlapping intervals.
When mortality falls,
children
who are born according to the same pattern of spacing (a
simplifying assumption which may not be supported by empirical
evidence) are more likely to live, and thus the net cost to
the family at the younger ages of the mother is effectively
increased even though the net production later on is marginally
greater.
The decline in mortality thus leads to economic
pressure on the family during the early stages of family
formation.
Lorimer points out that this effect is most
interesting if we consider the implications it has for social
organization.
Clearly, the household needs some way to
"finance" the more onerous material obligations of having a
large family, and in this context consideration of the
function of such institutions as tue extended family, relatively
free adoption practices, and, of course,
traditional attempts
to space or limit the size of the family through abortion,
infanticide, abstinence or withdrawal become important.^
1
Lorimer explicitly considers only the case of a peasant
economy which is subject to the condition that "successive
additions to the family’s labour force are not subject to
severe diminution of production due to limitation of
resources". (1965: 93).
Where the contrary is the case,
costs of raising a large family would rise and potential
benefits fall, thus substantially changing the shape of
the curve of net material value.
Keyfitz (1965: 507,
1971: 88-91) has described with reference to nineteenth
century France how different systems of ownership and
control of land in a peasant economy structure the availability
of resources, and hence the potential flow of production.
The French peasant, with his strictly defined and relatively
limited plot of land found it materially (and also nonmaterially) beneficial to ensure that he had one, or two
children but certainly not many.
In the Asian context where
there has been a continuation of systems of land use along
traditional lines, or the balkanization of landholdings in
densely settled areas so that while each peasant has a
private plot, none have sufficient to consider land their
source of security in old age.
This has created a
completely different environment for evaluation of the
worth of children.
36
In the next case which he considers,
the stage of early
industrialization which is exemplified by many of the urban
sectors of low income countries
(curve III on Figure 2*3)
Lorimer uses the same demographic assumptions as those
already used to characterize the agrarian society after mortality
decline, but he changes his assumptions about the structure of
the work force.
In a manner similar to Leibenstein 1s
"Occupation Effect", he assumes that modernization is
accompanied by a decline in the labour force participation
rates of women and children.
As a result the material
production of the household falls, and the net product curve
dips dramatically below the horizontal axis - beginning,
according to Lorimer's model, when the mother is around
age 23, reaching its nadir at around 33, and then only
gradually rising to achieve equilibrium by the time the
woman is 46.
In contrast to this stage of early industrialization,
Lorimer posits the case where the same institutional constraints
act to limit the entry of females and children into the
workforce, but where fertility is significantly reduced and
late marriage practiced.
This is shown as curve IV, and
there it can be seen that the pattern of family formation
gives rise to a deficit in material well being between ages
28 and 45, but it is much shorter and of smaller magnitude than
that demonstrated in case III.
The net flow of material resources in families under
the four sets of conditions which Lorimer examines are 14.34,
12.52, -11.07 and 2.56 respectively.
Obviously the
values
expressed here are unlikely to be found in precisely this form
in any society - Lorimer's assumptions were very general,
dealing in terms of averages, and with very strict rules about
the timing of events and the social behaviour of the family.
But Lorimer's intention is not to describe in precise terms
the situation of the family under actual conditions,
but rather to demonstrate the relations between variables which
would arise under his very simple assumptions.^
1
In reality,
In this context one wonders at the insistence of Simon
(1974: 129) in calling the exercise an "hypothesis" and
saying that it is "empirically wrong".
37
as Lorimer's
earlier volume,
pointed out,
families
invoke
Culture and Human Fertility
at different stages of modernization
a wide variety
of social institutions
material drain of large families.
to the exercise are possible,
different
stages
factors
to overcome
the
A number of modifications
in particular
the use of
for the production by adults
at various
in the life cycle in industrialized setting,
to reflect
the influence of changes which can arise in earnings.
the types
(1954)
Also
of concerns Leibenstein had with respect to the
survival effects
the exercise.
could be more elaborately
represented in
In the exercise these effects
are somewhat
hidden by Lorimer's use of the same assumptions concerning
production and consumption in stages
parent were
to see his
I and II.
if the
children as a sort of insurance
redeemable on the parent's attainment
of old age,
than as a stream of production stopping,
exercise, when the child marries,
the true value
rather
as it does
in the
the lifetime material value
of a large family would be somewhat
However,
Also,
different.
of exercises
like those of
Leibenstein and Lorimer lies not so much in the degree of
elaboration which
can be forced out of the limited
assumptions, but rather the stimulation they provide
thought,
to
and the definition they give to otherwise very
complex phenomena.
It seems something of an injustice
assume that the exercises
been built on very
reflect reality, when they have
general propositions which
only represent
situations which can occur.
The value
exercises
our attention on the way
is that they focus
changing social institutions
be expected,
of these particular
in the course of development may
other things being equal,
pattern of material utilities
childbearing.
and costs
to influence the
associated with
Both embody a number of assumptions
formation of goals,
structure influences
to
about
and about how the changing socioeconomic
the non-material balance
of the value
of children, but these aspects were not prominent in the
dis cus sions .
the
38
2.2.4
Values, Goals and Tastes
Children
as Expressions
of Value of
Ethical and religious values, family institutions,
and the replacement of the generations are
inseparable strands in the fabric of Asian
peasant society.
Taeuber
Irene Taeuber's
types
99)
comment about the interrelations
of value systems
applied to any culture
influence of values
(1949:
of various
in Asia could just as easily be
for,
in fact,
the ubiquity of the
on behaviour is universal.
When the
behaviour under study is something akin to the purchase of
apples it is often possible
to propose,
as economists
do,
that the values which go into shaping people's preference
systems with respect
to apples
are so stable on average as to
be ignored and that attention should be focussed on the
price and income constraints
of decision making.
wherever a choice situation is very complex,
However,
and involves
large number of emotional as well as material goals,
in the case of childbearing,
values
risk of producing meaningless
a
as occurs
are ignored only at the
analyses.
In order to have a better understanding of the values
Taeuber was referring to in her description of Asian
reproductive mores, we need a conceptual scheme which
general categorical definitions
gives
to the wide variety of
conceptualizations which we call values.
These values,
and
the goals derived from them are discussed in some detail in
Pohlman
(1969),
major concerns
Faw c e t t (1970,
1972,
in the various works
1973)
and in fact are
of Blake, Davis,
Freedman,
and the many other demographic sociologists who have done
research into the social and psychological
fertility behaviour.
However,
a review of all this material
to cull out some of the more important
of values would be a daunting task.
psychologists particularly
forces underlying
themes
for discussion
Luckily,
recent work by
concerned with the concept of the
value of children has produced a number of good taxonomies
which are helpful in this regard.
is that of Hoffman and Hoffman
scheme
One of the most interesting
(1973) which presents
a value
containing nine categories which are identified as
"basic values",
and which might be presumed to represent the
39
dimensions
of
These
according
are,
any
p a r e n ts ’ values
psychological
needs,
influenced
it,
The
by
grouping
is
homogeneous
given
values
may
take
to
might
exist
Using
cover
(Ibid.)
do n o t ,
well
potential
values
classification
is
as
which
follows:
Primary
5.
Stimulation,
6.
Creativity,
7.
Power,
influence,
8.
Social
comparison,
9.
Economic
the
discussion
of
goals.
the
of
certain
will
of
and
costs.
to
be
of
a discussion
is
basic
also
of
to
important
stress
that
importance
fertility
concept
workings
which
affect
In
this
deprivations
barriers
life
later
in
behaviour
to
the
(1973:
the
in
his
of
understanding
the
In
they
they
goals.
family
model
in
an
psychological
this
a
living
conditions.
Spengler
to
which
societies
by
discuss
their
to
in
rise
facilitators
relating
great
values
describe
behaviour"
economic
covered
gives
they
between
and
particular,
achieve
particularly
values
ground
They
and
of
blocks
fertility
differences
role
values
and
building
predicting
In
this
as
structures
the
same
between
material
being
competence
competition
group
social
barriers
as
for
of
of
individuals
entity,
effectance
values
model
s o me
call
a larger
fun
accomplishment,
cover
opportunity
to
affiliation
novelty,
of
fact
alternatives,
tie
utility
types
competition
identity
self,
ties,
the
have
4.
discussion
to
Hoffmans
Morality:
r e l i g i o n ; a l t r u i s m ; good o f t h e g r o u p ;
norms r e g a r d i n g s e x u a l i t y , i m p u l s i v i t y , v i r t u e
their
on
parent,
3.
different
idea
a hierarchy,
Expansion of the
"immortality"
group
social
the
44)
be
2.
the
and
under
cite
Their
to
particular
the
(1973:
"relatively
attempts
Nonetheless
possible
on
represent
any
and
Adult
stresses
of
as
particular
1.
these
status
for
forms,
based
further,
or
in
variation".
rather
however,
childbearing.
structure
cultural
but
to
"anchored
social
to
and
a society.
a "theoretical
they
the
situation,
as
in
to
subject
unique
respect
Hoffmans,
arbitrary,
They
any
tried
and
needs",
in
the
tied
not
all-inclusive.
and
to
with
of
of
the
factors
ability
context
of
they
poverty
satisfaction
63).
thesis
This
as
a Javanese
we
get
village
40
For the time being, we are more interested in the types
of
values which are grouped together in the Hoffm a n s ’ scheme,
and the fact that much of their discussion of the costs,
alternatives,
barriers
and facilitators
in a model of value
realization is fully congruent with the discussion of Spengler
outlined above.^
For a very simple description
of the place of values
in the fertility behaviour of parents we may refer back to the
example of consumption utility mentioned by Leibenstein.
will be remembered that the curve he used in Figure
describe that utility was horizontal,
It
3.2 to
indicating no difference
in value between a society in a traditional setting and
one in a modern one.
He did make the point
that the consumption
utility of children
of different parities
would vary, but
the degree and form
of this variation was
not subject to
detailed discussion.
by the Hoffmans
can
have wide variation
was
Now clearly the list of values
offered
be seen to contain elements which
would
not only according to whether the parent
considering children of different parities, but also with
regard to family structure,
and religious persuasion.
economic level,
Consider
cultural background
the different ways
children are treated in different societies,
obvious
and it becomes
that a factor like the value of children as sources
of stimulation,
novelty and fun is subject
number of forms of expression.
a specific relation of values
to a very large
The variety is so great,
of this sort
and
to modernization
per se so questionable that Leibenstein might not be chided
for having assigned
airve.
the form he does to his
Consideration of the other types
Hoffmans
offers similar examples
consumption utility
of values
cited by the
of the difficulty of
describing a simple relation of non-material values
modernization and fertility behaviour.
example,
1
that values
to
Can one claim,
relating to creativity, morality
for
or adult
Rather than describe the H o f f m a n ’s model in detail here,
since many of the issues it involves have been covered, the
reader is referred to their article, or the short synopsis
of their theory contained in Hoffman (1972).
Their long
article is especially interesting for the review they
present of relevant research on the topic of fertility
related values, though it pays perhaps less attention to the
"economic” literature than might have been expected.
41
status are more likely to be satisfied in meaningful ways
through childbearing among peasants
class industrial workers,
than they are among lower
or elite entrepreneurs.^
Or is the
problem posed much more in the spirit of T aeuber’s comment
at the head of this section;
ie.
that non-material values
in
any society are woven together in a fabric which as a whole
relates
to fertility, but which is not necessarily
according to specific hierarchies
in relation to material values?
related
similar to those we discussed
These are questions we will do
well to keep in mind when we later discuss the non-material
values
of childbearing in a Javanese village.
This discussion of the relation of non-material values
to fertility behaviour is necessarily more restricted than the
discussion of material values because
models
and, yet,
of values
there are few general
innumerable specific examples
on p a r e n t s ’ desires
for families
The reader need only brouse through Lorimer
and the publications
to become
structures
of the influence
of particular sizes.
(1954), Polgar
(1971)
cited at the beginning of this section
aware of the many forms in which cultures
can be found to determine
and social
fertility behaviour.
Later in the thesis we will describe in some detail the
role of non-material values
goals
and aspirations
in the formation of fertility
in Java.
In the meantime, we shall
summarize below some of the main points
review a number of the implications
2.3
Some Implications
of this
chapter and
that may be drawn from them.
of the Concept
of the Value of Children
After our review of the modern discussions of the value of
children it is possible to see how many of the themes noted
briefly in the description of the historical roots
concept - the mutual responsibilities
1
of parents
of the
and children,
Rogers' (1973: 272) oversimplified concept of the dynamism
of modern man notwithstanding, it is probable that many of
the differences in values which are often said to characterize
comparisons of peasants and urbane modern men are more
related to stereotypes based on material and racial
conflicts and mistrust, than to differences in what the
Hoffmans call "basic values".
42
Hesiod’s advice to have some, but not too many, children to
help in the household work, and the changing role of children
in the family which accompanied the spread of schools in Europe
can be pursued in some detail in terms of the changing balances
of material and non-material costs and benefits which
accompany modernization or characterize cultural differences.
The kinds of concepts and exercises developed by Spengler,
Leibenstein, Hoffman and Hoffman, among others, provide useful
analytical tools for thinking about the relation between
fertility and the systems of preferences, prices and resources
which confront parents in any society.
One of the most important implications of a focus on the
concept of the value of children is related to the perspective
taken by the analyst.
Almost of necessity, a concern for the
process of individual decision-making is implied,
for no matter
how widely a particular "value" might be said to obtain in a
society, it is only in the implementation of this value through
the decisions of individuals that it can be said to have force
in determining fertility behaviour.
As Back (1967: 93-95)
points out, this perspective gives rise to a wide range of
analytical difficulties which might only be resolved through
compromise.
The problems of measuring values are compounded
by those of defining the decision-making process and
specifying the conditions under which a "decision" might be
said to take place.'*'
Back shows that the degree of control
which people have over the outcomes of their decisions is
often limited, by both material and sociocultural constraints,
and thus that rationalization,
"irrational" decisions,
and the
whole collection of phenomena Festinger (1957) analysed as
"dissonance reduction", arise and must be assimilated into an
analysis if it is to be complete.
Such completeness, while
ideal, is seldom possible because of the huge number of
controversial analytical issues it gives rise to.
1
As a result
In this context we must remember that the decisions which
individuals are said to reach come about as a result of
choices made in accordance with predictions or anticipations
Shackle (1961: 273) describes this by saying that "choice,
inescapably, is choice amongst thoughts, and thoughts, we
suppose, are not given".
Rather there is an element of
creativity in that individuals do not, of necessity, have
to accept given ends, but can instead respond to inspiration
the acceptance of the perspective of individual decision
making is possibly best done with some humility on the part of
the analyst.
A second implication - or more properly an extension of
some of Spengler's discussion of the nature of goals and ends is the issue of externalities.
When we realize that the
individual’s goals and the means he uses to satisfy them are
bound up in the goals and means of his or her spouse, extended
family, and society at large, it is possible to imagine many
situations in which goals could be displaced or the means of
attaining goals subsidized by society, both of which are
types of "externalities".
An obvious case is the payment of
children's educational expenses by the state.
As Hardin
(1968)
points out, the support of individuals’ fertility goals by
social resources can lead to a situation analogous to the
traditional village commons, where everyone in the community
could graze his cattle.
With fertility,
the existence of
externalities might mean that individuals would have higher
fertility goals than they would if they had to bear all the
costs personally rather than taking advantage of society’s
"commons".
Most discussions on this issue (Davis 1967,
Demeny 1969, Friedman 1972) have been couched in terms of the
"commons" approach of the individual gaining at the expense
of society, but there are many other examples of externalities
involved in the mutual interdependence of individuals and at
times the gains to society at the expense of the individual
which could be seen in terms of symbiotic externalities or
exploitation in reverse of the "commons" example.
as we shall see in the context of Java,
For example,
a mother with many
children may feel burdened by the expenses involved in raising
them and "loan" one of them out to a neighbour or relative
to raise.
This is an externality in that the neighbour bears
the cost of the mother's child.
But as often as not that
neighbour is sterile or old, and the child is a source of joy
and a help around the house, and thus a t rans action would
better describe the nature of the relationship.
Further, while
it is common to speak of the burden on society represented by
the child there are times when the society "gains" and the
parents lose their "investment".
A classic example of this is
44
compulsory military service.
Brain drains and refugee situations
can also be seen to involve complex material and non-material
externalities .^
A third implication, which arises out of the focus on
the parents'
decision making behaviour over their lifecycle,
is that evaluations of the potential magnitudes of costs and
benefits may be seriously at variance with the probable
reality of these values as a result of the parents'
perceptions of their decision problem.
distorted
2
In short, people
believe not on the basis of what i_s_, but on the basis of what
they think, is.
This can arise in three ways:
1. The decision maker might, at any point in the life
cycle,be ignorant of the types of flows of material
and ncn-material costs and benefits that might be
expected in his future.
Included here would be the
situation where the individual has been socialized
into a naive acceptance of values which are patently
false under the contemporary social conditions.
It may take years of experience before such early
socialization is overcome.
2. The decision maker may be aware of the potential flow
of costs and benefits, but may exhibit substantial time
preference - ie. he may give greater weight to those
costs and benefits which will accrue in the
immediate future than those which involve a wait.
Reasons for such preference include the impatience
he might feel to take advantage of the immediate
1
Consider the exchange recorded oy Boswell in 1778: (1958:
II, 169):
Boswell: I can understand that emigration may be
the cause that more people may be
produced in a country; but the country will
not therefore be the more populous;
for the people issuing from it. It can
only be said that there is a flow of
people.
It is an encouragement to have
children, to know that they can get a
living by emigrating.
R:
2
Yes, if there were an emigration of children
under six years of age.
But they don't
emigrate till they could earn their
livelihood in some way at home, (emphasis
added)
Difficulties over the analysis of externalities in fertility
behaviour have multiplied over the last two hundred years
with the spread of formal schooling and the consequent
greater social investment of resources in the upbringing
of human beings.
The term "distorted" in this context is not meant to convey
a negative connotation.
Rather it means that the perceptions
(continued p.45)
45
2.
con t i n u e d
b e n e f i t s a n d d a mn t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s ( a F a u s t i a n
r e a c t i o n ) , a r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t t h e more d i s t a n t
f u tu r e is u n c e r t a i n , or a response to the f e e l i n g
t h a t i n f l a t i o n makes t h e p o s t p o n e m e n t of t h e
b e a r i n g of c o sts unwise.
3.
T h e i n d i v i d u a l ’ s c o n t e m p o r a r y v a l u e s y s t e m may
i t s e l f c o n ta in a p r e f e r e n c e for s p e c i f i c time periods
in the l i f e cycle.
Thus, at young ages concern over
m i d d l e a g e may b e m i n i m a l , b u t a n x i e t y o v e r o l d a g e
w h i c h h a s b e e n c o n d i t i o n e d b y s o c i a l i z a t i o n may b e
very s u b s t a n t i a l .
Thus a d e c i s i o n to b e a r a c h i l d
t o p r o v i d e a r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l amount o f m a t e r i a l
s e c u r i t y i n o l d a g e ma y b e m a d e d e s p i t e t h e r e l a t i v e l y
l a r g e m a t e r i a l c o s t s which c o u ld be e x p e c t e d d u r i n g
middle age. 1
Because
of
this
against
the
purport
which
actually
stage
of
the
to
life
of
ie.
wh o
people
whole
is
to
are
in
any
under
out,
means
of
situation
the
to
It
may b e a r
in
broad
mainly
is
of
social
conditions,
but
-
the
values
attained
of
the
the
the
through
fact
that
control
of
only
with
that
one
at
values
really
fertility
childbearing
must
only
is
decision
but,
even
to
the
extent
this
control
are
indirect,
are
-
of
that
it
and
the
behaviour,
of
the
makers
pervades
implementation
not
their
behaviour.
which
and
to
decision
these
values
a particular
regard
facing
fertility
and
of
analysis
expressions
only
of
present
of
implication,
of
the
people
children
study
in
actually
study
explanation
recognition
pointed
2
of
presumably
partially
the
us
warned
acceptance
cycle.
the
final
issue
that
be
represent
refer
reflection
The
should
unquestioning
which
interest
we
goals
be
which
grounded
fertility
only
maker,
Back
is
must
as
controlled,
operate
through
(continued)
do n o t c o n f o r m t o w h a t we m i g h t c o n s i d e r t h e " o b j e c t i v e
r e a l i t y " of the s i t u a t i o n , but s i n c e the i n d i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n
m a k i n g p e r s p e c t i v e n e e d p o s i t no f u r t h e r r e a l i t y t h a n
t h a t i n t h e e y e o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l , we c a l l i t d i s t o r t e d
o n l y b y wa y o f c o m p a r i s o n a n d n o t j u d g e m e n t . ( C f . S h a c k l e ’ s
d i s c u s s i o n 1961: 271-274)
1
T h i s i s h i g h l y s i m p l i f i e d s i n c e t h e same b e h a v i o u r m i g h t
be e x p l a i n e d in terms of a p o s i t i v e v a lu e to a c u r r e n t
f e e l i n g of s e c u r i t y at h a v in g th e c h i l d .
46
what
Davis
These
(b)
of
and
are
factors
conception
the
and
have
which
and
(c)
called
govern
of
children
thus
benefits
of
children
as
these
are
each
so
various
broad
s o me
category
range
of
nature
of
the
m ultiplied
The
exercises
put
simple
tools
etc.
a
We
already
forward
with
of
also
by
ones,
and
the
in
the
problem
costs
and
benefits
variable.
numerous
and
The
costs
Since
institutions
involve
an
extremely
benefits
as
well
problem
any
of
as
defining
particular
Lorimer
and
Leibenstein
by
Hoffman
and
Hoffman
as
to
the
be
somewhat
seem
to
have
the
general
of
children
it
is
understanding
applied
of
the
precedents
of
to
useful
the
the
context
is
over
see
by
in
behaviour
does
the
seem
of
not
the
to
analysis
the
fact
refining
the
course
how v a r i o u s
of
and
be
of
list
of
very
so
children/sexuality/fam ilism /
understanding
elements
it
of
heartened
occurred
possible
approach
value
been
problem
which
successfully
such
only
of
can
Further,
not
but
costs
intercourse,
parturition.
intermediate
children
which
concept
of
With
value
(a)
Variables.
substantially.
values
complex
material
to
involves
cultures,
non-material
substantial
and
controlled
and
Intermediate
exposure
such,
of
intricately
societies
the
gestation
value
surrounding
in
Blake
the
our
of
so
tools
of
the
value
modernization.
writers
particular
these
understanding
changes
concept
seem
that
to
2
gain
social
rash
to
have
deeper
conditions.
contemplate
1
The I n t e r m e d i a t e V a r i a b l e s a r e w e l l known i n d e m o g r a p h y .
D a vi s and B l a k e ’ s o r i g i n a l a r t i c l e (195 6) has b e e n
r e p r i n t e d in numerous a n t h o l o g i e s and th e t y p o l o g y of
v a r i a b l e s has g u i d e d a number of i m p o r t a n t r e v i e w s of
f e r t i l i t y b e h a v i o u r , most n o t a b l y Freedman ( 1 9 6 1 - 1 9 6 2 ) and
H a w t h o r n ( 1 9 7 0 ) as w e l l as N a g ' s ( 1962) i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f t h e
f e r t i l i t y b e h a v i o u r of p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s .
I t ma y b e
t h o u g h t t h a t an i n q u i r y w h i c h ha d t o r e v i e w a l l t h e
i n t e r m e d i a t e v a r i a b l e s in t h e i r n o r m a t i v e and b e h a v i o u r a l
d i m e n s i o n s would be o v e r w h e l m i n g , b u t as T i e n (1968) p o i n t s
out t h e fra mew ork y i e l d s t h r e e key v a r i a b l e s whic h a r e
most s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n t i a l in th e c o n t r o l of f e r t i l i t y :
c o n t r a c e p t i o n , a b o r t i o n and l a t e - o r n o n - m a r r i a g e .
In
t h i s t h e s i s we w i l l b e l o o k i n g c l o s e l y a t t h e s e f a c t o r s
i n t h e c o n t e x t o f J a v a , b u t i n h e r f o r t h c o m i n g w o r k on t h e
R o l e o f Women a n d F e r t i l i t y , V a l e r i e H u l l h a s c o n d u c t e d a n
e x te n d e d i n v e s t i g a t i o n of a l l the v a r i a b l e s u s i n g d a ta
from our s t u d y of a v i l l a g e i n c e n t r a l J a v a .
2
Including
Banks
(1954)
and
Caldwell
(1968).
studying the value of children in a particular social setting
so as to see how far it will allow us to go in analysing the
fertility motivations and behaviour of a group of people caught
up in the modernization process.
In the following chapters
we will describe how a study along these lines was planned and
executed, and eventually, how the conceptual tools outlined
in this chapter were brought to bear on interpretation of
empirical findings.
PART II
CHOICE OF A FIELD OF INVESTIGATION
CHAPTER 3
THE POPULATION PROBLEM IN JAVA
My choice of a society in which
propositions
associated with
to investigate
the concept of the value of
children was more the result of serendipity
deliberation.
anywhere,
than concious
A study could have been undertaken virtually
since,
implications
the
as we have seen,
the concept is so rich in
as to be relevant in some form to the behaviour
of any human group.
my own abilities
The selection of Java rested more on
and inclinations
to study Javanese
culture as such.
Bahasa Indonesia in Hawaii,
than on any overriding need
I had learned a little
and my wife and I had a number
of close Indonesian friends who encouraged us to visit their
country.
But most important we had come in contact with
Dr Masri Singarimbun, who through his work and infectious
enthusiasm fired our interest in the population problems
the villagers
of central Java.
There,
of
on the sloping volcanic
plains people were jammed in, over a thousand to the square
mile,
growing rice in irrigated paddies,
picking each stalk
by hand for returns which were often insufficient to meet
the daily needs,
and still
doubling every 35 years
they multiplied, with
or so.
the population
What better place to try to
understand the reasons people in peasant economies have
large
f amilies ?
3.1
In troduction
The upsurge in colonial expansion which occurred toward
the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth
centuries was marked by a growing concern over the effect of
colonial rule on the size and rates of growth of native
populations.
simple;
The motives underlying this interest were not
they appear to have arisen in part from the growing
social consciousness
that was sweeping through Europe,
and
also from a quite selfish desire to demonstrate the benefits
of
’s u p e r i o r ’ western rule.
Nor were
exhibited by the colonial powers.
However,
in one form or another in the policies
48
these motives
uniformly
they did appear
of all the major
49
European
and N orth
The
for
by
the
an
self-righteous,
growth
at
estimates
most,
of
sea
captains
it
was
of
the
natives
In
southeast
populations
existence
documents
within
the
of
was
attempt
rates
where
trends
out
was
were
from
time
though
to
However,
figures
as
square
were
the
important,
the
European
and
limited
to
could
with
of
show
be
estimates
robustness
establish
review
and
present",
earlier
time
early
calculate
of
often
or,
the
a growing
to
to
travellers
to
been
attempts
rate
times
of
aegis
had
ignored,
to
that
attention
servants
demonstrate
contact
accompanied
Suddenly
"contact
estimates,
these
been
used
beneficial
growth
at
and
concern
measuring
more
journals
from
provinces.
ma k e
civil
the
these
undertaken
pay
had
was
of
decades.
would
the
national
to
which
in
larger,
a high
specific
national
1
under
to
period.
paternalistic,
methods
began
searched
assumed,
were
the
for
the
population
long-dead
estimates
Asia,
of
comparison
by
growth
which,
in
covered
were
population
native
Reports
conducted
population
of
of
sometimes
population
briefly
and
empires
or
interest
Colonial
Censuses
of
rates
increased
growth.
the
American
powers.
the
the
to
the
local
development
expected,
supposed
futile.
In the P a c i f i c t h e s e p o l i c i e s o f t e n took the form of a
p a t e r n a l i s t i c a t t i t u d e on t h e p a r t o f t h e r e s i d e n t
a d m i n i s t r a t o r s which led to a s tr o n g i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with
t h e ' i n t e r e s t s ' of t h e i n d i g e n o u s p e o p le of t h e c o l o n l y .
An e x t r e m e c a s e o c c u r r e d i n F i j i , w h e r e t h e a d m i n i s t r a t o r
f o r b a d e t h e u s e o f F i j i a n l a b o u r on t h e p l a n t a t i o n s of
t h e i s l a n d i n o r d e r to a v o i d damage t o t h e i r s o c i a l s y s t e m ,
p r o p o s i n g i n s t e a d t h a t I n d i a n s be b r o u g h t in u n d e r i n d e n t u r e .
F i f t y y e a r s l a t e r , when t h e i n d e n t u r e s y s t e m h a d e n d e d t h e
I n d i a n s c o m p r i s e d o v e r a t h i r d of t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n and had
a growth r a t e f a r in excess of the F i j i a n s .
By t h e e n d o f
W o r l d Wa r Two t h e i n e v i t a b l e o c c u r r e d ; T h e I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n
e x c e e d e d t h e F i j i a n , a n d t h e new g e n e r a t i o n o f p a t e r n a l i s t i c
E u r o p e a n s c a l l e d f o r such d r a c o n i a n m e a s u r e s as e n f o r c e d
e m i g r a t i o n and com pulsory b i r t h c o n t r o l f o r I n d i a n s so t h a t
t h e p o p u l a t i o n s c o u l d be b r o u g h t i n t o b a l a n c e .
This
a t t i t u d e a ls o played a major r o le in the e v e n tu a l development
of th e s u c c e s s f u l fa m i ly p l a n n i n g programme in t h e Colony
(See H u l l and H u l l (1973) f o r a f u l l e r t r e a t m e n t of t h i s
topic.)
50
Java provides one of the more interesting cases of this
general phenomenon.
There the changing philosophies of
colonial rule over the course of the nineteenth century led to
perennial attempts to estimate the rates of population growth.
Also,
a fairly dense pattern of population settlement, which
was predicated on intensive farming methods on very fertile
soil, impressed generations of visitors as being the embryonic
site of a malthusian population problem.
As early as 1827
Du Bus de Gisignies expressed the fear that without policies
designed to develop the agricultural sector, Java would
eventually have
'over its whole surface a population quite
the same as that which now inhabits and cultivates a part of
that surface;
... millions of tenants on whole, half, and
quarter acres of land, each farming to obtain his food, each
growing rice and nothing else, each farming for an income
like that of the meanest day laborer' , (in Boeke,
1927:
Exactly a century later Boeke expanded this warning:
275)
'The
more intensive agricultural production becomes under these
circumstances,
the more dangerous,
for intensification means
only that the existence of a constantly growing number of
people is made dependent on a fixed amount of land, so that
the vicissitudes of the yield affect ever larger numbers of
people'.
(Boeke; 1927: 275)
Geertz has confirmed that
Du Bus' prediction and Boeke's warning were both, unfortunately,
correct,
and has termed the process by which this intensification
takes place, agricultural involution.
(Geertz, 1963)
During
the past century and a half of progressive involution of economic
and social life, the colonial government experimented with
numerous remedies for the supposed ills of the country, on the
assumption that the basic problem was spiritual or economic
rather than demographic.
At the same time the government
regarded the population growth rates of Java as proof that,
no matter what else may be wrong, the colonial policy at least
encouraged the fertility of the native peoples and banished
the horrid spectres of war, famine and disease.
This is an
assertion which deserves closer inspection.
3.2
The Growth of Java's Population in the Nineteenth Century
51
3.2.1
The D e b a t e on t h e
Growth i n J a v a i n
Ironically,
discussion
of
the
of
the
Dutch
since
the
the
but
as
s ome
History
the
that
of
not
of
village
the
well-known
at
a basis
for
unfortunately,
on
population
central
1830's
with
express
when
registers,
publication.
the
reports
that
the
times
of
of
for
of
4.49
be
was
for
were
system.
noted
of
data
scepticism
it
to
million
no
collection
was
be
fairly
used
as
Nonetheless,
evaluation
of
of
Java
the
Raffles'
much
attention
governments
Raffles'
but
these
were
was
partly
unrest,
of
since
any
to
This
but
of
the
interest
in
population
travelled
tax
control
inertia
Bleeker
a
ma gnur n o p u s ,
should
grounds
area
the
2
s ome
pay
a
the
British
his
there
results
point
Local
according
were
these
regained
not
since
work
Raffles
figure
It
of
continued
did
Madura.
s o me
explosion.
population.
information
the
exist
starting
Dutch
they
gave
construction
the
the
Paris,
data
time
and
in
the
of
1815.^
census
rather
There
population
Whe n
of
the
to
but
accuracy
the
provide
alleged
individuals,
not
wh o w a s
this
census,
is
portions
Raffles
1811
Population
serious
Java
of
and
a modern
for
in
ruled
of
from
Java
heads.
concerning
Java
(1815)
for
had
census
results
Java,
was
enumeration
they
the
population
this
from
of
point
population
which
the
of
starting
of
government,
Lieutenant-Governor
The
usual
growth
1600's,
reported
M a g n it u d e and Causes of
the N ineteenth Century
policies,
to
the
most
of
not
of
the
statistics
Java
to
but,
to
the
and
maintained
1820's
blame
must
which
until
collect
into
the
day,
the
the
of
record
consolidated
because
Treaty
collection
continued
instructions,
government
around
after
did
a
and
rest
not
mid-1840's
local
1
W h i l e t h e r e i s l i t t l e h i s t o r i c a l l i t e r a t u r e on t h e s t r u c t u r e
of t h e J a v a n e s e v i l l a g e i n p r e v i o u s c e n t u r i e s P i g e a d h a s
n o t e d as p a r t of h i s e p i c d e s c r i p t i o n , J a v a in t h e F o u r t e e n t h
C e n t u r y , t h a t "A c h e q u e r e d p a t t e r n o f r u r a l c o m m u n i t i e s . . .
an a b u n d a n c e o f v i r g i n l a n d w a i t i n g o n l y f o r s e t t l e r s
w i l l i n g to put i t un d e r c u l t i v a t i o n , and s t r a g g l i n g f a r m
h o u s e s m i g h t be named as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f e a t u r e s o f t h e
14th c e n tury M ajapahit c o u n t r y s i d e " .
This is in dram atic
c o n t r a s t t o t h e c r o w d i n g u n i f o r m i t y w h i c h h a s c o me t o
c h a r a c t e r i z e 2 0 t h c e n t u r y J a v a . ( 19 62 : 472)
2
For c r i t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n s of
for N ineteenth Century Java
(1970).
all
see
t h e e s t i m a t e s of p o p u l a t i o n
W id jo jo ( 1 9 7 0 ) , and Peper
52
material and publish it.
initiative
the government ordered in 1849 that
be regularly
presented in Table
Year
Bleeker and the Colonial Reports
3.1,
in the column headed "Official Figures".
Re-es timat es
Growth
Rate
(000’s)
_
de Waal
Wander
B reman
Peper
(1876)
(1965)
(1963)
(1970)
7000
6000
6300
—
4499
7511
8103
9 374
9392
10724
12514
13954
16233
18089
19541
21191
23609
25370
28386
-
2 . 74
1.91
2.11
0.40
2.69
3.14
2 .85
3.07
2.19
1.56
1.63
2.19
1.40
2.27
Source:
7987-10175
(1 . 0 %)
12500
12000
(0 . 5%)
13106
(1 . 5 %)
15000
16513
20000
(1 . 5 %)
29500
29500
Peper's account of the official figure
incorrectly given as 28386.
Note :
are
GROWTH OF THE INDIGENOUS POPULATION OF JAVA
A COMPARISON OF OFFICIAL FIGURES AND
1800 -1900:
AND CRITICAL RE-ESTIMATES
Official
Figures
1800
1815
1834
1838
1845
1850
1855
1860
1865
1870
1875
1880
1885
1890
1895
1900
the statistics
collected and published in the Colonial Report.
The Data from Raffles,
TABLE 3.1
In part as a reaction to Bleeker's
Official figures - Peper (1970:
de Waal - Timmer (1961: 417).
The official figures
for 1895 i s
72).
for the population
of Java in 1815
and 1900 imply an average growth rate over the course of the
century
of 2.2% per annum, which
of the highest
an Asian
1845
recorded rates to prevail
country.
of the period,
of the Java Wars
is estimated
is one
for such a long time in
The rate of growth implied between 1815 and
is 2.48% per annum,
scholars
according to Peper
and this was regarded seriously by
even though it coincided with the period
(1825-1830) when the number of people killed
to have been in excess
of 200,000 and thousands
of hectares were laid waste throughout
central and east Java.
The
early
1840's
In order
were
to explain
emphasis was
which was
placed
said
this
control
over
figures,
put
It is
health
forward
the
recorded
before
the
intr o d u c t i o n
critiques
of a farce,
the
Dutch
climate
lowered
this
period
very
limited nature
and
their servants,
the
total pop u l a t i o n
points
out
that
of the vacc i n a t i o n
the period
despite
access
to the
It may be
true
that
numbers,
but
to the effects
deprivation,
all,
though
their reports
population
century.
could
during
is taken
campaigns
In the
records
show
struck
of
of
the Dutch
rates
services
which were
the
Dutch
greater
and
serving
resistance
in such
fully
immune
and in times
diseases.
of the day had
identify
of localized plagues
soldiers
soldiers
typhus,
and other def i c i e n c y
could
of
of morbidity
that they were
cholera,
to Europeans
of the island.
pop u l a t i o n had
down
the
same vein Widjojo
appalling
to assert
they
in the
a few percent
the medical p r a c t itioners
for these maladies,
one
for only
of smallpox,
b e r i -beri
of
accounting
finest medical
it is hard
rates
facilities
regard
that
only
the native
to the diseases which
(1970:
the main
the medical
during
the
in
(1970:41).
in Java
and
itself
in Java
of the native
into question when
thus
recorded
to propose
g o v e rnment was
have
available
these
for high
s p r e ading medical
rate
of
he says,
that
they were
the
of vaccination
them are erroneous
the
conducted —
and second
the statistics
Also
is thrown
administration
measures.
p r o vided
death
fighting which
island,
in the bloodiest war
the
the pax neerlandica,
the Dutch
of the p r o t agonists
contention
.
growth heavy
the sporadic
that both
the
and epidemics
First,
to support
something
growth when
of
of
truculent
shown
the pax n e e r l a n d i c a
population
areas
through
W i d jojo has
27-62).
controlled
of the most
explanations
rate
famine
factors:
large
and public
In one
high
of
local potentates
control of diseases
campaigns
a time
on two
to have
occurred between
gained
also
them,
famines
of
After
few cures
and did so in
through
the
cent ury .
1
See Peper (1970: 79, 81-82) for detailed descriptions
the war and health conditions in this period.
of
54
Given criticisms of this sort it is hard to accept the
official figures at face value.
The task then becomes one of
sorting out what proportion of the recorded rates of increase
was merely apparent, having arisen out of improved systems of
recording the population size, and what part was real, having
been the result of changes which were actually taking place
in the course of the nineteenth century.
What sorts of factors could account for an apparent,
but
patently
incorrect,
rates in Java?
record of high population growth
First, the agricultural system of Java in the
early 1800’s was a combination of both s awah which dominated
the central part of the island,
and sw i dden which prevailed
at the fringes, with heavy concentrations in the west and
east.
It was a time of continuing pioneer settlement, when
peasants who found the pressures of their home areas
intolerable could move away and open up new lands.
Under such
conditions it is very likely that enumerations, which were
generally connected with centralized tax systems,
should
miss the shifting swidden cultivators and the new pioneers.
There would also be a tendency to overlook the vagabonds and
others whose relation to the economic system was tenuous.
As time passed,
and the central government became stronger,
systems of recordkeeping were improved and extended to the
fringe areas, with the result that those formerly excluded
came to be counted as a part of the population increase.
Also, while in early times it was probably fairly easy for
local headmen to underreport the population of their villages,
and thus minimize the tax and labour they had to contribute
to the government, the growing numbers of inspectors- general
made this practice more difficult toward the end of the
century,
rises.
and the population recorded even higher apparent
Aside from these, Widjojo contends that the system
of calculating the population during the middle of the century
was so haphazard that none of the data can be trusted.
Numbers
recorded for one year in a district were often repeated the
next year as the clerks searched for some way to fill the
forms, sometimes districts were forgotten in the calculations,
and misprints in the reports shifted numerals around.
Such
problems virtually disappeared by the turn of the century.
55
Various
of
these
the
rate
(1963)
attempts
calculate
of
the
period.
and
(see
Table
growth
both
have
both
On e
the
at
inevitable
for
1865
and
statistical
on
indicated
a
he
the
time
it
3.1),
in
is
raised
it
implying
1865
and
to
He
of
prevailed
implication
that
the
1850
must
half
of
Assuming
have
the
been
that
significantly
century,
above,
but
could
Peper
gives
t wo
7.987
m illion,
respectively
because
not
have
estimates
representing
(Points
C and
of
been
of
that
1850
the
less
D).
than
E on
1865,
13.106
that
regards
rate
with
million
1800
of
and
the
last
mentioned
on
average,
1800;
of
1.5%
same
between
for
registers,
over
Q. 5%
use)
recorded
disruptions
rates
He
and
survey
and
than
population
growth
estimate
this
was
rate
less
for
the
just
by
the
(Point
of
assumed
growth
done
population
population
the
to
ownership
million
between
1850
of
population
growth
then
have
F).
the
million
that
That
the
for
six
correcting
year.
16.513
a rate
1900.
to
is
corrects
in
Breman
figure
estimate
(land
that
applied
would
(Point
then
for
attempts
times
thus
magnitude
and
exceeding
Breman's
cadastral
held
(1965)
Raffles’
various
m illion,
the
figures
ambitious
15% u n d e r - e n u m e r a t i o n
figure
growth
of
survey
this
between
most
at
29.5
basis
if
Figure
estimates
Accepting
as
Wander
at
the
estimate
revised
correct
undercounting,
the
a
of
to
to
populations
1900
the
the
arrived
(1970:83-4).
population
of
in
attempted
3.1).
re-estimate
at
ma d e
and
1815
and
been
inaccuracies
have
Peper
have
0.5
10.175
and
these
and
1.0%
as
absolute
mi ni mum e s t i m a t e s
These
population
certain
which
which
extent
must
famines
re-estimates
of
have
the
indentations
1
in
rose
slowly
implies
been
first
the
indicate
over
that
the
a smoothness
impossible.
part
of
the
population
a rate
century,
of
growth
and
demographic
After
all,
century
pyramid
of
the
would
which
to
of
a
change
wars
have
rippled
and
left
upward
Va n N e i l ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 0 8 ) e x p r e s s e s s u r p r i s e t h a t t h e O f f i c i a l
F i g u r e s were n o t compared to th e r e s u l t s of th e C u l t i v a t i o n
Reports which were c o l l e c t e d durin g the time of the
C ulture System.
T h e s e r e p o r t s g a v e i n f o r m a t i o n on t h e
c h a n g i n g e c o n o m i c s y s t e m as w e l l as p o p u l a t i o n , and w h i l e
s u b s t a n t i a l u n d e r - r e p o r t i n g was e v i d e n t , t h e r a t e s o f g r o w t h
t h e y i m p l i e d we re more m o d e r a t e t h a n t h o s e c a l c u l a t e d
a t the t i m e , and a c c o r d e d r e l a t i v e l y c l o s e l y to t h o s e assumed
by Breman a nd P e p e r .
56
FIGURE 3.1
POPULATION GROWTH IN JAVE 1800-1900 OFFICIAL FIGURES
JOINED BY SOLID LINE, HYPOTHETICAL FIGURES BY
BROKEN LINE
(INDIGENOUS POPULATION)
Millions
10
D
1800
De cades
1900
over the course of the period, now bringing high rates
growth, now low, but always
of
affecting and responding to the
prevailing economic and social
conditions.
For example,
if
the Java Wars created a situation where both the young men were
killed in great numbers and the fertility was lower,
then the
cohort of births between 1825 and 1835 or so would have been
relatively small,
1845-1855
thus meaning that
twenty years
in
the number of potential mothers would also have
been relatively small.
one of general famine,
This later period,
as we know, was
and under such conditions
of women is usually impaired as pregnancy losses
marriages
later,
the fertility
rise and
are disrupted when previously sedentary
families
are forced to move away from their homes in search of food.
Also,
infant mortality increases as the nutrient
content of
the malnourished mother's milk declines and children succumb
to minor illnesses.
Because of this
the already small number
of mothers would be expected to have had fewer surviving
children,
and thus the cohort of potential mothers
another
twenty or so years on, in 1865-1875, would be even more
depleted.
rates,
In such a situation of fluctuating birth and death
an acceptance
1900 was
that the average rate between 1850 and
1.5% as Peper argues,
implies that the rate in any
year might have been substantially higher or lower than this.
Put another way,
if we look at the Official Figures between
1850 and 1900, we might be able to accept in-principle
of the fluctuations
that
they record even though we would contend
the levels of growth they measure were higher than
actually occured.
that
some
For argument's
sake we could speculate
the rates of growth in the period between 1850 and 1900
fluctuated between 1% and 2% and prior to that at rates
might have been negative in some few years,
reached 1.5% in other years.
explanation
If this was
that
and may have
the case then an
for the increase in the rates of population growth
which did occur throughout the period must take notice of the
impact that the changing social and economic system had on the
fluctuating patterns
of population
increase.
This was part of the task Geertz set for himself when he
described the involution of Java's
agricultural and social
58
system under the Culture System.
that the elaborate
(1963)
Geertz contends
transportation system developed under the
pressure of increasingly
commercialized agriculture had the
effect of alleviating localised famines, with the consequent
effect
of lowering the death rates
fertility
of the population.
this point he is less
clear,
and increasing the
He also contends,
(1963:
69-70)
though on
that the demands
on land and labour made by the spreading system of forced
cultivation implied that peasants
found it in their interests
to maintain larger families who could share the burdens
forced labour among many members.
of
In any case, he depicts
the impact of the system as having encouraged population
increase which
could then be applied to the expansion of
agriculture and the labour intensification of production.
He leaves unsaid or unclear many of the mechanisms by which
this might be assumed to have come about.
White
(1973) has been more bold in proposing that the
growth of the period can be explained in terms
demand for labour.
of the growing
As the economy became more commercialized
and diversified the value of the labour of any single
member to the family as a whole increased.
assured because
they were
created in sectors
of agriculture,
Many jobs were
forced on the family,
others were
of the economy which were expanding outside
and in most of these the most important need
was simply for manpower rather than skill.
the birth
family
In this situation
of a child promised a source of additional income
within a fairly short period of time, and also provided that
the other
burdens
family members would have a partner to share the
of forced labour,
leisure was maintained.
1
and thus ensure that some level of
Thus, White concludes, while the
The Culture System is the name generally given to the
cultivation system introduced by Governor-General Johannes
van den Bosch in 1834 for the purpose of increasing the
revenues of the colony.
In essence the system involved
a forced cultivation procedure whereby peasants had to set
aside one-fifth of their land for the production of
commercial crops by government contractors, and also
contribute their labour to these enterprises.
Many of
the iniquities of the system were exposed in the novel
Max Havelaar in 1860, and the system was phased out
gradually starting in 1865.
59
population growth may have had bad effects on the society
as a whole "for each successive generation of parents in this
period,
the production of children above replacement level
offered economic advantage"
(1973: 231).
these larger family sizes, White argues,
In order to achieve
the parents had
only to avoid using the methods of abortion and infanticide
which traditionally existed in the society and passively
accept the declines in mortality which occurred as a result
of the improving nutrition, public safety and toward the end
of the period, public health.
Geertz (1973) while generally in sympathy with White’s
argument, doubts some of the particular assertions,
and calls
for a much broader conceptualization of the changes which
took place during the period.
In particular, he calls for
a genuinely "sociological" examination of the interaction
between the Javanese and the Dutch Culture System,
including
a description of the changing patterns of organization of work,
and the introduction of new technologies.
To be fair to
White, his argument did involve a fairly detailed examination
of the changing patterns of labour relations in the culture
system beyond the mere assertion that the demand for labour
was rising, and that the supply rose in response.
White also
noted that intricately bound up in the system of forced
cultivation was a practice of flooding the local markets
with cheap manufactured goods from Europe which forced many
craftsmen, who required substantial investment for their
occupation,
into labouring jobs.
The "de-capitalization" of
human labour implied a decrease not only in the return to
labour, but in the cost of producing it, and White contends
that this acted as a further encouragement to parents.
But in an argument characterized as involving a changing
demand for labour it is easy to overlook the fact that
the Culture System was not simply a means of extracting
revenue out of hard-pressed s awah cultivators, but also
involved the intensification of agriculture in the sawah
regions through more elaborate irrigation facilities, and
shift from swidden to s awah
agriculture.
The value of land
was changing, and in time systems of inheritance,
and rights to use shifted as well.
ownership
These all had implications
60
for the concept of the family as a unit of economic production
and security which involved values more complex than the
straightforward maximization
time.
of household product at any given
Formerly mobile groups in west and east Java settled
and began to treat land as private property
changes
in this
(though legal
regard took time to develop)
and peasants
on
progressively more heavily capitalized plots in central Java
saw limits to the amount which
holdings
could be assured from small
and found security in a family unit of many members
with diverse occupations.
The more static
population settlement became
and the more interconnected the
distant areas of Java found themselves
system,
the pattern of
as a result
of the
the easier it was to achieve ever more certain control
of mortality,
and as a partial result of this,
naturally be expected
even more.
to rise,
fertility could
and family sizes would rise
But all this is speculation so long as, in Geertz's
words, we lack "a detailed sociological
analysis
of nineteenth-
century Netherlands East Indies economy and society,
its peasant and its Dutch sides"
(1973:
238)
on both
Meanwhile,
it is
enough that we realize that the growth of the population of
Java in the nineteenth
official estimates
century was neither as high as the
contend nor as smooth
as the re-estimates
imply, but that the changing economic and social conditions of
the period undoubtedly had the partial effect of causing a
gradual long-term increase in the rate of growth of population
and smoothing of the short
term disruptions which occurred with
great violence in the early part of the century.
This
established, we might now consider the changing attitude
the Dutch government with respect
to the apparent
rates
of the population of their colony.
3.2.2
Changing Government Perceptions
Increase
of
growth
of Rapid Population
The Dutch government at the turn of the century was proud
of the rate of population
under
increase which had been achieved
their administration and they expressed their pride in
the reports which were written right up to the time of
independence in 1945.
nineteenth century,
This pride was,
from the middle of the
mixed with growing alarm at the declining
welfare of the bulk of the population of Java.
In part as a
61
response to this there was pressure
in Holland from about
1860 on (following the publication of Max Havelaar) to replace
the Culture system with one that more clearly catered for
the medical,
educational and social needs
policy which was designed to achieve
of the people.
The
these goals had its roots
in decisions made as early as 1870 when laws protecting the
rights of native people
to land were enacted,
but it received
its full definition at the start of the new century when
Queen Wilhelmina declared in her speech from the throne
that the Netherlands had a "moral duty"
reverse
the "diminished welfare
to investigate
of the population of Java".
The Ethical System, as the new set of policies
called, remained in force until
and
the growing uneasiness
felt over the high rates of population growth.
were still strong elements
diagnosis
came to be
the end of colonial rule,
took as one of its prime concerns
which was
and
There
of pride involved in the governments’
of the causes of the "problem" of overpopulation.
Consider for example
the statement published in Mission
Interrupted, a volume meant
Netherlands'
to mark the reacquisition of the
colony after World War Two, but which today stands
as the swan song of an empire:
The most striking feature of oriental society
in the East Indies is its cultural stagnation.
This stagnation however does not mean cessation
in the increase of population.
On the contrary,
western influence promotes the numerical growth
of the population.
The reasons for this are easy
to understand.
While in European countries, owing to birthcontrol, the birth rate has become a fluctuating
factor in the increase of population, this is not
yet the case in oriental society.
The bachelor
and the widower do no more occur than the spinster
and the fecundity of marriages is left to Providence.
The death-rate on the contrary always was an
extremely fluctuating factor in oriental societies,
owing to sudden and violent numerical leaps in
mortality.
Civil wars, natural calamities, famines,
epidemics time and again wiped out the increase
which the population had gained and the constant
steep rise and fall of numbers resulted in keeping
the population practically stationary.
Here was fertile field of beneficial activity
for the western government.
Nor is it necessary
to think in the first place of preventive medicine,
of hygiene and sanitation; of even greater importance
were the securing of peace and order, the suppression
of civil war and despotism, the opening up of
62
communications leading to the expulsion of famine,
the prevention of floods and the economic watersupply by means of technical waterworks, the
fight against diseases and pests in the crops.
But the services of western medicine in the battle
against epidemics such as cholera, pest, and
influenza or endemic diseases such as beri-beri
and malaria also contributed to checking the
erratic leaps in the death rate of the native
population ...
These then are the two factors which determine
the population question on Java: on the one hand
the stationary oriental society, stagnant in a
cultural and economic sense, and on the other, the
uninterrupted increase of population.
1
van Helsdingen and Hoogenberk (eds.) (1945,179-180).
In other words,
the increase in population was
the beneficial effects
of population was
of western
caused by
government but the problem
the fault of static oriental society.
The irony of the piece is that as the Dutch became more
successful in accomplishing the things
done during the nineteenth
health,
educational,
century,
they claimed to have
that is,
improving the
irrigation and transportation system,
the response was not growing pride at having at last
accomplished real increases
in the population growth rates,
but alarm at the "irrationality"
of Javanese peasants.
The
officials of the Culture System were smugly proud at having
produced high rates of growth when in fact they had not but
the reformers of the Ethical System were,
sorcerer's
like so many
apprentices,shocked at having discovered the secret
of increasing the population ever faster,
and were
desperate
to find a way to stop it.
1
The probable author of this unsigned work is Boeke.
In 1942 in his famous discussion of "static expansion"
(that is the continuous replication of sawah-based villages
throughout the length and breadth of Java) he identified
as the central problem of population the attitude of the
people and asserted that, "A real solution can be found
only by instilling into the masses of the people a Western
spirit which will bring forth a rationalistic view of sex
relations and a dynamic view of production", (p.163)
In a previous section he characterised the contemporary
situation in Java (which presumably is non-rationalistic?)
as being that of strong family ties, universal marriage,
dependence of the old on the young, lack of compulsory
education and a perspective where "not commonsense reason
but fatalism and resignation mould the current outlook
on life". (158-9)
63
But before considering the ways the government proposed
to alleviate population pressure in Java let us finish the
description of the historical patterns of population growth
in Java with a consideration of the period from the turn of
the century to the present.
3.3
Population Growth in the Twentieth Century:
Explosion
The Real
Whatever reasons we might consider for it, there can be
no doubt that a real explosion of the rate of growth of the
population of Java occured between 1900 and 1971.
just as in the nineteenth century,
However,
the trend was not steady,
but was interrupted on a number of occasions before 1950,
thus giving the impression of relatively moderate average
growth to that time.
building up, though,
The potential for the explosion was
and finally in the 1950’s and 6 0 ’s the
impact of this potential was felt when the rate of population
growth reached an annual average of 2% per annum,
thus
implying a doubling of population every 35 years.
At the start of the century when the Ethical Policy was
enunciated the population of Java was somewhere around 30
million and growing at over 1% per annum.
Between 1900 and
1905 crop failures and a cholera epidemic probably dampened
the growth rate
(the official rate was
.92% -- see Table 3.2)
and later in 1918-1919 the impact of the worldwide influenza
epidemic probably produced a negative growth rate, so that by
the time of the 1920 Census the population of Java was around
35 million,
showing an increase by an eighth since 1900.
The trend of population growth between 1920 and 1940 is
difficult to determine since the censuses conducted during
the period used different enumeration techniques;
the 1920
Census was de jure in Java while the 1930 Census was de facto.
Despite this it is probable that the rate of growth in the
1920’s was uniformly higher than in the 1930's when the export
sector of the Indonesian economy collapsed as a result of the
Great Depression.
Widjojo believes that the birth rates
for the 1930’s were probably above 40 per thousand for the
entire period and the death rates were probably constant or
slightly increasing, but any absolute answer is impossible
64
TABLE
3.2
POPULATI ON GROWTH I N JAVA AND I NDONES I A 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 8 0
Java
Year
Type
1900
1905
1917
1920
1930
1940
1950
1961
1971
1975
1980
E
E
E
C
C
E
E
C
C
P
P
Note:
Indonesia
Population
(000's)
Growth
Rate
Population
( 0 0 0 ' s)
Growth
Rate
.9
1.1
.8
1.8
1.5
.4
2.0
1.9
2.4
2.1
n.a .
n .a.
n.a.
n .a.
60727
70400
77200
97019
119232
132110
148349
1.5
1.0
2.1
2.1
2 .6
2.3
28746
30098
34157
34984
41718
48400
50456
62993
76102
83534
92709
Type:
E = O fficial Estimate,
C = Census
P = Proj ection
Growth r a t e s b e tw e en each e s t i m a t e a re n o t p r e c i s e ,
b e i n g b a s e d on a c o m b i n a t i o n o f c e n s u s d a t e a n d e n d
y e a r e s t i m a t e s , b u t t h e y a r e n e v e r more t h a n 0.1%
p e r annum o f f .
C o m p u t a t i o n s ma d e a c c o r d i n g t o t h e
formula
P = P-^ ( 1 + * ) *"
or
L o g ( P ~rP-^) = t l o g ( 1 + r ) .
2
Source:
in
1900-1930 - Widjojo (1970: 5 -6 ).
1940Ib id . (116-117) - Figure for a l l Indonesia
is suspe c t .
1950Ibid. (126).
1961I b i d . (174) .
19711 9 7 1 C e n s u s , S e r i e s C: 3 - 4 .
19 7 5 - 1 9 8 0 - B i r o P u s a t S t a t i s t i k ( 19 7 3 : i x , x v ) .
the
absence
Ha d
the
previous
experienced
beginning
despite
to
the
of
to
the
reach
drive
planned
have
the
the
and
would
the
1940
would
and
promised
have
rate
of
than
government's
were
peasants
was
quickly
death
an
it
as
higher
welfare
Javanese
time,
scene
the
levels
colonial
respond
response
birth
to
the
that
native
of
of
from
likely
The
numbers
improve
for
is
rebounded
pressures
Also,
census
it
education
larger
100-103).
passed
1920's.
conditions
to
(1970:
done,
would
economic
prosperity.
a
had
in
data
depression
health,
demographic
because
better
economic
growth
programmes
the
of
recessions
population
those
2
to
been
and
clear
that
a return
measureable,
registration
unprecedented
and
variety
65
FIGURE 3.2
POPULATION GROWTH IN JAVA AND INDONESIA,
Population
(Millions)
Indonesia
Java
1900
Decades
1900-1971
66
of
accurate
p lans
demographic
received
Holland
in May
a welfare
year
in
to
by
the
top-levels
pre-war
which
was
to
from
rage
As we
increase
was
in
of
the
period
caused
by
Estimates
of
annual
until
expansion"
of
1949,
Republic
of
the
of
that
had
Java.
which
complete
Indonesia.
of
This
growth
toward
when
rate
low.
of
and
the
the
system
a revolution
population
fi g u r e
ea r l y
and
mid d l e ,
revolution
were
the
is
at
rates
for
E S T I M A T E S OF A N N U A L
JAVA 1941-1949
RATES
OF P O P U L A T I O N
actually
late
when
growth
de c a d e
in
the
the
their
h e ight.
are
presented
of
the
IN
1.5
0. 75
-
Keyfitz
years
GROWTH
Es t i m a tes
1 941
1942
1943
1944
1945
1946
1947
1948
1949
because
economic
st a r t
Year
The
of
3.3.
3.3
Source:
"static
its
promoted
elements
the
300
converted
machine,
on
crushed
the
the
very
the w a r
wrested
by
history
3.2
rate
war
based
old
I ndies
coun t r y ,
of
was
economic
the
was
the b e n e f i t s
population
mother
census
invaded
and
island
rates
suffering
TABLE
was
from Table
and n e g a t i v e
in T a b l e
century
this
a moderate
the
and
of
invasion
bureaucracy
The
armies
Netherlands
Japanese
demographic
see
the
latter
the
g a i n e d by
this
of
1939)
German
native
European
of
the
through
the
the
movement,
sense
can
result
period,
the
The
(Drion,
possibility
to
its
a native
real
independence
the
1942.
supported
a very
the
invasion
nationalist
had
and
service
characterised
In
the
colony
to
blow when
accruing
January
old
economy
1940,
policy
extinguished
Japan
a fatal
information.
(1953:
0.00
1.00
1.00
0.00
0.00
1.00
1.00
654).
1944
and
1945
food
shortages
were
extremely
which
occured
bad
as
in J a v a
the
retreating
Japanese armies
in southeast Asia demanded more food and
more men from Java to work as forced labourers
overseas,^
The economic and social structure which had begun to
produce high
rates of population
growth in the early years
of the century thus never had a chance
to equal the long term
growth rates which were wrongly believed
in the nineteenth century.
Every time the momentum of
population growth increased,
terms
of plagues,
a blockage
occured,
epidemics and crop failures,
as these were controlled,
revolution.
to have prevailed
first in
and later,
by economic depression, war and
But by the 1 9 5 0 ?s the coming of stability in
government and the implementation of crash programmes
social and economic welfare
combined with the arrival
child-bearing age of the relatively
born in the twenties
of increase of 2%.
to
large cohorts of women
and early thirties.
an explosion of births
of
It was
then that
and a decline of deaths produced rates
This presented the planners
of the new
government with a dilemma similar to the one faced earlier
by the reformers
of the Ethical System.
having attained the conditions which
growth, but
they were desperate
population problem.
Responses
for a policy to solve the
population
redistribution.
to Rapid Population Growth
The responses
governments
allowed for population
Unfortunately, both groups initially
chose the same policy:
3.4
They were proud at
of the Dutch and later the Indonesian
to the problem of overpopulation often treated the
issue as one of welfare
rather than purely as a question of
the size and rate of growth of population.
enacted programmes
Thus they
of agricultural improvement and
industrialization in addition to those designed specifically
to influence
the size and distribution of the population.
will be dealing mainly with programmes
We
of the latter type,
1 Wertheim (1956: 104) points out that the Japanese Occupation
Forces had tried to institute some reforms for the benefit of
the native population but that these attempts were not
sufficient to offset the extreme suffering of the period.
While there is no data to substantiate the claim, he and many
others contend that "the forced labour system led to
declines in births and increases in death rates which caused
a decrease in population".
In Chapter 5 I will discuss the
impact of this period on the population of the village we
studied in central Java.
68
namely Transmigration and Family Planning.
3.4.1
A Brief Review of the Transmigration Programme:
The Dutch experiment in population
1905-1971
resettlement, which
has been termed in English, Transmigration, began in 1905 with
the objective of creating Javanese
colonies
in Sumatra,
principally Lampung and Bengkulu.
In these first attempts,
covering the period 1905-1911 the government paid all the
expenses
of the intending settlers
and ensured that they were
settled into the new area and provided with means of livelihood.
By 1911 it was
clear that this experiment had to be revised
because of the heavy
in its attempt
financial burden assumed by the government
to provide fully for each migrant.
In its
place a system was developed whereby the migrants were extended
credit by the Lampongsch Volks b a n k .
The loan was
with interest at the end of three years, but
to be repaid
financial
mis-management and dis-satisfaction on the part of the migrants
lead to the dissolution of the bank in 1928.
these systems
people,
Neither of
resulted in the movement of large numbers of
and what little movement
did occur was at a great
cost per capita.
As a result of these initial failures
the government
initiated in 1932 a new program which provided that each new
group of settlers would work for the older established
groups
until such time as they could get settled on their own land.
This system, which is called Sistim Bawon in Indonesian,
many similarities
were
to the sharecropping arrangements which
familiar to most
advantages
had
of the migrants
that programme
from Java,
and had the
costs were significantly
cut while
much needed labour was provided for the benefit of the
established settler-farmer s .
The system must have also had
great conceptual appeal to the planners
of the day.
Now
instead of the government having great responsibility for
each new batch of migrants,
settlers
1
the prospect of established
aiding the newcomers
gave rise to the potential
Manderson (1974) has discussed all the various programmes
in her recent review of the population problem in Java.
69
geometric increase in the flow of migrants with the
official programme eventually
fading away as streams
of migrants
attracted to the prosperity of Sumatra arose spontaneously
from the poverty striken heartland of Java.
previous
In the face of
failure the figures presented in Table 3.4 must have
re-enforced such a hope.
number of migrants
Between 1933 and 1940 the annual
re-settled in Sumatra rose from less than a
thousand to over fifty thousand, with no prospect of an early
interruption
to this
flow.
If this safety valve continued
to release the pressure of population in Java, it was thought,
irrigation,
agricultural extension,
industrialization and
commercialization would have some chance of gaining ground in
the countryside,
and would shake loose the grip of "static
expansion" which had strangled Java for a century or more.
These hopes were abruptly dashed with
Second World War.
Transmigration,
the start of the
like all other programmes
of the Dutch colonial government was shelved by the Japanese
military command.
The ensueing years
of war saw thousands
of Javanese forcefully removed as part of the Japanese forced
labour system (the Romusha system)
in the outer islands - rather,
but they did not settle
if they survived the experience,
they returned to Java with bitter memories
of their hardships
in the jungles
With the outbreak
of Kalimantan or Sulawesi.
of revolution neither the Dutch government in Batavia
Jakarta)
nor the Republican government in Yogyakarta could
consider the problems of population in Java,
had,
(now
they would have
lacked the resources
Transmigration programme.
Dutch academics
optimistically of the need to resume
the rebellion was quashed
and even if they
to resurrect the
of the period wrote
the programme as soon as
(eg. van Helsdingen and Hoogenberk,
1945) but these pronouncements were quickly forgotten as the
colonial control crumbled and the Republic was established.
With
the confirmation of independence in 1949
Indonesian Republic faced a tremendous
and re-organization.
task of reconstruction
Priority obviously had to be given to
the provision of basic services,
programmes
and the institution of
for educational and medical development.
leader of the country,
the
President Sukarno,
The new
also saw a need
establish an Indonesian identity which would transcend the
to
70
TABLE 3.4
PARTICIPANTS
1905-1974
IN THE TRANSMIGRATION PROGRAMME
The Colonial Programme'*'
Period
1905-11
1912-22
1923-31
1932-41
Numb e rs
Annual
Ave rage
860
1531
440
16260
6500
16838
c.4000
162600
Phase of Official Programme
Experimental
Lampongsch Volksbank
Large-scale
The Indonesian National Programme
Year
N umb e r
Moved
1950
1951
1952
1953
1954
1955
1956
1957
1958
1959
77
2954
17605
40009
29638
21389
25549
20045
20603
46096
(to 1928)
IV
2
Year
N umb e r
Move d
1960
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966
1967
1968
1969
1970
22078
19069
22169
32159
15222
53225
4648
616 6
13742
17848
20104
Summary
Period
1951-1955
1956-1960
1961-1965
1966-1970
Source:
1
2
Numb e r
Average
111595
134371
141844
62508
22319
26874
2 8369
12502
McNicoll (1968: 62).
Department of Transmigration (1972: 2)
with corrections from unpublished
mimeographed summary sheets, Department of
Transmigration, November 25, 1972.
71
cultural and ethnic differences
thousands of islands
dividing the people on the
of the nation.
Eventually,
though,
the
population problem of Java re-emerged as a national issue,
and,
as mentioned above, Transmigration was
selected as
a policy solution.^
The first settlers under the new p ro gramme arrived in
Sumatra in 1950,
and they have been followed since then by
a steady stream of families.
New transmigration areas were
opened in South Suluwesi and Kalimantan,
plans drawn up at various
times projected massive
in the rate of re-settlement over five,
periods.
movement
For example,
and a series
of
increases
ten or fifteen year
one of the early plans
called for the
of over 48 million people in the thirty-five years
from 1953 to 1987
(Soedigdo 1965).
Table
3.4 shows that
between 1950 and 1970 the high pre-war figures of settlers
were approached only twice,
exceeded,
and were never
thus making those early plans look over-optimistic
in the extreme.
factors,
in 1953 and 1959,
Of course,
there were always intervening
such as rebellion in the Outer Islands,
anarchy in Java,
facilities
economic
or the unavailability of sufficient transport
to move large numbers
of people,
but even assuming
that many of these factors have passed from the scene or
could be overcome,
it is surprising to find the government
planning for the movement of 30,000
families
(or over
120,000 people including both planned and spontaneous migrants)
in 1974/5,
and over a million people during the course of the
Second Development Plan 1974-1979.
In terms
1974,
29).
of its original goal of alleviating the population
problem in Java,
Demographers
(Subroto,
transmigration is today a dead issue.
are agreed that it is impossible to conceive
of a reasonable
flow of settlers which would offset
incremental increase in J a v a ’s population.
which take into account the movement
the
Even calculations
of large groups of
young married couples who would defer their childbearing
1
The term t ransmigrasi was first adopted in 1948 by the
Republican government to distinguish their proposed
policy of resettlement from the Dutch programme which
used the Indonesian term kolonisasi.
(Soedigdo 1965: 126).
72
until they were settled in the Outer Islands,
done by Widjojo with
such as those
the assumption of one million migrants
in each five-year period,
demonstrate that J a v a ’s population
would be affected by less
than ten percent over a thirty-five
year period
(Widjojo,
1963,
such as the development
of
173).
’v a s t ’ areas
the fostering of ethnic unity,
security
Other goals of transmigration,
and the provision of greater
for rich but empty areas,
may have some value, but
again history has worked against them,
1971,
147).
provide
in the Outer Islands,
(Departemen Penerangan,
The Outer Islands are ecologically unable to
for dense, wet-rice settlements,
and because of the
severe leaching which occurs
on their latteritic soils any
'development’ which involves
the felling of large areas
forest can be potentially disasterous,
Contrary to the growth of ethnic unity,
often breed discord and resentment,
cultural traditions
(Fisher,
1967,
of
156).
the Javanese settlements
since their strong
and pride are sometimes
at odds with what
they perceive as the crude manner of their fellow Indonesians.
The Outer Islanders
their poverty with
also complain that the Javanese
them", with
the net result
"bring
that a social
welfare problem is being spread rather than alleviated.“'’
while
Also,
the government might want to fill up the empty lands for
reasons
of security,
there is evidence that
greatest security problem, West Kalimantan,
the area with
the
is unappealing
to migrants, who would prefer to go to the more secure areas
of South Sumatra or South Sulewesi.
All of these arguments have been accepted by observers
years,
including,
as noted above, Widjojo Nitisastro
collegues at the prestigeous
of Indonesia.
It was
Faculty of Economics,
of Sukarnoism the only officially
population control was
1
and his
University
clear to them that Java had a population
problem of immense and growing proportions,
years
for
transmigration.
but through sixteen
condoned policy of
Sukarno was convinced
The land systems developed by ethnic groups in the areas
of the Outer Islands which were of very low population
density are very complex - there is virtually no land which
is "empty" in the view of the indigenous population.
Thus
there is obvious basis for conflict on the mere fact of the
programme’s existence.
73
that the major problem of population was maldistribution,
and declared on numerous
privately,
occasions, both publicaly and
that Indonesia was rich in natural resources
could feed 250 million people.
India,
Pakistan and numerous
population
planning,
for sixteen years, while
other countries were beginning
control programmes based on the spread of family
Indonesia clung tenaciously
population settlement.
elite,
Thus,
and
educated class
a realization
to a policy of
But in the cities,
of Indonesians,
among some of the
there was developing
that birth control would eventually have to
become part of the government’s policy on population control.
At times privately,
this possibility.
sometimes
openly,
they met and discussed
They formed organizations and made
international contacts,
and waited
their idea in the national arena.
for a chance to promote
Their chance finally came
after the attempted coup of September 30,
of Sukarno was shattered,
to assume
the functions
and Suharto and his
of government.
for a re-structuring of priorities,
mainly economists,
planning.
was
1965 when the power
The New Order
called
and called on academics,
to take responsibility
One of the first things
followers began
for development
this group
considered
family planning.
3.4.2
The Roots of the Family Planning Programme: 1952-196 7
For years before
the first practical measures were taken
in the direction of a campaign for the dissemination of birth
control in the early 1950's
the concept of family planning in
Java was subjected to a long and sometimes bitter "battle of
prophets".
In 1930 van Valkenburg,
geographic dimensions
concluded
in a review of the
of the population problem in Java,
that a policy of birth control should be instituted
as soon as possible
(1930,
414), but his was very much a voice
in the wilderness.
In contrast,
continuing their recommendations
most of the Dutch scholars were
that policies
of transmigration,
agricultural development and industrialization be pursued,
while one,
control,
Tillema
(1926) perceived a danger that birth
if overdone, would lead to depopulation and as such
74
was to be avoided.
In general the topic of birth
control
was avoided by serious writers, both because of the moral
implications
subjects
and the low academic priority
at the time.
some of the writings
When the matter was mentioned,
of Boeke it was usually
of demonstrating the inapplicability
control to the Javanese problem.
163)
says,
given to such
as in
for purposes
of a programme of birth
For example,
Boeke
(1942,
"A real solution can be found only by instilling
into the masses of the people a Western spirit which will
bring forth a rationalistic view of sex relations
dynamic view of production".
of this statement,
and a
Notwithstanding the ethnocentricity
it is quite reasonable in pointing out
the necessity of attitudinal change, but expressed in this
way it offers no encouragement
such a change.
Rather,
promoting migration,
to attempts
Boeke followed his
to effectuate
collegues
in
as if that did not demand levels of
"rationalism" similar to those demanded by birth control.
The responsibility and credit
the creation of a birth
academics
of the period,
for the first steps
control programme
toward
lay not with the
but with the doctors,
teachers
and
social welfare workers who perceived a need for family planning
services
in their communities
possibilities
and did not stop to question the
of their efforts having an impact on the
population problem.
Their efforts have not yet been fully
recorded, but some of the scraps
together indicate
that,
English-speaking world,
of evidence which
can be put
like the Sängers and Stopes of the
they were often regarded as rebels.
An early broadcast in favour of birth
control made by a female
physician in Yogyakarta in 1952 produced a strong negative
reaction in the press
1
and in letters
to the radio station
Tillema (1926, 15) also argued that the rate of population
growth in Java was not so high as many people had contended,
thus presaging many conclusions of a later generation of
observers.
Among the factors he cited as causes of the
'low* birth rate (he took 40/1000 as normal for tropical
areas) were: abortion, the marriage of old men to young girls,
polygamy, abuse of alcohol, long periods of abstinence,
sterility due to venereal disease, and a general tendency for
overindulgence- in sex, opium and betel nut chewing.
In a
remarkable statement he decries the low birth rate saying
"If colonisation (ie. transmigration) is to succeed, there
must be a surplus of births"!
I am grateful to Lance
Castles for bringing these fascinating statements to my
attention.
75
(Timmer, 1961, 489).
Later that year a w ome n’s organization
meeting on Family Planning and Pregnancy Planning attended
by representatives of the Muslim and Roman Catholic religions
resolved "that family-planning as a measure of population
policy was esteemed to be unacceptable" and the use of
contraceptives for any purpose was condemned (Ibid.)
Despite
such local opposition the Institute of Family Welfare was
established on Nov.12, 1952 to provide information on mother
and child health and birth spacing.
Timmer comments that the
resistence of the local population to the idea can be
gauged by the fact that over an eight year period the Institute
never exceeded eight new consultations a week.
However,
the
fact that the service could be maintained at all during this
period is admirable.
After all, this was a time when
President Sukarno was declaring "I object to it [birth control]
because it conduces to moral laxity".
(Fischer, 1959, 161)
Numerous groups like the one in Yogyakarta were active
in other cities in Indonesia throughout the 1950’s, and the
reception they received was by and large similar.
Finally in
1957 a national voluntary family planning association was
formed.
This national association,
the Indonesian Planned
Parenthood Association (IPPA or PKBI in Indonesian) was still
circumscribed in its activities, but it formed an important
nucleus which bound the previously isolated groups in the
cities of the nation and provided a unit capable of effective
international contact.
There was the predictably negative
comment from sections of the press, but importantly there
were also some encouraging editorials such as one in the
Indonesian Spectator in September of 1958 which argued
that family planning was not forbidden by the Muslim religion.
(Fisher,
1964, 338).
Also, the interest in family planning
which was growing in other parts of the world was having an
impact on Indonesia.
Sukarno even received a letter from Nehru
urging that Indonesia follow India's lead in setting up a family
planning programme, but the President, by now fifty-seven
years old, continued to declare that Indonesia could feed
250 million,
though Fischer records that he was more concerned
with "an element of fear which dilutes life's great pleasure",
and was almost plaintive in his declaration that "even if we
76
encourage family planning the economic problems remain".
(1959, 165-166)
The evidence of economic problems in the countryside
which emerged at around this time gave little comfort to those
in the new association.
Bennett (1961)
demonstrated that by
three different set of criteria - nutrition, employment and
land ownership - the Kabupaten of Malang was hopelessly
overpopulated.
At the same time the Baileys’ studies of
nutrition in the Gunung Kidul region of Yogyakarta (DIY)
(1959-1960)
and Timmer's eclectic investigation of the
relation between population pressure and child mortality
in Yogyakarta (1961) provided chilling reminders that the
spectres of famine and malnutrition were still very close to
a large number of Javanese families.
Information such as
this, and for many members the daily encounters with the
problems of poverty,strengthened the resolve of the
association.
By 1963 cautious expansion of the activities of
the group was under way,
though publicity was still avoided.
Assistance from the Pathfinder Fund, Population Council
and the IPPF allowed the PKBI to undertake a wide variety
of projects,
including the provision of clinics, organization
of a central office and eight branches,
and the holding of
a series of seminars throughout Java and Bali in 1963 to
aquaint the medical community with their work.
next three years, however,
During the
these activities were increasingly
disrupted as the political situation deteriorated.
It was a
period of rising tension as the Indonesian Communist Party and
the Army competed for power in an arena of growing economic
disruption.
Following an attempted coup in October 1965
the power of Sukarno was gradually taken over by an Army group
headed by General Suharto, and in March 1966 Suharto took over
the control of the affiars of state and the title Acting
President.
The change to the New Order government signalled
the accession to positions of power of academics who supported
economic stability,
1
and population control.
Brief accounts of the early years of the PKBI are contained
in Soewondo, et a l . (1971) and Singarimbun (1968).
We
benefited from the personal recollections of Mrs Nani
Soewondo, who was one of the original members of the
association.
77
With this
change the PKBI was
freed from many of the
restraints which had inhibited its earlier activity
a campaign to reopen and stock their clinics
Over the next
two years
in earnest.
they were the major force in the
provision of family planning services.
number of clinics
and began
They expanded the
from 116 in 1967 to 396 in 1969 and
recorded substantial increases in the number of "acceptors" of
birth
control services.
The number
for Java rose from 6476
in 1967 to just over 50,000 in 1969.
The PKBI also became involved in the investigation of
community attitudes
concerning birth
control.
they undertook a pilot survey in Bekasi,
of Jakarta,
In 1967-69
on the outskirts
a survey of IUD retention rates in the Capital,
and,in collaboration with the Lembaga Demografi of the
University of Indonesia and other interested parties,
the Jakarta KAP survey in 1969.
of activity was
However, while this flurry
going on the family planning movement was
experiencing profound changes;
official disapproval,
after nearly twenty years
government policy.
Family Planning Under the New Order Government:
Government
of
the concept of family planning was
beginning to be adopted as official
3.4.3
conducted
involvement
1967-1974
in family planning was suggested by
Acting President Suharto in his Independence Day address
on
August 16 1967, when he declared that the nation "should pay
serious
attention to efforts at birth control,
within the realm of planned parenthood,
by the ethics
of religion and the ethics
(Singarimbun, 1968,
50).
establishment of a national
of Pantjasila",^
family planning programme,
foreign donors.
committee submitted a report in February,
1
an Ad Hoc
the government on the
Indonesia in dealings with
among other things,
are justified
Following this statement
Committee was established to advise
to represent
which
carried out
that the government
1968,
and
The
recommending,
initiate a programme
The Pantj asila are the five philosophical bases of the
Indonesian State and can be rendered in English as: "(1)
Belief in the One Supreme God;
(2) Civilised Humanity;
(3) Nationalism;
(4) Democracy and
(5) Social Justice".
(Indonesia Handbook, 1970).
78
in 1969 which would concentrate on the distribution of birth
control supplies and information in Java and Bali.
In
accordance with this suggestion the National Institute for
Family Planning (N.I.F.P. or L.K.B.N.
in Indonesian) was
established under Presidential Order 183/1968 in October of
that ye ar .
After a period of organization, when the Institute’s
staff of ten operated out of a small office at the Ministry
of Public Health,
the government began to assume some of the
responsibilities which had previously rested with the P.K.B.I.
In a joint order dated July 16 1969, the P.K.B.I.
turned over
most of their clinic equipment to the Ministry of Health.
September,
By
1969 the Institute became fully responsible for
the provision of family planning services in Java and Bali.
The P.K.B.I.,
shifted their effort from the provision of
services to the conduct of training,
and mass motivation,
research and evaluation,
though they continued to be responsible
for the spread of family planning services in the Outer
Islands of the Republic.
While the Institute was making bold steps in the field of
family planning,
it was still only a semi-official agency of
the government.
Its officers were technically in violation
of numerous laws which remained on the books from the Sukarno
and Colonial eras which forbad the distribution or advertising
of birth control devices,
(though the Attorney General had
given an oral assurance in 1968 that no one would be prosecuted
under these provisions, see Soewondo, e t a1 . 1971,
10) and in
the developing New Order Bureaucracy it had the stigma of
being somewhat the "foster child" of the Health Department.
The government had affirmed its support of family planning in
a number of ways, notably in a strongly worded commitment in the
First Five-Year Development Plan (Repelita I) and the President's
opening address to the Bandung Conference of the I.P.P.F.
in
June 1969, but to the status conscious bureaucrats of other
Departments these assurances were not as impressive as the
President's orders of January
(No.22), May (No.73) and June
(No.89) which transformed the Institute into the National
Family Planning Coordinating Board (N.F.P.C.B. or B.K.K.B.N.
Indonesian)with full governmental responsibility on matters
in
79
relating to family planning,
and being accountable directly
to
the President.
While these changes were certainly welcomed by officers
of the new Board, who saw them as the full legitimization of
their activities,
they did not resolve the problem of the
needed revision of antiquated laws.
P.K.B.I.
established the Committee on Legal Aspects
Planning in September 1970,
and propose
Their report
laws
To this purpose the
changes
to examine
the existing statutes
in line with the new governmental policy.
(Soewondo,
e t a 1. , 1971)
reviewed not only the
directly related to contraception,
abortion,
marriage,
of Family
tax structure,
but also laws on
and labour regulations
and the moral tenents of the various major religions.
The
government has taken some of their recommendations as guides
for reform of the legal structure.
Recent reforms of laws
relating to marriage age have accorded
fairly closely to the
basic lines in the report, but other changes,
require significant
changes
in legal codes,
some of which
are still under
cons i de ra ti on .
In accordance with the new policies,
a number of directives
The Minister of Finance on
lifted the forty percent
applied to oral contraceptives.
the Director of Pharmacy
manufacture
tariff which had been
Soon after this decision
recommended the fostering of domestic
of oral contraceptives
(but recent indications
that the free gift of these by the U.S.
Development
(USAID) will preclude
least for the time being).
of condom
factories
issued
aimed at making contraceptives more
freely available in Indonesia.
June 1 1971,
Ministers
Agency
are
for International
domestic production,
at
Interest in the establishment
in Jakarta and other cities has continued.
Condoms
are already manufactured in Semarang under the
2
1
trademark Kupu , (Butterfly).
Contraceptives are now
becoming available
1
from a wide variety of sources,
including
This name has unfortunate implications sin^e one of the
slang terms for prostitute in Java is kupu
malam or
night butterfly, but it is unknown whether the name has
had any affect, positive or negative, on sales.
8U
at
least
this
one
point
of
government
where
it
small
was
(eg.
case
204-205;
Population
The
vestiges
of
a genuine
that
of
to
which
change
of
by
in
on
economic
development.
birth
and
as
success.
was
population
the
control,
such
the
the
is
Failure
in
as
Whatever
programme
has
seen
lower
is
is
Family
part
level
of
closely
Planning,
the
present
of
a commitment
of
the
though
of
this
course,
after
tool
wh o
to
though,
put
the
signs
failure
great
promote
Planning,
for
the
the
government's
watched
like
government,
government
advisors
Family
spurred
the
policy,
motive,
ma n y
the
the
by
agencies
by
clear.
was
a part
a policy
the
of
And,
the
incredible
elements
as
Family
startled
"technocrats",
international
integral
has
of
away
initiative
"technocrats".
control
in
sweeping
inhibited
accompanied
1973,
cause
Programme
the
clinics
Hull,
the
development
by
government
an
up
the
Planning
previously
1973).
this
also
contraceptives,
on
President's
of
countries
markets
policies
part
of
of
reported
at
severely
more
from
emphasis
of
taken
It
issues
government
commitment
is
other
and
India
Development
held
than
in
has
part
of
Hull
(former)
the
Family
be
flowed
in
Dec.
In
of
exclusively
boldness
growth.
"relevant"
functionaries
aid
the
advancement
with
seems
opening
From
Indonesian
availability
pro-natalist
the
population
currently
Their
on
staff
modernism,
motive
2
the
No.l,
government
belief
economic
rates
H,
population.
wh o
the
reported
Series
remember
on
academics
as
Sukarno's
statements
to
project.
experience
developments
gusto.
wh o
that
concentrated
Fiji
New O r d e r
with
the
condom
commercial
leads
recent
Planning
to
of
seem
from
that
Report,
observers
would
programmes
and
mail-order
profited
condoms,
by
the
it
found
untapped
by
view,
has
especially
scale
in
or
policy,
of
rice
1
One p r o g r a m m e i n v o l v e s
the marketing channels
Jago ( e l i x i e r ) .
t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f condoms t h r o u g h
o f one o f t h e l a r g e s t s u p p l i e r s o f Jamu
2
I n S e m a r a n g i n J u l y , 1 9 7 2 , t wo f a m i l y p l a n n i n g f i e l d w o r k e r s
w e r e c r o w n e d " K i n g o f t h e C o n d o m " a n d " Q u e e n o f t h e I UD"
th e crowns b e in g topped w ith th e a p p r o p r i a t e d e v i c e s .
This
type of a c t i v i t y is in sharp c o n t r a s t to S ukarno's p u b lic
s p e e c h e s on " m o r a l i t y " .
( J a k a r t a T i m e s , A u g . 1 19 72 , 2) .
81
production
or price
stabilization,
g o v e r n m e n t ’s reputation,
3.4.4
Results
One
the success
appropriate
gauge,
and
thing
analogous
imply
dilemmas
to the price
of other
the programme
rate
births which
are averted,
is difficult
indeed,
literature
services
that
substantial
clinics
and to have
nature
the
are
shown
that
the
does
fertility
increase.
no simple
returns,
not
rates
In the
in terms
in
the
growing
but
programme was
is
are scarce
built.
3.5),
of
long run
of the
these
demographic
in contra c e p t i v e
in the
first
the military,
c o ncentrated
system,
the
D o c t o r s ,^ buildings
in Indonesia,
and urban
3.6)
the
achieved a
of operation.
government
and large
of Indonesian
to be expec t e d
system on which
(Table
is a tendency
in cities
c h aracteristics
only
give
par t i c u l a r
there
of
technology
five years
connected with
family
the number
planning programme has
of the
of the health
(Table
giving
family
often
this
clinics
field w o rker
to be
many
of
of the
or with
facilities
culture",
the
can be seen
trained
presence
departments,
the
has
crop
of the programme
as the number
development
impression
Since
of an
the p r o b l e m of measuring
and advice
medical personnel
and the
total
to
on the subject.
Such measures
planning
as
seeking
choice
judged s uccessful
but
1969-1974
pl a n n i n g has
countries
of natural
can only be
the
index or
affect on either
or the
the
abroad.
those
is
Family
of the physical plant
the nation,
and
faced by
to measure.
an automatic
tarnish
P l a nning Programme:
of the programme
the experience
expansion
at home
of the Family
of the major
measure
both
would
considering
family
for
towns,
"town
the
planning
and medical supplies
locations
imply
a high
degree
of accessibility.
Table
clinics
in
3.7 shows
the provinces
for Y o g y a k a r t a
1
that
and Bali,
the
is
geographic
roughtly
the smallest
d istribution
equitable,
with
of
a tendency
provinces, to have more
The ratio of doctors to pop u l a t i o n in Indonesia as a whole
is 1:21,000 one of the lowest in the world.
(Nortman 1974,
10 ) .
82
TABLE
3.5
Year
1967
1968
1969
1970
1971
GROWTH OF FAMILY PLANNI NG C L I N I C
Dept.
Health
M ilitary
n .a .
n .a.
FACILITIES
1967-1974
% Reporting
Punctually
Other
Total
n .a .
116
215
727
1266
1855
n.a .
11
II
II
If
It
II
M
II
ii
II
II
It
II
II
ii
II
1972
J une
De c .
1603
1748
152
153
181
183
1936
2084
95
95
1973
June
De c .
1796
1829
171
181
197
205
2164
2215
97
97
1974
June
Dec.
1874
2017
187
194
218
2 31
22 79
2442
96
91
statistical
summary.
Note:
B.K.K.B . N.
Source:
TABLE 3 . 6
Reports
and
monthly
FAMILY PLANNI NG PROGRAMME PERSONNEL AND F A C I L I T I E S
IN J AVA, DEC. 1 9 7 3
Numb e r
Per
100,000
Population
Physicians
T rained midwives (Bidan)
A s s i s t a n t midwives
F ie ld w o rk e rs
997
2025
1448
5159
1.2
2 .5
1. 8
6.4
Total
9629
12.0
Personnel
2215
1
1
Note:
Source:
P o p u l a t i o n of
( B . P . S . 1973:
Nortman
J a v a Dec.
xv).
(1974:
51).
1973
= 80.1
million
00
Csl
Clinics
83
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B a s e d on p o p u l a t i o n s c o m p u t e d u s i n g t h e p r o v i n c i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n ^ o f
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84
clinics per capita, while Jakarta has
clinics per capita,
private clinics
but more military,
than the other areas.
evaluating the impact of clinics
is the
fact that many
a week, while
clinics
fewer Health Department
government,
One problem of
on the population of an area
are only open
others are open daily.
caused by the very great pressure
and
for a few hours
This discrepancy is
of work on the few doctors
working in the family planning programme,
be easily overcome in the future.
and is unlikely to
As a result the programme
has experimented with the use of trained paramedical personnel,
Health Department midwives
as dispensers
and dukuns , or village midwives,
of family planning information.
are attached to particular clinics,
based programme,
These people
and promote
the clinic
but they are often expected to carry on
their work in the areas of their district which
are isolated.
The most dramatic indication of the impact of the programme
on the community is the growth in the numbers
"acceptors"
TABLE 3.8
of family planning shown in Table 3.8.
Target
Achievement
(2)-r(l)
(1)
(2)
(3)
125000
6456
25038
40067
132307
n .a .
n .a .
n .a .
1.45
550000
1000000
1250000
1358000
519330
1055724
1369077
n .a .
.94
1.06
1.10
n .a .
„
1967
1968
1969
1970
1971/72
1972/73
1973/74
1974/75
Source:
While the
NEW ACCEPTORS RECEIVED AT REGISTERED FAMILY
PLANNING CLINICS:
ACHIEVEMENT OF TARGETS
(ALL JAVA-MADURA AND BALI)
Year
Note:
of new
The Target System was
. Not available
n .a ,
B.K.K.B.N.
reports.
formally instituted in 19 70 .
85
rate of acceptance in 1969, when the P.K.B.I.
facilities
were handed over to the Health Department was around 50,000
per y e a r , this had risen to 50,000 per mon th by the latter
half of 1971,
implies
and around 100,000 per month during 1973.
the acceptance
of some
form of contraception by
well over a million couples a year,
of Table 3.8 indicates,
This
represents
and,
as the bottom part
a reasonably steady
achievement of the targets set by the programme in the last
four y e a r s .
The very optimistic
different
figures
of Table
3.8 are seen in a
light when broken down according to the monthly
distribution of new acceptors
in Figure 3.3.
in Table 3.9,
and shown graphically
Here we find that the steady increase
registered on an annual basis
is subject
over the course
To some extent we may have
predicted
this.
of the year.
After all,
to wide
fluctuations
Java has a sharp division of
seasons with the rural areas being largely inaccessible during
the wet season
(the northern hemisphere w i n t e r ) , and we know
that every year the Muslim fasting month causes a slowdown in
activity around the island.
But what is remarkable about the
fluctuations here is that they work the opposite of what we
would expect in many cases.
in rates of acceptance
peaks were
Certainly there is a downturn
during the fasting months, but the
reached in the middle of the wet season each year
in the past
three.
Coincidentally
fiscal year, when the targets
are set.
The factors
this is the end of the
for new acceptors
accounting
for the year
for this pattern deserve
elaboration.
Some of the factors
are undoubtedly administrative.
the end of the financial year money is easily available
salaries,
and fieldworkers
During the first months
At
for
are keen to get on with their jobs.
of the new fiscal year salaries
are often held up and thus the work slacks off.
There is
also some suggestion that more new acceptors may actually be
achieved in the early months
of the fiscal year than are
recorded, but out of oversight
these are not registered
officially until the end of the year when an administrative
"clean-up" is made.
This suggestion seems minor at best,
for as can be observed in the statistics on the proportion of
86
TABLE 3.9
NEW ACCEPTORS RECEIVED AT REGISTERED FAMILY
PLANNING CLINICS:
MONTHLY TOTALS
(ALL JAVA-MADURA AND BALI)
Month
1971
1972
1973
1974
J anuary
Feb r uary
March
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
46061
5 7437
61264
123616
148822
204926
131246
175946
232458
27028
28737
32451
39392
47754
53276
47147
35254
43472
51149
50543
51860
57168
59169
674 33
605 74
54607
87433
1014 32
85 359
85697
85123
82859
83859
65860
90548
122210
79120
79845
95982
104044
89745
86898
72853
224088
108368
402710*
33559
704698
58725
1280311
106693
1480593
123383
Ap ri 1
May
J une
July
Au gus t
Sep tembe r
October
N ovemb e r
D e ce mb e r
Total
Average
Note:
(M)
These figures make no allowance for the 2-10% of
clinics reporting late in each monthly summary and
so do not add precisely to official published
annual figures.
See Appendix Table S.3.1 for the
proportions reporting late in each month.
* Official summary figure,
n.a.
not available
Source:
B.K.K.B.N. Monthly Statistical summary.
clinics reporting on time each month
(Appendix Table S.3.1)
there is very little variation in the proportions,
and
certainly not enough to account for the fluctuations.
Another set of factors are programmatic,
involve
concious
decisions made by the administrators
the numbers of acceptors at specific
most
famous
times of the year.
over the past few years.
Java is the most active in these,
a drive
to raise
The
of these are the "special drives" which have been
conducted in various provinces
acceptors
that is, they
East
and the increase of
in March 1973 is to a large extent accounted for by
conducted at the order of that provincial government.
A similar drive was held in West Java at the same
it had less impact.
time, but
What is interesting about these drives
is that when one province
conducts
one the figures
for other
(FISCAL
1972
YEAR A P R I L
TO MARCH)
1973
1974
1975
87
88
provinces
rise as well,
new acceptors
and while
the figures
dramatically.
the drives
for revisits
Since the drives
to clinics also rise
generally
take place at the
end of the fiscal year it is hard to explain
effects merely in terms
concentrate on
these other
of "fallout" from the special campaign.
A more plausible explanation for the fluctuations
in the area of what is called "deman
in Indonesia.
acceptors
target" (target
Under this interpretation
lies
fever)
the rates of new
are not regarded as expressions
of public support
for the programme so much as official insistence
that it
succeed in terms of the targets set by the bureaucracy.^
Where the targets were meant by the central government to be
general guides
functionaries
for programme performance,
at the provincial,
to be specific recommendations
at all cost.
they are taken by
regency
and district
for achievement,
levels
to be met
Barbara Howell has reported in the influential
Far Eastern Economic Review
(1974)
that villagers
in East
Java have been pressured into using IUDs in spite of their
fear of the device,
and rumours
reported in regional newspapers
give
their wives permission
circulating in the cities and
tell of men who refused to
to use family planning being
forced by local military commanders
until they acquiesed.
The waves
to stand out in the sun
of compulsion are short-lived
and are almost inevitably associated with
the time of meeting
the targets set by the government.
What
that they occur at the same
the targets
time as
production are supposed to be met.
is interesting is
for rice
The picture of a wave of
"target fever" sweeping across Java at the turn of the new
year,
leading to coercion and incidents
of outright
compulsion,
is not a pleasant one, but that may be what is happening.
special drives
only add
to the atmosphere
The
of bureaucratic zeal,
for instead of concentrating on the provision of stable,
high-quality services which are designed to encourage people
1
Appendix Table S.3.2 calculates the proportion of new
acceptors registered in the last two months at the fiscal
year according to province.
Whereas a constant proportion
throughout the year would yield 16.6% for two months the
figures of registered acceptors for the period often reach
over twice that figure.
89
to use birth control,
they often work the opposite effect by
forcing people into an acceptance of devices which frighten
them, and thus promoting a feeling of distrust concerning
the sincerity and credentials of the programme.
This is not to say that the outlook for the programme
is gloomy.
In fact the response to family planning in Java
has been remarkable in that the continuation rates for the
users of IUDs and pills are among the highest in Asia.
Monthly revisits of women to clinics for renewal of pill
prescriptions,
receipt of condoms, or checks on IUDs have
been rising and have reached a solid figure of just under
one million per month.
(See Table 3.10).
At the same time
fieldworkers have been increasingly active in delivering
contraceptives to acceptors at home, and this factor has
signs of becoming an important change in the role of the
fieldworker as it has generally been defined. ^
3.11).
(See Table
In common with programmes in other countries, Indonesia
had placed an unfortunate emphasis on the IUD in the early
stages of its operation, partially because this seemed to
offer the hope of a cheap way of promoting birth control,
but also as a way of avoiding problems associated with ensuring
that women understand how to take pills.
reliance has weakened,
In recent years this
and the assured supplies of pills from
USAID has led to a sharp rise in the proportions of new
2
acceptors using pills, and a decline in the use of the IUD.
(See Table 3.12).
Thus while there are grounds for some
uneasiness over some of the trends which have been emerging,
including those discussed above and later in Chapter 10, it
must be remembered that the Family Planning Programme has had
1
We will discuss this in greater detail in Chapters 8 and
10 .
2
Soetedjo and Clinton (1972: 5) attribute some of this
change to the rising proportions of acceptors interested
in specing rather than avoiding further births altogether.
90
TABLE
3.10
REVISITS OF ACCEPTORS TO CLINICS
(MONTHLY TOTALS)
Year
Mon th
1972
19 74
197 3
(Absolute Numbers)
J anuary
Feb ruary
March
April
May
June
July
Augus t
September
October
N ove mb e r
D e c e mb e r
n.a.
22 79 2 A
265427
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
305754
331352
340223
326599
350891
366701
410173
417160
528803
551154
583841
589074
613529
651390
6 39632
638189
701044
745231
7702 38
794818
916716
869882
854923
802023
882937
852334
948616
963287
1035641
922804
(Ch an ge on Previous Mon th)
J anuary
Feb ruary
March
April
May
June
July
Augus t
September
October
Novemb e r
December
Note:
Source:
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
37503
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
25598
8871
-13624
24292
15810
43472
69 87
111643
22351
32687
52 33
24455
37861
-11758
-1443
62855
> 44187
25007
24580
121898
-46834
-14959
-52900
80914
-30603
96282
14671
72354
-112837
Not available to author at time of writing
B.K.K.B.N.
Monthly statistical summaries
91
TABLE 3.11
HOME DELIVERY OF CONTRACEPTIVES BY FAMILY PLANNING
FIELDWORKERS 1972-1974
(NUMBER OF VISITS PER MONTH)
Mon th
J anuary
Feb ruary
March
April
May
J une
July
Augus t
September
Oc tob er
November
D e ce mb e r
1972
Year
1973
1974
n .a .
n .a .
n .a .
n .a .
n .a .
n .a .
18142
16284
21908
19132
20284
21941
32874
32302
45314
38586
45556
48741
49993
56925
61755
67152
68846
79 810
88850
106027
133738
149711
169020
181115
199213
208991
212793
219325
234959
248610
(Ratio of Contracep tive Deliveries by
^
Fieldworkers to Revisits of Acceptors to Clinics )
J anuary
Feb ruary
March
April
May
June
July
Augus t
September
October
Novemb er
D e cemb e r
Note:
Source:
*
n .a .
n .a .
n .a .
n .a .
n .a .
n .a .
.059
.049
.066
.059
.058
.060
.080
.077
.086
.070
.078
.083
.081
.087
.097
.105
.098
.107
.115
.133
.146
.172
.198
.226
.226
.245
.224
.228
.227
.269
As in Table 3.10.
B.K.K.B.N. Monthly statistical summaries.
FIGURE 3.4
MONTHLY TOTALS OF REVISITS TO FAMILY PLANNING
CLINICS (A) AND DELIVERIES OF CONTRACEPTIVES BY
FIELDWORKERS (B)
evisits or
eliveries
(000’s)
J
1973
J
1974
J
1975
93
TABLE
3.12
TYPE
OF CONTRACEPTI VES
CHOSEN BY NEW ACCEPTORS
(ROW PERCENTAGES)
Year
IUD
Other
PILL
Condom
1967
1968
1969
19 70
1971
91
55
57
46
41
4
30
26
39
53
1972/73
1973/74
36
21
55
63
Note:
Total
Foam
99
100
100
100
100
4
15
17
15
6
1
1
7
15
99
100
In 1972 t h e s y s t e m of m o n t h l y r e p o r t s b e g a n t o t a b u l a t e
condom a nd foam s e p a r a t e l y and summary f i g u r e s we re
p u b l i s h e d a c c o r d i n g t o an A p r i l t o March f i s c a l y e a r .
N' s in Table 3.8.
Source:
B.K.K.B.N.
a phenomenal
people.
Java
effect
Where
laxitj"
of
has
Reports
a
the
decade
birth
been
on
and
Sukarno
today
encouraged
statistical
consciousness
ago
control,
monthly
to
was
of
the
Indonesian
decrying
virtually
accept
the
summaries.
every
the
"moral
villager
services
of
in
the
p rogramme.
3.5
C o n c l u s i on
The
of
mu c h
here.
demographic
greater
The
history
attention
story
of
the
of
than
Java
we
efforts
have
of
demonstrate
the
beneficial
effects
in
the
population
growth
terms
then
to
to
of
control
rank
as
details,
and
a
but
personal
these
population
detail
recently
by
the
which
Our
of
is
a
must
the
can
be
different
have
been
Peper,
find
treated
nature
here
to
it
to
provoked,
really
be
Ma n y
of
and
of
only
theirs.
in
its
archives
the
in
important
great
White,
and
additional
in
and
beginning
fascinating
discussed
a wealth
give
administration
colonial
Geertz
to
first
allegedly
was
deserving
able
their
it
in
topic
Dutch,
administrators.
Widjojo,
could
it
as
locked
growth
reader
information
task
of
just
of
a
been
the
achievement,
remain
diaries
of
works
growth
remarkable
issues
their
that
is
passing.
We w a n t
to
in
94
examine the motivational springs which accounted for the
relatively high fertility of the Javanese which was such an
important element in producing the high rates of population
growth in the twentieth century.
Van der Kroef (1956, 75)
said that any attempt to promote birth control among Javanese
peasants would be severly limited because they "marry early
and ... large families are frequently regarded as an economic
asset".
In the rest of the thesis we will examine this
proposition in some detail,
coming, at the end to a reconsideration
of the problem of rapid population growth in Java and the
spread of family planning.
CHAPTER 4
THE COMMUNITY STUDY METHOD
4.1
Perspectives
There
choose
in
are
to
view
Java.
to
structure
we
society
and
changing
are
hand,
are
and
subsidies
studied
of
of
society
behaviour
the
social
can
to
in
This
be
be
variety
outside
of
Yogyakarta
and
fertility
of
a
not
In
as
but
merely
rather
by
describes
family
in
so
this
people
ho w we ^
planning
in
south-central
of
religious
various
wa y
This,
should
an
the
almost
be
under
institutions
fertility
personal
acts
went
activity
with
are
a
the
account
groups,
and
wh o
they
other.
that
the
as
one
lives.
individuals
obtained.
the
takes
behaviour
community
between
City
on
data
institutions,
work
the
the
the
analysis
social
their
impact
undertaken
fertility
of
of
of
important,
the
which
an
isolation,
of
one
and
seen
Chapter
is
on
on
associations
that
levels
the
of
implications
detailed,
for
the
child
level
while
far-reaching
children
affect
to
since
neighbourhoods,
context
a study
1
a wide
have
implications
community.
and
and
individuals
relation
comes
individuals
of
the
fertility
perspective
implies
the
form
a single
the
can
national
practice,
personal
to
the
the
in
of
related
parents
of
values
perspectives,
assume
broad
which
at
for
these
voluntary
within
their
aggregate
fam ilies,
standing
of
to
directly
an
both
relate
definition,
which
might
to
level
initiatives
look
appropriate
bureaucracies
by
in
we
children
the
Children
Alternatively,
to
structures
their
at
by
policy
or ta x e s
choose
consider
organizations,
process
government
behaviour
including
value
undertaken
the
extremely
they
be
the
conceptualized.
extremely
fertility
how
and
might
A more
of
might
difficult
require
of
of
concept
However,
very
Value
of
fiscal
society.
the
the
that
bearing
of
from which
outline
of
Examination
perspectives
transmitted
realization
an
innumerable
A study
individual
are
for
members
about
of
a
conducting
community
just
Java.
T h e u s e o f t h e t e r m " w e " i n t h i s C h a p t e r r e f e r s t o my w i f e ,
V a l e r i e J . H u l l , a n d me .
We s h a r e d t h e b u r d e n s a n d
r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the stu d y p l a n e q u a l l y , and worked
t o g e t h e r through a l l the s t a g e s of the stu d y d e s c r i b e d in
the pages which follow .
95
96
4.2
The Community Study Approach
The study of human behaviour in the context of cohesive,
and relatively small,
communities
is most
commonly
with the science of anthropology where techniques
by such pioneers
as Malinowski
three quarters of a
century to provide an immense set of tools
Despite elaborations
M a l i n o w s k i ’s method remains:
developed
and Boas have been extended
and refined over the course of the past
and analysis.
associated
for data collection
the general spirit of
the researcher must observe and
participate in the community so as to gain both a detailed
knowledge of the daily life of the community members
degree of empathy which will encourage
the motives
allows
and a
an understanding of
and feelings underlying behaviour.
This participation
the researcher an intimate vantage point and forces him
to come to grips with the community as a working system of
human
relationships.
encourages
By its very nature participant observation
an holistic approach to the study of human
behaviour and challenges
the investigator
preconceptions which he might have
Our purposes
to those which
formed.
in studying a community was somewhat different
generally
anthropologists.
to question any
characterized the work of
Since we were concerned with the measurement
of fertility and the accurate description of differences
family planning behaviour between different
in
types of people
in a village we had to collect information from a large
number of women - well over 1000 - through the use of a social
survey.
As part of this we needed accurate information on
age, economic conditions,
life experiences.
attitudes,
It was obvious
and a wide variety of common
from the outset that this
kind of study would be quite different
to that of the
anthropologist who often spends years working In a community
of one or two hundred individuals,
and who even then might rely
on the information of no more than a dozen principal informants
for his detailed data on the community.
We also had a fairly
rigid time constraint imposed by the limits
of our scholarships,
and could thus plan on spending no more than a year in a
village collecting data.
very different
These considerations made our task
from that of Malinowski, who made numerous
field
trips between 1914 and 1921 to gather the material for his work
on the Kula Ring.
Because of this we considered the participant
observation techniques of anthropology not so much as a
methodology to follow in details, but as an approach whose
underlying philosophy was worthy of pursuit.
We thus made a
basic methodological commitment to the combination of the
traditional demographic tool of the social survey, which would
provide the extensive data we needed on fertility behaviour,
with the anthropological approach of participant observation,
which would provide us with deeper insights into the workings
of the society and guide our interpretation of the data
collected in the survey.
This commitment carried with it a number of considerations
which were to have important influences on the later development
of the project.
First, it was vital that we learn the
Indonesian language since participation in a community without
the basic communication skills would have been a hollow gesture
at best.
Our own experience in a small survey in Fiji had
shown that even the most assiduous efforts
at constructing
and translating a questionnaire cannot avoid situations where
the principal researcher must take an active part in the
interviewing and coding process.
Ignorance of the language
leads to frustration for him as well as for the respondents.
Contact with neighbours, market vendors and passers-by is
also very limited if basic greetings and simple conversations
cannot be exchanged,
and the interpretation of expressed
beliefs and attitudes is subject to inaccuracies if the structure
of expression provided in the language is not understood.
The
first step of our research programme was thus the initiation
of an intensive language course.
The second consideration was that we would have to live
in the community being studied.
anthropological studies,
This is standard in
although there have been some cases
where researchers have lived outside of the community they were
studying for reasons of security or comfort.
We were not worried
with these aspects of the question though, since we had both
lived for various periods in villages in other parts of the
world, but we were concerned about the effect our presence
might have on the quality of the data collected in the survey.
It was possible, as one experienced demographer had suggested
to us, that people would be more likely to give misleading
answers to embarrassing questions if they knew the researchers
personally.
Our feeling was (and it was later borne out)
that people would be more likely to give information on a wider
variety of topics and with greater accuracy to people who,
while marginal to their society, were still familiar.
Our
residence in the community would serve to make our motives
clearer to the community members and relieve any anxiety which
might have existed were we only semi-anonymous foreigners
arriving and disappearing with a minimum of personal contact.
There were some practical aspects of the survey which
had to be considered at the start of the fieldwork.
These
were directly related to the roles we would be assuming in
the village.
With such a large survey being contemplated we
would need a great deal of assistance in the form of interviewers,
coders and checkers.
We decided after consultation with
Masri Singarimbun, who was our supervisor at that time, that
it would be best to hire university students for these jobs,
but this meant that it was unlikely that we would be able
to fill the positions
from among the ranks of the villagers,
and hiring outsiders who would commute in every day gave rise
to potential problems of absenteeism and a division in the
research team between "insiders" living in the community, and
"outsiders" who were basically just salaried workers.
As a
result, we decided that anyone we hired must be able to live
in the research area as part of an integrated team, and
furthermore that preference should be given to students who
could use the data from the study for their own projects.
This
would demand a degree of commitment, and a level of enthusiasm,
which would be difficult to attain in any other way.
The third consideration was that of the difficulty of
coordinating two such different research techniques as a social
survey and participant observation.
Our previous experience
in Fiji had already taught us that social surveys are timeconsuming,
tedious and very demanding operations to carry out.
They require a high degree of administrative skill and long
days of planning if they are to be run effectively.
participant observation is also time-consuming,
Intensive
and it generally
99
requires
the
to
meet
at
"casual"
in
the
with
neighbours,
community.
to
of
avoid
concept
to
In
t wo
short,
both
functions
personally.
find
ourselves
walking
demands,
questionnaires
abruptly
to
w h e n we
needed
responsibility
the
than
in
approach
work.
we h a d
feared,
the
papers
in
our
community
Thus
the
role
in
4.3
The
to
the
we
to
statistics
of
the
us
or
could
little
inherent
have
in
the
in
to
the
carry
work
a
of
coffee
at
the
but
we w e r e
added
less
bonus
was.
that
we h a d
not
the
if
to
a
make
frustration
everyone
The
c o me
hated
concrete,
summoned
was
that
"work"
t wo
s o me
try
our
reopen
or
this
to
involved
these
house,
moment
survey,
out
e n d we w o u l d
checking
it
a very
we
the
in
is
was
between
if
the
proof
taxes
in
a
Suitable
arrival
local
stack
to
sugar
somewhat
of
the
mill.
unusual,
an
registration
and
town w h e r e
was
for
examination
of
in
the
study.
to
the
the
of
an
mid-February
study
Ma d a .
them
continued
the
enumeration
statistics
through
we
and
for
Gadjah
devoted
population
3% s a m p l e
Yogyakarta
Universitas
Fakultas
effort
on
in
Community
sponsorship
arrangements
our
included
of
our
the
accomodation
of
end
wh y h e
the
was
that
in
hours
compromises
the
assume
spend
time
contemplating
we w o u l d
just
on
the
was
gave
Geografi,
contacted
mu c h
house
and
any
community.
arranged
and b e g a n
be
knew w h a t
collect
Choice
Fakultas
of
with
and had
house
survey
Prior
we h a d
In
neighbourhood
that
should
to
it
We k n e w
advice
we h a d
each
There
since
caught
a neighbours
interviewers
roles.
a line
virtually
interested
we w e r e
methodology
at
ceremonies,
people
eventuality
a dual
conflicting
available
with
full-tim e
this
of
be
attend
conversation
assumption
do
researcher
analysis
preliminary
collected
by
1971
the
of
2
K i n d l y ma d e a v a i l a b l e b y t h e H e a d o f t h e
D i v i s i o n , D ep artm en t of H e a l t h , D .I .Y .
months
available
region.
working
This
tabulations
birth
Department
K i n d l y ma d e a v a i l a b l e b y
O f f ic e , Daerah Istimewah
study
t wo
the
the
Census /
1
temporary
first
of
the
arrival
language
the
fertility
the
On o u r
arranged
our
In
through
1972
of
t h e Head of t h e P r o v i n c i a l
Yogyakarta (D .I.Y .).
Statistics
Health,
Census
2
100
and a variety of statistics
Ke c ante t an (District)
from Kabupat en (Regency)
offices which had been collected and
reviewed in a number of Doctorandus
theses)
and
skripsi
(roughly: M a s t e r ’s
held by the Fakultas.
In this analysis we were attempting to discover fertility
and occupational differences
clues
in the D.I.Y. which might provide
as to the type of community which would be appropriate
for a study of fertility-related decision-making.
was very
frustrating since, by and large,
only to demonstrate the limited nature
This was especially
This task
the analysis served
of the available data.
true of the examination of birth
registration statistics
at various
levels of government which
showed that many births
registered at the village level were
never recorded at the district or regency level.
was spent
Much time
chasing down apparent fertility and economic
differences
only to find that the original data had been
improperly recorded.
This process was extremely valuable
for not only did it
give us an aquaintance with the population data of the region
at each level of government,
it also gave us time to become
acclimated and improve our language abilities.
considerable progress
community.
toward our goal of finding a suitable
Two areas stood out as potential
Sleman-Medari
We also made
candidates;
the
textile centre to the north of Yogyakarta City
and Maguwoharjo,
a village
at the edge of the local airport
and the National Air Force Academy to the east.
Both of these
areas seemed to offer the type of mixed occupational profiles
and fertility differentials
the study.
that we sought
as a basis
for
Detailed investigation showed that both areas
had cooperative
administrations,
but Maguwoharjo
appeared to
have a more complete and accurate set of village records than
the Sleman-Medari area.
was
The decision to study Maguwoharjo
finally sealed when we found that the family planning
programme had been operating a Model Family Planning Clinic
there since 1969, while the Sleman-Medari area had only
recently been covered by the family planning drive.
The
opportunity to study the impact of three years of family
planning service on a community of mixed occupational and
fertility structure seemed perfect.
It was logical that a
101
community with these attributes would be the ideal setting
to examine the processes and context of fertility decision
making, and after a few visits to the village office we
were keen to begin the study in Maguwoharjo. To a certain
extent we realized that 'dissonance reduction' had come into
play. We could think of many good things about Maguwoharjo,
and some of the benefits of other areas were being lost to
our consideration, but, in retrospect, it is clear that this
was inevitable. We had made our first commitment to Maguwoharjo,
and had begun to develop an identification with the community
as a result.
4.4
Implementation of the Maguwoharjo Study
Once the decision to work in Maguwoharjo had been made
we began the project in earnest. A number of steps were taken
in order to begin the development of a research organization
to carry out the study:
(1) Recruitment and training of assistants.
(2) Establishment of working relations with village
officials.
(3) Completion and printing of questionnaires.
(4) Organization of informal material.
(5) Collection of local statistics.
(6) Copying of birth and death registers.
Each of these activities had its own peculiar challenges, but,
as a group, these challenges seemed to us to be simply aspects
of the more general difficulty of settling in.
By this time
we were reaching fluency in Bahasa Indonesia, so some of the
tasks were less frustrating, though no less demanding than our
earlier experiences.
4.4.1
Recruitment and Training of Assistants
Since our assistants were to have all the responsibilities
normally expected of survey interviewers and would additionally
have to live with us and participate in village activities,
we were particularly concerned that good people be hired for
the job. Of the more than eighty university students from
three faculties who were interviewed at least twice and tested,
nine, four women and five men were ultimately hired.
Those
102
selected displayed qualities of articulateness, tolerance,
intelligence and cooperativeness and seemed to be amenable
to living in a rural area.
We rejected a number of candidates
because of their apparent hautiness, while others, though
obviously intelligent,
appeared to have quite rigid beliefs
about the "stupidity" of rural people.
Above all, we wanted to
ensure that the assistants did not parrot their textbook
knowledge when faced with the difficult questions addressed
by the research.
In addition to the nine students, who were
to be allowed to use data gathered in the survey in their
skripsis, we hired two assistants who had previously worked
with Masri Singarimbun in his study of fertility and family
planning in Sriharjo.
They had both graduated from high school
and one had done teachers training courses.
Training of the assistants in techniques of interviewing
began before we moved to the community and continued through
the first few weeks of the study as we prepared the census
questionnaire'*' and collected village statistics.
We found that
the single session approach to training was unsatisfactory, and
since we were all living together by that time, a system of
continuous review was instituted.
In this way not only was
it possible to correct difficulties as they arose, but an
assistant who did not immediately pick up an instruction or
procedure could be given help by his companions.
It should be
noted that Javanese social structure places high value on
cooperation and minimizes competition,
was quick to emerge in the group.
so a spirit of teamwork
The natural and speedy
development of interviewer esprit de corps we experienced casts
doubt on the applicability of a ’quick fire' policy as a means
of dealing with sub-standard interviewers in Javanese society.
The process of data collection in this particular research project
would undoubtedly have suffered as a result of a blow to morale
caused by the dismissal of an accepted member of the team.
On the other hand, it is conceivable that a person could be
rejected as a result of the consensus of the established
team members, even though he might seem suitable to the
1
In sections which follow the term Census refers to the census
carried out as the first stage of the survey in Maguwoharjo,
while the National Census will be referred to as such, or
as the 1971 Census.
principal researcher, but neither of these possibilities
occurred in Maguwoharjo.
The training period went very smoothly and the assistants
were able to test the census questionnaire within three weeks
of our arrival in the village.'*" During the test we encouraged
the assistants to begin collecting 'outside' data as a first
step of the training in free-form interviewing techniques. The
first few days found us all returning with various bits of
gossip which the group as a whole discussed and tried to
relate to the aims of the research project. While this
information was often of little direct use it was valuable as a
source of background information and provided a useful
demonstration of the essential elements of informal data
collection. As time went on each of the assistants displayed
individual aptitude and interest in the collection of
particular types of information. Before long we began
consulting each other as "specialists" in certain subjects,
including, for example, abortion, village politics or marriage
practices. This 'professionalization' served to improve the
quality of the data and heightened the team spirit of the group.
The high level of cooperation among the group, and
effectiveness of the system of continuous training owed much,
we feel, to the fact that we were all living together as part
of the community. There were very few disadvantages to this
arrangement. One might expect that the tension of such close
living and the intense work schedules would have led to
ruptures, but they did not. Rather, the group seemed to
function better under pressure. There were occasional periods
of illness, but even these did not seriously interrupt work
except for once when eleven out of thirteen members had
conjunctivitis at the same time. In sum, the assistants worked
very hard and well because of the degree of involvement they
had in the community and the research project, and out of
their personal interest in getting data for their skripsis.
We could not have wished for more than this.
1
For a discussion of the questionnaires and the test area,
see Section 4.4.
104
4.4.2
Establishment of Working Relations with Village
Officials
Indonesia,
recognizes no
in common with most other areas of the world>
'right'
among its citizens.
set procedures
academics,
ability.
for outsiders
to conduct research
The national and local
governments have
for screening and giving permission
to visiting
and we complied with these to the best of our
In preparation for the research project we obtained
letters of permission from the Indonesian Institute of
Sciences
Police,
(L.I.P.I.),
D.I.Y.
the Department of Immigration,
Regional Police,
and District Governments.
sponsorship
and the Provincial,
National
Regency
In addition we had letters of
from the Gadjah Mada University and the Faculties
of Economics,
Geography,
and Arts.
Presumably the Lurah
(Village Head) would have found it hard to resist an intrusion
in the face of such a sheaf of letters, but we were nonetheless
surprised at his immediate promise of cooperation and apparent
enthusiasm with
the project.
His assistants were at first a
little hesitant about opening their records
to our scrutiny,
but they soon realized that we did not want to test them in
any way and eventually
came to share the L u r a h 's cooperative
atti t u d e .
With the help of the village officials we were quickly
able to obtain suitable housing for the research group.
This
consisted of one large house, where we lived with the female
assistants
and where
all meals were taken and work
conducted,
and a large section of a neighbouring house where the male
assistants
slept.^
The officials were very helpful in
locating a cook for us and aided us in the preparations
seiame tan which we held to introduce ourselves
After a couple of months
for the
to the community.
in the village, by which time we
had established relations with the officials
as neighbours
as well as government officers, we learned that this initial
1
The large house belonged to the widow of a man who had once
held the rank of Head of the People's Assembly and was one
of the richest men in the district.
Following his death
the family had fallen on hard times and thus welcomed the
chance for extra income from house rental.
The house across
the road was owned by the L u r a h .
105
enthusiasm was not unqualified.
first, he was suspicious
The Lurah admitted that,
at
that we might be spies, while some
of his assistants had the idea that we were agents of some
Dutch
company which wanted to re-establish an old sugar
refinery which operated in the area before the war.
yet another benefit of our participation
such misconceptions were so quickly
4.4.3
It was
in the community
that
corrected.
Construction and Printing of Questionnaires
The formal survey was designed to be administered in
stages.
This
approach, which is most feasible in a community
study, was adopted because
it was thought
single interview last longer
it meant
important
than about an hour.
that each stage could be designed with
that no
In addition,
the experience
of the previous stage to serve as a guide to problem areas
and difficulties.
For the sake of accuracy,
key questions
be checked to show the validity of responses.
could
The various
stages w e r e :
i.
Census
ii .
Economic Survey
iii.
Pregnancy and Marital History
iv .
v.
While
forms
Canberra,
Pregnancy History Follow-up
Attitude
and Family Planning Survey
for each of the stages were initially drafted in
they underwent significant
changes as the survey
developed and problems were encountered and overcome.'*'
The
forms were printed in Bahasa Indonesia even though many
interviews were
has numerous
This is because Javanese
levels of speech according to the relative status
of the speakers
conversation.
conducted in Javanese.
and the degree of politeness
It was
the consensus
the translation from Indonesian
of the interviewers
that
to any particular level of
Javanese would be no more difficult
from one level to another.
desired in the
for them than translation
Since our comprehension of Javanese
was much more limited than our Indonesian
this decision also
made it easier for. us to carry out the checking and editing
of the questionnaire.
1
Translated versions of the final schedules
the Appendix
are included in
106
The problem of multiple
languages
had to be thoroughly discussed by
meant that each
the whole group in order
to avoid any misinterpretation of questions
of the topics
of the research.
form
or misunderstanding
The discussion sessions, which
had elements
of debate and role playing as well as simple
explanation,
also ensured that any prejudices
on the part of the interviewers
corrected.
Obviously,
or misconceptions
could be revealed and
even the most thorough briefings
could
not eliminate personal quirks, but they did force each
individual,
including ourselves,
to grapple with basic
ass urap tions acquired from many years of formal education,
this process
and
undoubtedly led to great improvement in the
structure and execution of the survey.
When the translation of the Census
form was
completed
fifty copies were printed and used in a test which was conducted
in a remote
corner of the village.
This test was
designed to
point up any residual difficulties with the format of the
questionnaire or the interpretation used by the interviewers,
and it proved to be very important in revising the form before
the final printing was undertaken.
Each stage of the survey
went through similar testing and in some
cases
the forms were
completely revised as a result of the difficulties encountered
in the test.
Once the final form of the Census was complete
interviewing began in earnest.
the
Maps used during the 1971
Census had been provided to us by the village administration
and these served as the basis
of the interview plans.
They
were verified and corrected by team members working with
assistance
team was
of hamlet heads,
and each member of the interview
assigned a block of households
interviewing was conducted one hamlet
to census.
the problem of following-up
The
at a time, so that the
maximum amount of supervision could be exercised,
simplify
and also to
interviews which were
missed when an individual was away from the household
day or two.
During the Census
done to ensure
for a
the locations of households
listed on the maps were verified,
This was
the
and the maps were
the completeness
corrected.
of coverage of the
Census and to make it easier to identify each household on
later stages
of the survey.
107
Map 4 . 1
KELURAHAN MAGUWOHARJO
1 H ectare
O O l H e c t o re
Xo Y o t | y a k o i t a
For
Key S e e R e v e r s e
Side
SELECTED HAMLETS
Northern
Central
Southern
Village Office
Health Clinic
Market
Researchers'
Hamlet
House
Boundary
Dirt Road
Paved Road
Railroad
River
Pretest Area
108
The format and coverage of each stage of the survey was
as follows :
i.
Census.
The most basic social unit in Javanese
culture is the s omah
(household,
or more precisely,
Jay 1970, hearthold)
which can be generally
following
defined as the
group of people who share a common cooking pot.
The Census
was designed to collect information on each s omah of the
village,
and in the process
each individual member.
of individuals
get a wide variety of data on
It was essential that no repetition
in a number of s omah listings
occur,
so people
were asked specifically by the interviewers whether they
considered themselves
In the vast majority
to be member of more than one s o m a h .
of cases
there was no problem in defining
the exact membership of the somah since the concept itself
is one used locally, but sometimes
difficulties
in the case of men who had two wives.
arose,
as
Then the rule used was
that the respondent would be regarded as part of a s omah if he
himself considered it to be his major hearthold,
this, if he was said by members
his meals
there.
or failing
of the s omah to take most of
Definitions based on this level of detailed
investigation occured only in a dozen or so cases.
people
the household structure was very simple,
For most
following very
closely the lines of the nuclear or simple extended family.
The Census, being a list of all individuals
whole village,
acted as the master form for all the stages
of the survey which
First,
followed.
This was
the information on the Census was
done in two ways.
tabulated and analysed
prior to the implementation of the later stages.
we could analyse in very basic terms
of the village,
precision
husbands
the occupational structure
of people of particular characteristics,
currently married women still living with
according to age) who were
the village.
In this way
and also estimate with a fair degree of
the numbers
(for example,
living in the
living in each hamlet of
These data served as the basis
of eleven hamlets out of the village
for the selection
total of twenty for the
administration of the remaining stages of the survey.
particular
their
The
criterion which we used was very simple - we had to
have enough households with members who worked for the
government or the military
to ensure
that this group
formed a
109
substantial portion of those who would be interviewed on the
pregnancy history.
In the end this meant that we had to
select all the hamlets in the south of the village, where
government workers were concentrated,
and hamlets in the north
according to the mixed criteria of occupation structure and
religion.
This selection was necessarily purposive, since
any attempt to randomly select eleven out of twenty hamlets
would have been of dubious statistical significance and would
have led to unworkably small representation of minority
occupational and religious groups.
The second way in which the Census acted as a master form
was related to its specific format.
It served to identify the
household and each individual member with unique numbers, and
recorded any changes which occurred in the composition of the
household during the year which separated the first contact
with the household and the final stage of the survey.
The
system of identification was relatively simple, and proved to
be extremely useful in both the control of the survey
administration and later computer analysis of the data.
It
can be understood most easily with reference to the form which
is reproduced in the Appendix.
In the lower right hand corner
of the front page there is a box containing the census block
number and building number of the house in which the household
lives.
These numbers are from the census maps, and they are
recorded on a plate attached to the front of each building in
the village constructed before the data of the 1971 Census.
Buildings constructed after that data were described by the
interviewer in terms of exact location and physical appearance
and added to the maps.
After the Census of the whole hamlet
was completed the forms were arranged in order and each
household was given a number in the lower left hand corner of
the form.
The hamlet numbering system from the village office
was used to distinguish each hamlet in the village, so on the
completion of the entire census each household in Maguwoharjo
had a unique number based on its hamlet and order in the Census,
An individual’s identification number thus became the household
number and a number given to him on the basis of his position
in the household listing.
If there were twelve individuals
in household 110 of hamlet six their numbers would run from
110
06-110-01 to 06-110-12.
In all stages
of the survey which
followed these unique numbers were used - both as a ready means
of identifying individuals
two stages,
for comparison of the results
and as an obvious way to show the respondent
of
that
their names were not attached to forms which contained more
personal information.^
Changes in household composition which took place during
the period of the inquiry were recorded on the back of the
Census
form.
New household members,
either births or arrivals
from elsewhere, were noted with the date of arrival and were
given an identification number.
also noted and,
Departures
in the case of departures,
residence recorded.
Temporary visitors
permanent household members who were
or deaths were
the place of intended
to the household or
away temporarily were
given a special identification and a wide variety of information
collected concerning their whereabouts
summary of the numbers
and intentions.
of changes which were
(A
recorded is
contained in Appendix Table S.4.1).
The Census
a means
thus provided a file of basic information and
of recording changes which were bound to occur in the
area over a year.
on age,
It also served as a test for questions
occupation,
religion, marital status,
and fertility,
which aided in the design of more effective questions during
later stages
of the survey.
the later stages,
The scope of the Census,
is summarized in Table 4.1.
and
There it can
be seen that the entire village of Maguwoharjo was found to have
over 12,000 residents.
intensive study was made
7000 individuals
they were
for more
found to include almost
in just under 1400 households.
the base population
1
When selection of the hamlets
for the following stages
This became
of the survey.
There is no way to assure respondents that their identification
can be held strictly secret, since it is obvious that it is
being written down and has a number which must relate to
him in some way.
However few respondents are concerned with
identification in that sense.
The use of numbers was of
most importance in the Attitude Stage as an assurance that
if the form was accidently seen by a neighbour it would be
difficult to link the personal information it contained to
any particular individual.
Ill
TABLE 4.1
SUMMARY OF DATA COLLECTED IN THE MAGUWOHARJ0 STUDY
A . Survey
1. Census:
i.
ii.
iii.
Including all 20 hamlets and military housing block
Timetable - Testing May 23-26, 1972; Survey May-June
Respondents - Adult members of households
Coverage - Full village 2635 households 12,374 Persons
Study Hamlets 1390
"
6,998
"
2. Household Economic Survey:
All households in 11 study
hamlets and 1 military housing block (Male interviewers)
i.
Timetable - Testing June 20-26, 1972: Survey
June-October
ii.
Respondents - Heads of household or spouses
iii.
Coverage - 1368 households
3. Marital
i.
ii.
iii.
4
and Pregnancy History (Female Interviewers)
Timetable - Testing June 12-26; Survey June-October
Respondents - All women aged 15-54 in study hamlets
Coverage - 1529 women; 1181 of whom were evermar rie d
4. Follow-up to Pregnancy History (Female Interviewers):
Administered with Female Attitude Survey
i.
Timetable - Testing Oct. 18-20; Survey NovemberFebruary 1973
ii.
Respondents - Currently married women aged 15-54,
living with spouse who have had at least one
live birth, stillbirth or abortion
iii.
Coverage - 907 women, of whom 407 have been
pregnant in last three years and 325 eligible
for the interval chart
5. Attitude Survey (Both male and female interviewers)
i.
Timetable - Testing Oct. 18-20; Survey NovemberFeb ruary 19 7 3
ii.
Respondents - Currently married women aged 15-54
currently living with spouse, and the husbands of
these women.
iii.
Coverage - 951 women and 940 men, the difference
being accounted for by polygynous unions
B. Supplementary Data
1. Case studies
2. Field notes
(Village Level)
(collected by study team)
and Journals
(collected by study team)
3. Birth registration 1951-1973
(copied from village office)
4. Death registration 1951-1973
(copied from village office)
5. Marriage Registration 1968-1973
6. Health Centre statistics
1972
(copied from village office)
(copied from Health Centre)
7. Family Planning Clinic statistics
Clinic)
8. Census Results 1971
offices)
Note:
1969-1973
(copied from
(copied from village and district
For examples of questionnaires see Appendix
For example of registration forms see Bhatta (1961)
112
ii.
Economic Survey.
simultaneously with
The Economic Survey was
the Pregnancy History, with
interviewers asking these questions
while
was
administered
the male
of the household head
the female interviewers met with his wife.
The form
designed to obtain a complete picture of the economic
structure of the household,
and in the process make as
accurate an estimate as could be obtained of the household
income.13
2 The practice of having
pairs proved to be very useful,
interviews were
the interviewers work in
since it effectively meant that
conducted in private,
and thus problems of
the husband interferring during the recording of the w i f e ’s
pregnancy history were minimized.
There was sometimes
difficulty in meeting the husband during the day,
these cases
the wife's pregnancy history was
and in
taken,
and an
appointment was made for the male interviewer to return in the
evening to meet
the husband for the Economic Survey interview.
In households where
there was a female head,
frequently in the case of widows,
as occurred
the Pregnancy History was
collected on one day and the Economic Survey on another to
avoid tiring the respondent.
Because of the changes
the
disappearance
1368 households
in household
composition,
of a number of households
out of the Census
and
in the interim,
2
total of 1390 were
interviewed for the Economic Survey
(see Table 4.1).
There
3
was only one outright refusal to be interviewed
and very few
1
This is discussed in detail in Chapter 5.
2
The number of households at each stage of the survey were
affected by regrouping caused as a result of arguments and
marriages, which rearranged people within the community.
When outsiders arrived they were censused and given the
various stages of the survey, but of course people who
left during the course of the study could not be interviewed
during later stages, thus leaving the impression of
a gradual net loss to the community.
3
The individual concerned actually refused to be cooperative.
He was a wealthy man who apparently objected to the questions
of ownership.
He claimed to own all the s aw ah between
Mount Merapi and the ocean, and all the money in Java.
His behaviour stood in stark contrast to the cooperativeness
received from every other respondent in the village.
113
objections to particular questions on the survey.^
In general,
there was far less difficulty encountered in the collection
of economic data than we had been led to expect from the advice
of other researchers,
and we would attribute this to the
high level of cooperation which existed between the village
officials and the survey team.
Each stage of the survey
was explained to everyone in the community before any
interviewing was conducted, and as a result people generally
understood and accepted the purpose of the project and were
quite willing to participate in it.
iii.
Marital and Pregnancy History.
Every woman in
the selected hamlets aged between 15 and 54, inclusive, was
asked to relate her complete marital and pregnancy histories.
This information was recorded on a set of forms which included
a Master Form with general information and a record of the
woman's activities outside the home, a card for each of her
marriages and a card for each conception regardless of outcome.
This data collection procedure proved to be extremely efficient
since the interviewer,
after filling out cards for each
recollected event, could arrange them in chronological order
and review the entire life history of the individual.
Errors
of estimation of the order of dates of marriages and births
were readily apparent to the respondent and could be corrected
and the cards re-arranged in the proper order.
A summary of
the total number of events was entered on the Master Form and
checked against the event cards in the editing, coding and
analysis of the information.
In the one year of the fieldwork
and after being shipped the four thousand miles back to
Canberra, not one event card was lost.
The Marital and Pregnancy History was well received by
women, as is reflected in the very low refusal rate (there was
only one refusal) and the testimony of interviewers that the
respondents were often enthusiastic in their attempts to
ensure that the information recorded on the forms was accurate
even when that information presumably might have been
embarrassing, as in the case of divorces.
1
A number of
The questions which raised the largest number of objections
were those concerned with lending money.
Ownership and
income bothered very few people but indebtedness involved a
relationship which was a matter of substantial shame.
114
attempts at concealment of information were made, such as
the case of a sterile woman's repeated claim to the motherhood
of her adopted son, or in cases of illegitimacy or abortion,
but these were openly revealed by neighbours and could be
descreetly confirmed in indirect ways and recorded later on
the individual's forms.
iv.
Pregnancy History Follow-up.
While the Pregnancy
History collected basic information for all women of
childbearing age it was still necessary to pursue some
specialized topics in greater detail.
A follow-up questionnaire
was designed to check general patterns of abstinence,
breastfeeding and amenorrhea and attitudes related to each
of these.
In addition, every woman who had given birth
within the preceding three years was asked whether she was
still breast-feeding and abstaining from sexual relations,
and whether she had resumed menstruation.
Women who had
documents to prove the dates of birth of all their children
and thus had very accurately recorded birth intervals,
were asked detailed questions on the factors which influenced
the determination of the spacing of their births.
The form of the Follow-up was designed to have a wide
variety of information from the Pregnancy History entered on
it before the interview.
Thus when the interview began the
names of children were already entered on the interval chart
and a calculation of the length of the interval had been made.
Information on separations and birth control use were
included,
and as the interview progressed the interviewer could
refer to this in order to check the accuracy of the woman's
answers.
In this way data of a high level of accuracy was
ensured even though relatively little time was spent on the
actual interview.
This form was administered at the same
session as the woman's Attitude Survey, and the two forms
generally took little over an hour to complete.
(v) Attitude Survey.
Information on a wide variety
of attitudes toward economic and social behaviour of various
sorts was collected in the Attitude Survey, along with a
concise contraceptive use history and opinions on family
size and structure.
The questionnaire was printed in
115
two versions with men being asked an additional battery of
questions related to the work and value of children while
women were asked to give a summary of their work history.
The Attitude Survey was by far the most time-consuming
questionnaire, but since the respondents had had some
experience of interview procedures from previous stages,
and because the subject matter of the form was of general
interest,
this fact did not provoke many negative reactions.
In the few cases where the respondents were restive over the
thought of being interviewed a second or a third time, they
were usually placated easily with the assurance that this
was the last time they would be bothered.
as with those preceding,
With this stage,
the very low non-response rate is
an indication of the degree of cooperation we received.
In general all of the stages went very smoothly with
remarkably little ill-feeling, suspicion or boredom arising
out of the formal survey.
The assistants played a major role
in creating and maintaining an atmosphere of interested
involvement,
though their own performance was to a large
degree conditioned by the structure of the survey.
Being
concerned with a limited geographical area and developing a
network of friends and acquaintances in the community meant
that they could quite easily postpone an interview if the
person was busy, and could either visit a neighbour or conduct
another interview in the area and return later to the original
house.
People often warned interviewers of the current
marital disputes or personal idiosyncrasies of their neighbours
so that the interviewer could vary his approach to suit the
circumstances.
Finally,
the fact that the research team came
to be identified as members of the community, albeit temporary
residents, evoked the traditional Javanese standards of
hospitality.
This was not a one-way interchange,
for while
people often felt they should receive us as neighbours despite
possible hesitancy over the strange situation of being
interviewed, we also felt constrained to act as neighbours,
and to respect the customs,
community.
opinions and life styles of our
It was common for an assistant to help a respondent
prepare a meal while they were working on the questionnaire, or
to look after a young baby,
and the whole research team
116
participated in the ceremonies for the funerals, births and
marriages of our neighbours.
All of these factors acted not
only as invaluable aids to the collection of accurate and
complete data on the formal survey, but also provided the
opportunity for collection of informal data on the community.
4.4.4
Collection and Organization of Informal Material
The key types of informal data collection were case
studies,
field notes and journals.
Case studies were collected
by all members of the research team and usually consisted of
specific information about a particular individual or household
in the study area.
A form was printed up'*’ which was carried
by all interviewers when they were visiting a respondent.
Information uncovered in the course of the interview which
fell outside of the questionnaire at hand but which was
pertinent to the enquiry was recorded as a case study.
example,
For
the interviewer for the Pregnancy History might
discover that the respondent had very strong ideas on the
best size for families living in Maguwoharjo, which were based
on the notion that children do not work as hard around the house
as they did in previous generations.
This opinion, while not
particularly relevant to the Woman's Pregnancy History was
important- to the research project and would be recorded as a
case study.
Completed case study forms were stored according
to individual identification numbers and were consulted before
returning to the house for later interviews.
At the completion
of the field work the case studies were re-organized
according to topic areas for ease of analysis.
It might be noted
that blank case study cards were usually carried by members
of the research team even when no interviews were being
conducted so that interesting information arising out of informal
conversations might be easily recorded.
Sometimes,
if the
information dealt with topics of a non-controversial nature,
such as a story about a supernatural occurrence or the names
of the midwives in the village,
it was recorded on the spot.
On the other hand, if during a wedding ceremony a relative
1
An example of the form can be found on page 7 of the
Attitude Survey where it was included as a matter of course
(see Appendix).
117
mentioned that the bride was
three months pregnant the case
study would obviously be written
Field notes
differed
more lengthy and general
village
later.
from case studies
topics,
or political trends
in that they covered
such as the history of the
or various economic relations.
They were collected in a series
of loose-leaf notebooks which
were stored in a locked cupboard at home to ensure their
safety.
In general we were more interested in collecting
field notes
more
than the assistants were,
things were novel and worthy
possibly because many
of record to us.
set of fieldnotes was kept on the progress
and the administrative
A separate
of the survey
decisions which were made in the course
of the s t u d y .
We both kept journals,
assistants
and encouraged each of the
to keep a personal journal.
in journals
included reflections,
The accounts included
private notes,
lists
of
frustrating or pleasant occurrences,
and a record of the
changing weather, health,
over the course of the
year.
These journals
and morale
are valuable in the ordering of day to
day events, but the gaps which arise are too long and frequent
to allow the term "diary",
these records.
to be used as a description of
When the pressure of community events and the
survey increased the journals,
unfortunately,
Ceremonies provided the most fruitful
data collection.
events,
suffered.
ground for informal
Most of them are related to life cycle
and provoke discussion by the participants
such as childbearing,
responsibility.
marriage,
family
of issues
formation and communal
It takes very little proding at a ceremony to
reveal opinions which in other contexts would be guarded.
Aside
from this,
ceremonies occurred so frequently in Maguwoharjo
as to test the stamina of the most assiduous participant
observer.
In many cases
the ceremony involved a jagon g a n ,
or meeting of men, which went
morning.
and gossip
Since
till three or four in the
these sessions involve hours
of card-playing
they were well worth attending for purposes of
both data collection and recreation even though they might
be a bit disruptive
r e s earchers.
to the sleep and work schedules
of the
118
4.A.5
Collection of Local Statistics
The village records
wide variety of data.
land ownership,
of bicycles
for Maguwoharj o cover an impressively
Births,
occupation,
and houses,
deaths, marriages, migration,
religious buildings,
ownership
and a myriad of other aspects
in the area are all recorded in the files, sometimes
spans
of up to twenty-three years.
were undoubtedly
research project.
and most relevant
to the
The complete set of birth records dating
into a file which was
area.
for
The data on vital events
the most accurate,
from 1951 was made available
numbers
of life
to us,
and we copied each record
later matched with
the identification
of the individuals who were still resident in the study
Some gaps existed in these records because of loss or
deterioration associated with
time and termites, but
did not seriously inhibit the use of these records
these
for
the determination of ages of individuals.
Other village records varied in quality depending on the
use for which
which
they were gathered.
The land ownership records,
formed the base for the land tax system, were very
difficult to interpret since some families had not transferred
title on the death of previous
amount of land
'owned'
Ownership of bicycles,
undercounted for much
owners,
by a family was
motor
cycles,
the
greatly understated.
radios and the like were
the same reason that these objects
undercounted in Australia - i.e.,
a tax.
and in many cases
are
the registration involves
The impression gained after working with these data
is that the greatest effect of any effort to put a 'tax'
of
any sort on children would be an immediate massive reduction
in birth registration.
Likewise,
an improvement to birth
registration could probably be induced by the presentation of
a small reward to the parents who take the trouble to report
the birth of their child.
4.4.6
Summary of the Fieldwork Experience
At the selametan marking
team from the field,
apologies
the departure of the research
the major village leaders
for any offence,
and I exchanged
real or imagined, which might have
been given during the course of the year.
While this was
in
119
some ways merely a ritual performance dictated by Javanese
etiquette,
it also had a great deal of
relevance to the
occasion.
Our departure marked the end of a period of
dis rup tion .
This is not to contradict
the testimony above
that the
survey was well-received and our presence welcomed in the area.
The people and government
of Maguwoharjo were very hospitable,
and often quite interested in the research.
hand,
On the other
thirteen prying people can be bothersome at times.
Throughout the survey we attempted to minimize
imposition which we were
to the community.
the
In our own hamlet,
where we had rented two houses, we contributed financially
and with labour to local events.
Interviewing time schedules
were designed to avoid upsetting the work patterns
of people
and where necessary the interviewers made special appointments
to visit people who kept odd working hours.
The village
officials were very obliging in allowing us to take records
home so that the laborious
task of copying them could be
done in the evenings, which suited our work habits
them from having their office
and saved
cluttered.
A typical day would have interviewing in the morning
and late afternoon, with clerical jobs consigned to the
evening.
We would check the completed schedules during the
midday rest period and in the evening so that corrections
could be made as soon as possible after the original interview.
At times
the weight
of checking and coding the schedules
seemed oppresive, but the regular and prompt attention to these
functions
undoubtedly contributed significantly to the overall
accuracy of the survey and avoided situations where errors
could
multi p l y .
By the end of the field study all the schedules had been
checked and coded,
With somewhat
and the coding was
checked at least twice.
the attitude of consigning the project to an
uncertain fate, we packed all the forms
Australia.
for shipment back to
The assistants were all given their last pay,
bonus and a letter of recommendation and commendation.
were arranged for those who needed them,
a
Jobs
and copies of some
of the data were made for the assistants who were still keen
120
to write skripsis.
People in the community who had expressed a
desire to learn more about family planning methods during the
Attitude Survey
(there was a question to this effect) were
given booklets written by Dr Masri Singarimbun.
On March 10,
1973 as a final gesture of our appreciation to the community,
we had a farewell s e1ame tan followed by an all-night performance
of a wayang kulit, the Javanese shadow puppet play.
It was
then that one of the most serious drawbacks to the community
study approach became apparent.
The involvement which
had been the key to much of our understanding of the way of
life of our neighbours quickly turned to regret at the thought
of leaving.
The fact that we were facing the task of analysing
the survey and producing results offered little consolation.
4.5
Preparations for Analysis
4.5.1
Computer Analysis of the Survey Data
The bulk of the survey information having been coded in
the field,
easy.
the preparation for computer analysis was relatively
The data were punched onto cards by the A.N.U. Data
Processing Unit and transferred to
magnetic tape on the A.N.U.
Computer Centre’s Univac 1108 computer.
During the course of
the fieldwork we had outlined logical consistency checks and
code range checks for each variable of the survey.
These
were recorded in a series of notebooks which were used by
Ms
Anne Sandilands,
Programming Section,
any inconsistencies
a computer programmer in the Joint Schools
to prepare programmes for detecting
remaining in the data.
We checked each
inconsistency with the original questionnaire and made corrections
in the computer file by means of interactive consols which
allow direct manipulation of the data.
Later, as we began
to produce tables from the files, other inconsistencies and
unusual cases were uncovered,
and these were again checked
against the original information and, where necessary, corrected.
Despite the rigourous field checks and very accurate data
punching job, thousands of errors were detected and set right
during the nearly six months of data preparation.
these were almost inconsequential,
Some of
as in cases where a person's
inapplicability for a question should have been marked with
121
a particular numeral,
more serious
thus
but instead was
left blank.
and involved the shifting of codes across columns,
changing the whole meaning of the data.
what the cause of the inconsistency,
always
Others were
But, no matter
the original forms were
consulted to obtain the correction.
Standard tabulation programmes were used for the bulk of
the analysis
of the survey data, with most of the tables being
constructed using the X-Tab programme written by Ms Mary Rose
of the Joint Schools Programming Section.
The Pregnancy
History was partially analysed with the aid of the Bogue
Pregnancy History Analysis Programme
(see Bogue and Bogue 1970 for a
description of this) but when problems were encountered
with the calculations produced by this programme
the remaining
tables were produced with the X-Tab programme.
4.5.2
Analysis
of the Case Studies
In one sense analysis
and Field Notes
of the informally
collected data
in the study occurred as part of the collection procedure
since choice and expression of topics reveals much about the
investigators' evaluation of their importance, but quite a bit
more analysis was done on return from the field as we reviewed
all these notes
and arranged them according to various
different orders.
schooling was
For example,
analysed,
as the survey data on
the case studies would be reviewed,
and those with relevance to the topic set aside.
the cost of childbearing was
Then, when
considered these case studies
on schooling would be re-examined with this perspective in
mind,
and new insights
The impact
development
here,
that
gained as a result.
this type of information has had on the
of the research project cannot be fully detailed
and probably cannot be described in any complete sense.
The perceptions
formed over the year of living in the village
often work at a subconscious
level and lead to strong
feelings about the value of certain types of data and certain
recorded expressions
through numerous
of "fact".
interviews
For example,
and talking with hundreds of
people about the cost of schooling,
a statement
after sitting
it is impossible to accept
that a child did not continue in school because it
122
"didn't want
to" without
some scepticism.
Such an answer
is generally only a public expression designed to avoid
discussion of an embarrassing lack of finance.
But it is
impossible to describe in any systematic way the nature of
such feelings and how they emerged as a result of the informal
data collection procedure.
4.5.3
Defining Units of Analysis
Since the various stages
year to complete,
of the fieldwork took almost a
one of the key problems
to define the separate
'populations'
of analysis was
relevant to each stage
in such a way as to maintain comparability between stages.
In fact,
the very small numbers who moved in or out of the
area or died make little
difference to the final results of
various questions, but they had to be taken into account if
inconsistent sums in the tables were to be avoided.
from the point of view of data manipulation,
identify an individual's
Also,
it was easier to
status in a number of "populations"
and then exclude him from the tabulation process
than to deal
with a 'not-applicable' category in the final tables.
was especially true in cases where
generate the tables on the computer
provide calculations
deviations
could be arranged to
means
and standard
since a numeric value
denotation of a "not-applicable"
included in the calculation,
for the
category would often be
thus making the results useless.
Because of considerations
such as these we have identified
a number of different "populations"
represents
the programmes used to
for percentages,
automatically,
This
for analysis,
a significant group in the community,
each of which
or respondents
to a particular stage of the survey who share a number of
characteristics
was
in common.
In the case of the Census, which
the only stage to include changes
individuals,
residents
to the household,
residents
enumerated at the
and thus excluded temporary
and absentees, births which occurred in the course of
the year of the study,
Census.
of
this was done by specifying an "Original Population"
which consisted of all permanent
first visit
of the numbers
and people who arrived after the first
The "End-Population" was that existing at the conclusion
of the study,
and thus excluded deaths
and people who moved
123
away during the course of the year.
Populations
for the
other stages were fixed as of the date of the interview,
so
that the Economic Survey Population included all eligible
people permanently resident in the household on the day the
interviewer came to collect the information.
The population
was further limited by the criterion that people included
in the Economic Survey should be aged
criteria for the other stages
pattern.
The
of the survey followed a similar
All of these different populations are specified
in detail in Table 4.1.
chapters
five and over.
In the tables
included in the following
an effort has been made to ensure
that the population
being considered in the table is specified so that invalid
comparisons
are not made.
There are a number of considerations
manner in which the study was
carried out which have relevance
in a discussion of the appropriateness
of analysis.
implied in the
of certain techniques
The first of these is the fact that neither the
village nor the hamlets selected for intensive study were chosen
in a way which-allows evaluation of the significance
of the
data obtained here in comparison with any larger populations,
for example the sub-district or
the entire Yogyakarta region.
We have studied the whole population of an area which we have
called a community and as a result
significance
in those terms.
the findings have prima facia
The community is unusual,
hence the patterns we have found there are presumably
and
also
unusual and cannot be interpreted as representing the situation
of any group other than those we studied.
At the same time it should not be hard to accept
the
proposition that if we gain a broad and detailed understanding
of the behaviour and attitudes
will have implications
of Java in general.
of people
in Maguwoharjo this
for our understanding of the people
We selected Maguwoharjo because it
reflected many characteristics which are important in Javanese
society - contrasts in occupation,
economic standing,
and basic unity in nationalistic feelings
religion;
and adherence to the
rich and varied culture which has been received as part of
centuries
old traditions - and thus we would expect that
people's behaviour would in general,
if not in particular
124
instances, mirror the behaviour of compatriots throughout the
island.^
4.6
S ummary
The method of conducting this study was one which is
unusual in demography.
It combined the techniques of the
social survey and the philosophy of participant observation
to collect a wide variety of data from people living in a
community on the fringes of the city of Yogyakarta in central
Java.
This approach resulted in the collection of a body of
data which was more detailed and accurate than is normally
found in survey research,
and more extensive in coverage than
can be accomplished in the usual anthropological field study.
Among other things our residence in the community led to a
remarkably high degree of cooperation on the part of officials
and community members and facilitated the verification of a
wide variety of facts through village registration systems.
In addition,
since the survey was approaching people as part of
large and vital community the patterns of interaction between
neighbours which occur quite spontaneously could be used to
the advantage of the interview process.
Everybody knew that
all of their neighbours were going to be asked, and would
presumably answer,
the same questions and hence they were very
willing to participate rather than being the one left out,
but at the same time the survey could be conducted quickly
in the area of a hamlet,
and thus minimize the amount of
discussion which might occur to bias the answers.
Advantage
could also be made of the neighbourhood gossip networks to
learn of things which might otherwise be hidden from the survey,
and discover and circumvent any idiocyncrasies which might
predispose people to be upset by the prospect of being
interviewed at any particular time.
The overriding importance of this approach to the study
of human behaviour is that it recognizes
that people do not
live in isolation, but as parts of societies, that their
1
Maguwoharjo also, by combining the government and rural
groups, represents some of the sorts of contrasts frequently
found, today, in "developing" societies around the world.
125
positions
in the society are not generally determined at the
level of the national polity, but within the context of their
myriad relationships with other members
of their families
and geographic and social
To understand why
communities.
people who are poor behave in a different way
are rich, we must understand what it means
community in which
they live,
meaning of being rich.
status
to those who
to be poor in the
and contrast that with
Similarly,
an understanding of religious,
and occupational differentials
of how each of these dimensions
the
demands
an understanding
of social and personal life
is reflected in the structure of the community.
In the next
two chapters we will try to describe the community of Maguwoharjo
in such a way as to show the relative positions
in the social and economic patterns
Then the ways
of individuals
of life in the village.
of life of different socioeconomic groups will
be related to their demographic behaviour.
understanding of these aspects
Once a firm
of the society are established
it will be possible to undertake a consideration of the meaning
of the concept
of the value of children in the context of the
behaviour of parents
in Maguwoharjo.
PART III
THE COMMUNITY OF MAGUW OHARJ 0
CHAPTER 5
THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE OF MAGUWOHARJO
5.1
Introduction
It is always
dangerous
to try to characterize a people in
terms of broad generalizations which purport to describe
peculiar or unique elements
of their personalities or culture.
No matter how perceptive or erudite
bound
to misrepresent
the description it is
since, by its nature,
it will highlight
certain aspects of the people's behaviour which are striking
to the observer,
and will in the process
ignore many aspects
which would be striking to someone with a different background,
or which are far more important to the people themselves.
About all that can be said to justify the position of the
outsider making such evaluations
which he brings
is that the different experiences
to bear on an issue can often be illuminating;
just as in the manner of a candle which, while casting a
distorted shadow of an object,
often succeeds
in representing
its basic form with clarity.
So it is that some people will find the following
description of Maguwoharjo weighing heavily on issues of
social divisions at the expense of an appreciation of social
harmony.
The themes developed most strongly here are those
of the cleavages between generations
and between social classes
which place individuals in the community in very different
perspectives with respect
Some
families
to their
family-building behaviour.
in Maguwoharjo are extremely poor,
been so for generations, while others
and have
descend from people who
held important posts in the great Mataram Court and are well-to-do
in the context of rural Java.
There are substantial religious
differences, with about half the village being strict
of the Islamic faith,
followers
and the others being mainly adherents
to traditional animistic beliefs or Christians.
revolution there have been immense
changes
Since the
in the availability
of schooling and health facilities which have meant that the
younger generation has been raised in an atmosphere radically
126
127
different from that familiar to the old people who still
remember the colonial era. Many of the young are imbued with
a sense of changing lifestyles, and because of this are
rejecting many traditional customs in favour of "modern" ideas
which are brought into the community by books, magazines,
radio and rumour. These and many other differences are related
to changing practices of marriage, childbearing, and the
incidence of mortality, and as a result the character of the
family is changing in Maguwoharjo, as it is in much of Java.
It is for this reason that an emphasis on differences rather
than similarities is found in what follows.
This emphasis
will hopefully be sufficiently balanced to capture the
importance of the themes we are following without losing
sight of the basic humanity of the people we are studying.
5.2 The Setting
To many people in Maguwoharjo it sometimes seems as if
the village lies between two very powerful forces. To the
North, rising majestically above the deep green fields of
saw ah and intermittant coconut palms, is Mount Merapi. This
usually dormant volcano has spread an apron of rich soil
which reaches out forty kilometers or so to the Indonesian Sea
to the South, and which supports the intensive rice cultivation
which forms the keystone of the economy of the people of
Maguwoharjo and the other villages in the region. Merapi also
represents a timelessness which figures prominently in the
spiritualistic beliefs of many of the residents of the Yogyakarta
Special Region.
The other force is represented by the Adisucipto
Airport and the National Air Force Academy which lie on the
southern flank of the village on land which used to belong
to the farmers of nearby hamlets. This is a force of modernity,
with all the symbols of the jet age which has so upset the
rhythms of traditional existence.
On the one hand Merapi's
wisp of smoke and verdant panoply, on the other the bright arc
lamps and heat-shimmering runways; and between them a community
which is caught up in the social and economic changes which are
bringing about a transformation of Javanese society.
128
There is little in the written record of the history of
Maguwoharjo.
tales passed
From the few scraps which remain in the form of
on by old men and minuscule
quotations
in ancient
record books we can piece together some of the important
factors which determined the setting of the village.
We know
that in the Eighteenth Century the land which today comprised
Maguwoharjo was owned by the Sultan of Yogyakarta,
and was part
of an estate which contained a number of rest-houses.
years
following the Java Wars,
the rebellion against
a religious
Diponegoro,
the Dutch,
teacher from Paingan,
the northern part of the village.
crushed and Diponegoro exiled,
up a religious
the prince who led
took as one of his advisors
an area which now comprises
When the rebellion was
the man returned home and set
school which continued through most of the
Nineteenth Century.
schools
In the
It was
followed by a number of other
and the area became heavily influenced by the religious
teachings
of these early pioners.
It was within these institutions
that the nationalistic movements which were active in Maguwoharjo
in the early part
of this century were incubated.
At around this same time the Sultan leased some of the
land of Maguwoharjo to Dutch sugar plantations,
mill was
constructed in the middle of what
the village.
and a sugar
today constitutes
The mill continued in operation until the 1 9 3 0 ’s
when the worldwide Depression caused a cutback in production.
The major improvements
in irrigation which had been brought
about because of the sugar were now used for the benefit
farmers.
In early 1940, by which time sugar had begun to
reassert itself on world markets,
the news
of rice
the village was jolted with
that the Netherlands had been invaded,
Dutch business
concerns
and had fallen.
and government officers were shaken
by this news, while many of the very nationalistic young
people of the village saw
colonial power.
Two years
in it a sign of the weakness of the
later the arrival of the Japanese
armies with their message of the Co-prosperity Sphere was thus
greeted by some as a liberating f o r c e d
But
this euphoria
1 A very good coverage of the period of war and revolution in
Indonesia is contained in Reid (1974).
129
quickly vanished as the people of Maguwoharjo began to
experience many of the difficulties faced by their compatriots:
the food shortages,
the forced conscription of young men into
the dreaded Romusha work forces, and eventually localized famines.
With the end of World War Two the people of Maguwoharjo
were caught up in the excitement of Independence.
With a
proclamation on August 17, 1945, Sukarno and Hatta declared an
end to colonial rule.
In the following month or so an attempt
was made at the national level to secure the orderly transfer
of power from the Japanese Administration to the new government,
However,
this was interrupted on September 29, 1945, when the
British, in support of their Dutch allies, landed troops in
Surabaya for the ostensible reason of ensuring the safety of
allied prisoners of war, but with the more important effect of
reasserting Dutch control in the area.
followed,
In the battle which
the bloodiest of the revolution, crack British troops
and planes went up against the young nationalists of the city
who had armed themselves with Japanese weapons.
broke out in Semarang and Bandung,
Fighting also
and for everyone in Java
it became clear for the first time that the independence would
only be won with violent revolution.
In Maguwoharjo this
realization was made vivid by the number of its young men who
were involved in the clash against the British in Surabaya,
and,
in July of 1947 the fighting was brought right into the village
when the Dutch Air Force bombed the airport and the surrounding
countryside.
December,
Another direct attack on the village was made in
1948, when bombing was followed by a paratroop landing
and a sweep through the countryside on the way to Yogyakarta,
which by this time was the capital of the republican government
Most of the population of Maguwoharjo had fled to the mountains
before the attack, but many of those who had stayed behind to
tend their crops were killed by Dutch soldiers.^
1 Many people continue to fear and hate the landa (Dutchman,
white man) because of the loss of a relative during this peiod.
One incident during the survey dramatized this emotional issue.
A woman being asked about her first marriage suddenly began to
weep uncontrollably. She related how she and her husband had
returned to their home and fields after hiding for weeks in the
mountains.
She was preparing dinner while he was harvesting
some crops in their housegarden.
The sound of loud talking
outside attracted her attention and she reached the door just
as two Dutch soldiers shot and killed her husband.
130
Despite the strife of the time the village government was
slowly being reorganized,
as the leaders
attempted to overcome
the economic chaos which had been inherited
of Japanese
rule.
from the years
Under the new system of village organization,
promulgated by the Yogyakarta Regional Government,
three
villages were unified under one administration and the Lurah
or headman, was given a number of assistants
to help him in
the administration of the business of the new,
area.
and larger,
The village was also divided up into 20 hamlets
(p adukuhan)
each of which were headed by a Kepala Dukuh who reported to the
Lurah.
This village governmental structure
in Diagram 5.1) was
series
of stages:
(district),
region)
tied to the national government
the kecamatan
and finally the various
through a
(sub-district) , kabupaten
propinsi or daerah istimewah
Diagram 5.1
(which is depicted
(province or special
departments of the central
Governmental Organization of Maguwoharjo,
Reports
1972.
to Kecamatan and above
LURAH
P amon g
Head of
General Section
(2 Assistants)
Head of
Social Section
(1 Assistant)
Head of
Welfare Section
(2 Assistants)
Head of
Security Section
(2 Assistants)
Head of
Religious Section
(1 Assistant)
Kepala Dukuh
One for each of 20 Padukuhan
(Responsible directly to the Lurah
but responsive to his orders
delegated through the Pamong)
Note:
Source:
Selosoemardjan (1962: 417-421) presents a variety of charts
showing the changing organization of the governmental
hierarchy of the Special Region of Yogyakarta from 1918 to
1959.
In various discussions in the text Selosoemardjan
also outlines many of the important changes which have
occured in the region in this century.
Village organizational wall chart.
131
government.
At each level officials
representing
the major
governmental departments were responsible for passing decisions
from higher levels to ones below,
some cases taxes and fees)
and information
from lower levels
In Maguwoharjo many of the positions
(and in
to the one above.
in the new governmental
structure were filled by people who had been officials
years.
for
The Lurah, who has remained in the position since
village reorganization, was
the lurah of one of the three old
villages which were combined to form Maguwoharjo.
two former lurahs are now his
assistants,
the important social affairs branch,
in charge of welfare.
the
The other
one in charge of
and the other the assistant
Thus organized in 1946,
the village
administration set about executing the orders of the new
government
and making some important decisions which have
helped to shape the present
day structure of the village.
Among the first measures
to be taken was agrarian reform.
Land which had previously been the property of* the Sultan and
used by the sugar company was
given to the peasants who
worked it,
completely replaced by rice
and thus sugar was
as the major crop in the village.
By 1950 many of the major
changes of government had already taken place,
and the day to
day business of governing settled into an easy pace.
registration of births
haphazard, was
and deaths,
recommenced in 1950,
The
long ignored and often
and statistics began to be
collected on a wide variety of social and economic matters.
The Air Force Base began to have a more constant population of
families
connected with it, and many of them,
sterile environment
ineligible
on nearby
of on-base living,
disliking the
and sometimes being
for housing on the base, moved into houses built
land which had once been s a w a h .
The southern half
of the village thus acquired a more dense pattern of settlement
and urban-fringe atmosphere which has survived to the present.
Throughout
the 1950's
the changes which affected the rest
of Java were generally more vivid in Maguwoharjo.
The village
had its own clinic very early in the days of independence,
built many schools.
and
The children of Maguwoharjo who did
well in the village school had a relatively short bicycle
to town to attend one of the secondary schools,
one of the many universities.
ride
and possibly
The political fervour preceding
132
the elections
of 1955 saw the establishment
parties many of which set up branches
village split between
Muslims
in the village.
two main groups,
of the northern hamlets
of scores of small
The
though, with the devout
supporting Nahdatul Ulama
(N.U.) backed conservative Muslim parties while the bulk of
the rest of the village supported the Nationalist Party
(P.N.I.).
The Communist Party had only a few followers in the southern
part of the village and the Catholic Party picked up a few
supporters
from among its members.
There was
interest in some
of the grand issues of the day, but by and large, people were
more concerned with very local happenings,
including the gradual
deterioration of the irrigation facilities under the conditions
of disrepair,
themselves
and the economic difficulties which were making
felt in the latter half of the 1 9 5 0 ’s.
Through the sixties the great occurrences
and tragedies
of the period were mainly rumours and news stories
people in Maguwoharjo.
to most
The economic situation', with its high
rates of inflation and great shortages was of course distressing,
but when,
in late 1965,
the start of a bloodbath
the attempted communist coup signalled
in large areas of Java which set
neighbour against neighbour,
unaffected.
Maguwoharjo was virtually
The few communists
and communist sympathizers
were quickly arrested and taken off to prison camps or later
to the prison island of Buru, but nobody in the village was
killed.
Since
1966 Maguwoharjo has responded to the directives
of the New Order government of President
general enthusiasm.
prevailed,
The conditions
both in politics
at the 1971 elections
Suharto with fairly
of stability which
and in prices, were welcome,
so
over 60% of the voters supported the
government backed coalition of functional groups GOLKAR.
Another 27% supported N.U., but again they were concentrated
in the north of the village,
and only 5% continued to support
the once popular Nationalist Party.
New programmes have brought
substantial changes
It was one of the early
participants
to the village.
in the rice intensification schemes which
accompanied the spread of high yielding varieties
of rice.
The village is in a subdistrict which was one of the sites of
a Family Planning Association Model Clinic,
and thus was
133
exposed to an intensive mass birth control campaign before
most of the rest of Java.
The major elements in Maguwoharj o's history which exert
a strong influence on the present are thus easily identified.
First, there are the strong religious traditions which have
been so important in the lives of the people in the northern
parts of the village. Second, the sugar plantations established
the efficient irrigation system providing a firm base for
the establishment of s awah agriculture after the war, and this
has made the region amenable to the high yielding rice
varieties in recent years. Third, the land reform in the
first years of independence led to the distribution of most of
the land in the village in very small parcels, and codified
the ownership of land under the name of peasant cultivators.
In the years since this reform there has been some concentration
of the landholding pattern, but not to the level or extent
that exists in other areas of Java. Fourth, the establishment
of the Airport, and Air Force Base on the southern flank of the
village has introduced a source of alternative employment
for the villagers, and has brought new people into the area.
More importantly, these institutions have brought new lines of
communication and symbols of modernity within sight, if not
always within reach, of the population of the village. Finally,
the village’s position astride one of the major corridors
of road and rail transport on the island have opened the way
for many of its inhabitants to venture forth into the cities
of the republic, or over to one of the settlements on one of
the other islands of the archipelago.
In all of these ways Maguwoharjo occupies a unique position
among the villages of Java, and yet this very difference makes
it an interesting place to study. Many of the great divisions
and unifying forces which act in all of Java are presented here
in a concentrated form, and we are thus able to focus on
elements of behaviour in the context of this one community
which might otherwise show up only as great regional differences
or cleavages between urban and rural ways of life. At one
extreme in Maguwoharjo are the farmers who work the same
fields that their fathers and grandfathers worked (though
of course they are growing different crops).
Many of them are
134
very religious, and very conservative.
Some of their wives
have never been as far from their house as the airport, and
for many of their children the greatest hope in schooling
is to reach third class of primary school. At the other
extreme, only three kilometers away, are people trained in
computer operations and jet aircraft maintenance. There is
thus a mixture of urbanity and isolation which creates in
Maguwoharjo a convenient arena for viewing some of the
important themes in the social and economic life of Java.
5.3 The Dimensions of Social and Economic Class in Maguwoharjo
Everyone has some idea of the definition of such terms
as "class" and "status" in the context of their own society,
and many people hold strong opinions about the supposed operation
of these concepts, but remarkably few people can give general
definitions of any precision to these terms which can then
be applied to rank individuals in the society without allowing
for a myriad of exceptions. If, for example, income is chosen
as the major determinant of economic class, it is immediately
pointed out that some people have very low incomes, but great
amounts of wealth, and are thus of a higher class than the
measure would indicate. Similarly, if we are talking about
social status and using the measure of wealth, the example of
the great respect accorded to spiritual leaders who have given
up their wealth again calls the standard of measure into question.
This situation confounds any attempt to devise a simple
measure for ranking people in Maguwoharjo according to their
social or economic class.
However, any analysis of the
demographic and economic behaviour of the wide variety of
people in the village will become hopelessly bogged down unless
some relatively simple measure can be accepted which will both
be theoretically meaningful and yet still reflect the major
differences which go into the relegation of people into different
classes in the society.
To help us along in the direction of
defining such a measure we should first review some of the
systems of social categorization which have been used in the
past to define certain aspects of social class in Javanese
society, and then examine in detail some of the elements of the
135
economic structure of the village which are important in
determining p e o p l e ’s socioeconomic positions
in this very
special a r e a .
5.3.1 Systems
of Categorization
The terms used to describe persons of different
statuses
or economic classes vary throughout Java but in
general the principles
same.
social
These are;
on which judgements
are made are the
landownership, traditional status,
of residence in the community,
and religion.
length
All of these
principles have meaning to people in the villages
of Java
and are used to mark off levels between neighbours.
In
addition systems which have more relevance when used between
the village and urban areas,
where
a mixed economy
or in villages
is firmly established can be found
to be based on occupation,
degree of modernity,
to extra-village institutions
appropriately
and attachment
(such as political parties,
religious educational organizations
these dimensions
such as Maguwoharjo
etc.)
of ranking individuals
Clearly some of
are much more
related to the concept of economic class while
others relate to social status of personal rank, but they
have in common the fact that they serve to indicate the position
of individuals
orders
in some sort of hierarchy,
reflected in these hierarchies
and in many ways the
overlap
and reinforce
one another.
One of the most
Javanese society
common systems of categorization of
(among English-speaking academics)
is that
which is described in its most detailed form by Clifford
Geertz
(1960,
1965:
148-149).
It combines
a religious with
a traditional status system of classification to describe
three groups
("cultural categories"
1965:
148):
Ab a n g a n , representing a stress on the animistic
aspects of the over-all Javanese syncretism and
broadly related to the peasant element in the
population; s a n t r i , representing a stress on the
Islamic aspects of the syncretism and generally
related to the trading element (and to certain
elements of the peasantry as well); and p rij a ji ,
stressing Hinduist aspects and related to the
bureaucratic element ..." (1960: 6).
136
In very general
terms this system of classification has some
relevance in Maguwoharj o , as it does throughout Javanese
society, because it does identify traditions which are
recognized by all members of the society, but as Geertz points
out repeatedly it is sometimes
difficult to attain any
precision of definition in particular situations;
one m a n ’s
s an t ri is another's ab a n g a n , while bureaucrats might
themselves
consider
to be members of all or none of the groups
depending on the social context in which they are questioned.
As such,
the system is much more useful in aiding us in our
thinking about
the general structure of society than it is in
providing us categories
for data collection and analysis.
More useful systems
for the satisfaction of the latter
goal can be found in the indigenous systems of social
ranking which are based on landowning and traditional social
status.
These are most effectively described in Koentj araningrat
(1967:
245,
267-268)
Franke
(1972:
and can also be found in Sartono
88) and Selosoemardjan
(1962:
40).
used in the ranking systems varies regionally
in the cited sources) but the principles
On the scale of landowning the lowest
(1972:
77),
The terminology
(and can be found
are generally the same.
level is occupied by those
who have no irrigated rice land, housegarden or house.
the next level are those with a house,
At
but no garden or land,
then those who have a house and garden and at the top those with
house,
garden and ownership of irrigated fields.
Koentjaraningrat points out
(1967:
267)
this ranking is only
appropriate within the farming areas of villages,
Franke stresses
(1972:
As
and as
89) it is virtually always cumulative;
nobody who owns irrigated land fails to have a garden and if
he has a garden he is sure to have a house.
Koentjaraningrat
also reports on two systems of rank which
tie the peasant sphere into the larger community.
which he calls
the horizontal system,
(little people)
and the ndara
from the priyayi
(nobility).
the wong cilik
(traditional bureaucrats)
This is the traditional status system.
Wong sudagar were traders of various
and they generally
divides
The first,
levels
in this system,
fell somewhere intermediate between the
nobility and the "little" people.
The second system, which
137
Koentjaraningrat calls vertical,
is that which distinguishes
religious groups as ab an gan and s an tri .
Unlike Geertz, who
went into great detail developing the metaphysical characteristics
of the ab angan group, Koentjaraningrat simply divides the
two groups according to the principle of those who do not
and those who do adhere faithfully
worship.
to Islamic dogma and
This may be a bit simplistic as a description of
actual social differences, but it is vastly easier than Geertz 's
complex formulations to apply to the analysis of survey data.
But for the mixed economy of Maguwoharjo all of these
systems can be seen to have only partial applicability.
Many
Air Force members own no land or house and would thus be at
the bottom of the landownership scale,
and they are sometimes
Christians, which would put them outside the system of
religious classifications which are sometimes used to describe
people.
Also they are increasingly descendants of wong cilik,
so some traditional status scale would place them at the bottom
again.
Yet clearly they hold lofty positions in the village,
both in terms of personal rank and economic class.
Because of this regard must be taken of the ranks implied
in the holding of various occupations.
This is implicit in
many of the scales cited above, but is seldom developed in
detail because communities usually studied by anthropologists
have generally been dominated by agriculture, and thus their
concern has been centred on the division of people economically
according to their status as labourers or landowners, and
socially according to their religion and position in the
traditional bureaucracy.
These are confused in Maguwoharjo
by the influence of modern institutions which imply new forms
of status based on modernism,
national economy.'*'
and participation in the
The existance of these different status
or class systems which are sometimes, but not always,
overlapping and mutually reinforcing presents numerous
1 Robert Jay (1969: 239-288) has a very useful discussion in
this regard.
He considers the principles which apply in
the daily expression of rank, including language, exchange
relationships, occupation, urbanism, and various forms of
income and wealth.
138
difficulties
would
like
will
for
to
have
capture
which
can
the
next
5.3.2
in
workings
of
discussed
ii.
v .
we w i l l
first
socioeconomic
step
the
Landholding.
in
"access"
to
sawah,
this
wa y
both
work
it
field
behaviour.
In
such
of
class
These
status,
in
of
dimensions
a wa y
of
Class
formulation
in
a measure.
Maguwoharjo
a measure
describe
which
are:
iv.
which
examination
for
must
all
for
the
some
within
land
of
accounts,
with
of
the
were
i.
landholding,
occupation
a family
to
which
later.
For
the
sawah.
that
this
south
privately,
officials
ranging
to
which
The
most
is
two-thirds
compared
Base.
time
harvest
any
and
only
are
majority
with
most
in
a
closer
of
of
larger
as
has
with
access
to
Air
land
in
part
the
plots
which
people
have
hectare)
of
access
to
500m
find
,
have
in
Force
own
or
it
village
salary.
to
2
to
hamlets
sawah
lieu
43%
hamlets
the
of
adjusted
we
sharecroppers,
of
the
access
in
and
land
only
being
areas
(.01
be
that
"northern"
households
100m
of
ownership
had
families
fam ilies'
than
could
5.1
road
2
piece
s o me
that
two
perspective,
in
the
on
amount
get
mean
full
which
Table
to
higher
Maguwoharjo
given
from
a
in
will
main
rest
not
a neighbour's
order
the
the
does
works
counted
but
are
size
this
to
wh o
in
in
be
families
to
but
In
the
things
of
control.
to
geographic
fifth
land
regarded
in
or
of
wh o h a v e
them a c c o r d i n g
piece,
studied
households
being
access
find
think
as
course,
are
may
regarded
Of
we
the
are
influence
be
we
which
of
these
of
family
rank
will
seen
s ome
wa y w i l l
with
being
households
Wh e n
over
sawah
the
1368
the
a smaller
However,
o wn s
the
can
of
ownership
and
sharecrop
works
product.
which
sphere
in
level
proportion
standing.
shared
and
rights
family
the
is
of
basic
through
a n d we
their
most
the
family
their
which
the
either
share
of
measure
of
themselves,
fam ilies,
land
At
terms
farming
the
Economic
traditional
landholding
the
search
section.
class
we
income.
i.
of
the
we
previous
iii.
for
planning
the
the
Ideally,
society
Maguwoharjo
various
the
religion,
in
the
family
and
in
of
basis
begin
Social
class
in
and
data.
socioeconomic
divisions
fertility
of
survey
of
a meaningful
Components
the
of
measure
basic
section
As
analysis
one
provide
differences
the
the
For
are minuscule,
or
from
139
TABLE 5.1
CONTROL OF SAWAH BY REGION OF THE VILLAGE
(STUDY HAMLETS)
Region
"North"
"Central"
"South"
All
Farming Families:
% of males 15+ in each
hamlet of region who
are "farmers"
Range =
30-50%
18-27%
0-6%
0-50%
(Percentages of Households)
Tenure Arrangement
N
=
39 3
525
450
1368
No access to sawah
33
55
80
57
Private owner
Village land (Bengkok)
Rented
Other arrangement
Mixed tenure
47
2
2
10
6
31
1
2
7
3
8
1
1
8
1
28
1
1
9
3
(Percentages of Households
with Access to Sawah)
Area of Land
0.01 0.10-0.20 0.50 1.00 2.00 +
N
0.09 hectares
0.19
0.49
0.99
1.99
Source:
=
264
39
30
23
3
2
4
234
50
25
19
3
2
1
584
87
38
25
24
6
3
5
43
27
22
3
2
3
Economic Survey.
0.2 to .5 acres.
As we have said,
this is a legacy of the land
distribution after the war, and it implies that the majority
of families cannot possibly earn their full living off their
land.
According to the traditional Javanese saying, a family
of four children needs at least one bau (.7 hectare)
of land
to have "enough", while few of the men in Maguwoharjo questioned
on the Attitude Survey thought that less than a hectare would
suffice.
By either of these measures most households with
access to land are below the level which is regarded as
sufficient.
140
But,
as we have said,
the examination of mere access to
land has a number of problems
of interpretation involved.
For this reason we must distinguish between various
systems
of land control according to the manner in which a household
gains
access to the land
(whether by ownership or rental etc.)
and the manner in which the land is worked
household exclusively,
or in conjunction with another household).
The distribution of households with access
to these two dimensions
boxes
(either by the
to land according
is shown in Table 5.2.
Looking at the
at the bottom marked I, II, and III, we can identify
three basic patterns
TABLE 5.2
of control.
In box I are the households
SYSTEMS OF LAND CONTROL IN THE STUDY HAMLETS
Method of Working
Worked
100 %
by h 'hold
Method of Access
A.
B.
C.
D.
Personal Ownership
Bengkok
Rented in or Other
Mixed Tenure
E. All Methods
Sharecropped
289
4
46
16
49
6
84
355
139
-
Mixed,
All
rented out
methods
or other
45
9
7
29
383
19
137
45
90
584
(Column Percentages)
A
B
C
D
81
1
13
5
35
4
60
0
73
15
11
48
66
3
23
8
E
100
100
100
100
(Row Percentages)
Source:
A
B
C
D
75
21
34
36
13
32
61
0
12
47
5
64
100
100
100
100
E
61
24
16
100
A
B
C
D
I
49
1
8
3
E
61
Economic Survey.
(Total Percentages)
II
8
8
1
2
1
14
III
0
5
24
15
66
3
23
8
100
141
who own (either personally or as part of their remuneration for
government work) their own land, and who work it exclusively
themselves. They are independent farmers. In Box II we find
the households which own land, but who have someone else work
all or part of it, either as part of a sharecropping arrangement,
or on the payment of rental. Box III contains those people
who do not own land, but are dependent on other families for
their access to sawah. They account for almost a third of
the farming families in the village, but they are dependent on
the group in box II who represent only a fifth.
When we examine four of the major systems of land control
noted in Table 5.3 according to the amount of land involved in
any of the relations between methods of ownership and use,
we find that there is very little difference in the distributions
of households by size of land for each arrangement. This is
not surprising since the very finely and evenly divided pattern
of landholding makes it unlikely that any particular type of
arrangement would involve a heavy concentration of families with
large plots of land. At the same time we can see from the table
that people who rent or sharecrop in land (columns 2 and 4) almost
always do so with very small blocks, whereas people who allow
their land to be sharecropped by others are sometimes owners of
blocks which are of quite substantial size.
From the information presented in these tables it is clear
that land can only be a partial measure of the socioeconomic
standing of people in Maguwoharjo. On the one hand many people
are independent of the agricultural sector, and for them
landholding is of little relevance in determining status.
On the
other hand those families who are dependent on land are faced with
a pattern of landholding which is extremely finely divided,
and thus land can only be a partial reflection of their position
in society. The way that they supplement their limited incomes
from farming would be an important determinant of their standing.
ii. Religion.
In Maguwoharjo, as in most of Java, religion
is a sensitive topic which must be treated circumspectly in any
social survey. The first principle of the Pancasila, the
Indonesian State Philosophy, is belief in one supreme God, and
because of this all Indonesians are expected to be adherents of
142
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143
a recognised religion.
However,
description of Geertz's
"cultural categories"
disagreement
over what
as was pointed out in the
the boundaries
there is some
of "religion" really are.
Over 90% of Javanese people are nominally Muslim, but Geertz
has argued in his major work,
statistic hides
The Religion of J a v a ,
that this
the differences between those who are members
of one or another strict Muslim sect,
those who practice
animistic worship of a wide variety of spirits and deities,
and those who practice ancient
of this it is often difficult
forms of mysticism.
Because
to gather accurate information
on p e o p l e ’s religious practices
from questions on censuses
and sur v e y s .
In the Census
stage of the study we asked the religion of
each household member,
5.4.
and got the answers
These are "nominal"
answers
presented in Table
to the question, with 91% of
the population claiming to be followers of Islam, while the
others are mainly Catholics
and Protestants with a few "odd"
answers of no religion or don't know.
TABLE 5.4
From this table we find
CLAIMED RELIGION ACCORDING TO REGION OF THE VILLAGE
(COLUMN PERCENTAGES)
Region of Village
Religion
North
I s lam
Roman Catholic
Protes tant
Hindu
Other
85
8
3
*
0
91
5
2
*
*
*
0
0
*
1
*
1
3
*
1
1
*
1831
Note:
*
Source:
Less
Census
All
91
5
2
*
*
100
N
South
98
1
*
0
0
Only believe in God
None
Don't know
Total
Cent ral
100
100
100
2468
2261
6560
than 0.5%.
(Original Population).
that the northern part of the village is almost exclusively
Muslim, while other religions
end.
tend to cluster at the southern
There is no mystery to the Muslim influence in the north;
144
it is the result of the religious schools which were establised
there in the Nineteenth Century.
What is of interest is the
impact of Christianity in the South. There are two related
explanations for this. First, many of the people who came to
work in the Airport in the early years after independence
were highly educated, having received that education in religious
schools. They brought their religions with them and because
of their relative wealth, have been able to establish them in
rather impressive church buildings and schools. Second, after
the first Christians had come into the area they secured
numerous converts among people who associated the new church
with modernity.
Sermons in the churches stress the success
of Christians in the professions in Indonesia, and the reputed
conservatism of Islam. Members attend services dressed in
suits, white shirts and ties, and generally reject the wearing
of traditional dress. Also, the most modern building in
the village is the Susteran (convent) which has electricity,
piped water, and a kitchen full of appliances. For many of
the young public servants of the village these aspects of
the religious groups are very appealing, and they thus give up
the traditions of their fathers in favour of the new faiths.
To gain some idea of the strength of religious conviction
among the people who claim nominal adherence to Islam we asked
respondents to the Attitude Survey to tell us whether they
followed the practices of their religion strictly, performing
the salat five times daily, fasting in the month of Pu as a and
attending the Mosque regularly. This question was one of a
long line of questions about regular communication and health
behaviour, and thus did not provoke an adverse reaction as
being especially prying (see page 2 of the Attitude questionnaire
in the Appendix).
The responses to the question revealed that
the majority of people who were nominally Muslim were not strict
in their practices, (see Table 5.5), and a fairly constant
proportion of just over a quarter of the people in each age
group considered themselves strict Muslims. The "other"
category, which included Christians, Hindus, and other faiths
were generally strict in the tenets of their religion. They
tended to be very young people, were mainly converts, and were
highly concentrated among government employees (11% of them
145
STRENGTH OF RE LI GI OUS CONVI CTI ON ACCORDI NG TO AGE
GROUP AND SEX, AND REGI ON OF THE VI LLAGE
TABLE 5 . 5
(ROW PERCENTAGES)
Strict
I s lam
N
By
Sex
and
Religion
In form al
Others
I s lam
Total
Age
Males
<35
35-44
45 +
All
331
314
29 5
940
27
25
26
26
64
71
69
68
9
4
4
6
100
100
99
100
457
319
1 75
9 51
25
23
29
67
73
67
8
4
4
100
100
100
1891
25
69
6
100
286
331
323
940
45
21
14
26
53
71
78
68
2
7
8
6
100
99
100
100
288
332
331
9 51
44
19
14
25
54
73
78
69
2
7
8
6
100
99
100
100
Females
<35
35-44
45 +
All
All
By
Sex
and
'R e g i o n
Males
North
Central
South
All
Females
North
Central
South
All
Source:
have
Attitude
"other"
occupations
religions),
(21%).
concentrated
40% o f
the
Conversely,
thus
the
Survey
in
reinforced
northern
adhere
Christians
divisions
with
m ilitary
Geographically,
the
people
the
we
However,
as
with
a description
of
the
closely
and
to
to
ab an g a n
noted
regard
areas
in
the
of
the
the
are
landholding,
and
strict
skilled
Muslims
village
tenets
of
are
where
the
concentrated
landholding
religious
religious
( 1 1 %)
patterns
over
faith.
in
the
south,
are
differences.
it
is
adherence
difficult
of
to
formulate
individuals
which
will
146
reflect
their socioeconomic status.
Strict Muslims
generally respected in the community,
but they range over the
whole breadth of the economic spectrum,
labourers
to village officials.
Christians
are
from poor landless
It is easier to say that
as a group hold a high position in the community,
but there are so few of them that any comparison of their
demographic behaviour against that of either their strict Muslim
or ab an g an neighbours, would be difficult
to analyse.
However,
we are at least aware now of the general pattern of religious
belief and will be able to consider some of the influences
that the geographically based religious differences will have
in other a r e a s .
iii. Traditional Status.
survey
No questions were included on the
concerning any traditional standing members of the
community may have had, but we know from observation that there
were only a few families which could claim a connection with
the S u l t a n ’s Kraton,
and a few more who are descendants
a long line of civil servants.
from
For all of these people the
historical importance associated with their connection to
illustrious
ancestors was
a source of pride and was often
linked with the economic opportunities
enjoy in the village,
but they were
wong cilik of the region.
they have been able to
far outnumbered by the
Some of them have the right to carry
courtly
titles
(or did have the right in the past)
context
of their daily lives
but in the
these things seem to have less
importance than the positions which they have been able to
obtain by virtue of their education.
What is more important in Maguwoharjo is the number of people
who are not traditionally prijayi, but who today are practicing
the traditional mysticism and involvement in art that the
courts were
famous for.
They are generally middle level
military people or public servants
from ab angan families who
are looking for some meaningful philosophy and lifestyle which
fits more easily with their new positions
beliefs that their parents
to the group
taught them.
than did the animistic
They are very similar
that are converting to Christianity in their search
for a new faith, but unlike them they are rejecting many of
modern notions
"science".
in favour of the traditional Javanese i l m u , or
Again, while the traditional status system implies
147
that these people have a higher socioeconomic status in the
village,
their total impact is so small as to be irrelevant
for any large scale analysis.
iv. Occupation.
In each of the three preceeding components
of an understanding of the socioeconomic class system in
Maguwoharjo we have been stymied in any attempt to formulate a
strict classification of people because of either the vagueness
of definition, or the lack of sufficient division in the scales
used.
With occupation this problem is overcome to a certain
extent by the fact that we already know that the village has
substantial numbers of people in different occupational groups;
after all,
this was one of the factors behind the choice of
Maguwoharjo.
What will be difficult is to group these
occupations so as to give sufficiently large numbers of people
in various categories for comparisons of demographic behaviour
and still maintain meaning in each category.
In Table 5.6 we can see the complete occupational breakdown
of the adult population of the study hamlets according to sex
and two broad age groups.
Over fifty specific occupations
have been grouped into eleven occupation groups.
Strictly
speaking some of the occupations could be more accurately
described as activities,
as in the case of carrying water or
babysitting or not working, but for the sake of simplicity in
the discussion which follows we will continue to refer to them
as occupations;
they are in fact the response to the question
"what is your primary work".
The manner of grouping the specific
occupations was formulated so as to place in the same group
those occupations which had some common elements of operation,
social standing or remuneration.
Thus the group called
labourers includes those who work at very low wages at generally
menial tasks, but people working at permanent 1ab ouring-1ype
jobs for the government are included as government workers,
because their generally higher salaries and the rice allowance
they receive for each family member set them substantially
above other labourers in both economic and social terms.
One problem which arises in the interpretation of the meaning
of these various specific occupations and the manner in which they
are grouped is the differences in required commitment to each job.
148
TABLE 5.6
COMPLETE OCCUPATIONAL BREAKDOWN OF THE STUDY
POPULATION ACCORDING TO SEX AND BROAD AGE CATEGORIES
(COLUMN PERCENTAGES)
Males
Des cription
Age =
20-39
Females
40 +
20-39
40+
1. Not Working
1
6
*
4
2 . Student
1
0
0
3. Government Official (Sub-total)
Unskilled official
Semi-skilled
Skilled (Low-education)
Skilled (High-education)
Reduced work-load
6
1
5
1
*
0
10
3
6
1
0
*
0
*
0
*
0
0
0
13
32
8
15
4
3
2
4
2
2
17
14
4
23
18
5
21
7
5
1
1
1
*
1
*
2
1
2
18
8
5
0
*
2
*
1
0
*
2
0
15
4
8
1
*
*
0
0
0
0
0
1
24
7
14
1
0
1
0
7
*
7
0
4
1
3
*
55
48
7
0
31
25
4
1
14
1
6
1
*
0
1
*
1
3
0
*
0
11
1
6
1
*
0
1
0
0
2
0
0
0
3
0
0
0
0
*
1
0
1
1
0
*
0
3
0
4. Farmer
(Owns or Controls Land)
5 . Trader (Sub-total)
Petty trader
Major trader, shopkeeper
7. Household work (Sub-total)
Main worker
Housework helper
Babysit ter
8. Artisan (Sub-total)
Bicycle or radio repair
Stone, metal, wood or paint worker
Animal cart or pedicab driver
Barber
Cook
Tailor
Me ch anic
Factory worker
Semi-skilled (other)
Traditional midwife
Mass eur
Healer
0
*
0
0
0
*
oo>
h o
6. Labourer (Sub-total)
Unskilled labourer
Agricultural labourer
Household servant
Unskilled labour (other)
Gatherer of wood, grass, sand, etc.
Fetch water
Care for poultry
Shop attendant or waiter
Artisan's helper
Care for housegarden
Help in family farm (child)
*
*
0
0
0
1
0
0
*
1
1
0
149
TABLE 5.6
(CONTINUED)
Description
Males
20_ 39
Age _
Females
40 +
20-39
40 +
Skilled Worker (Sub-total)
Trained midwife
Clerk
Nurse
Health officer
Teacher (Primary)
Skilled (Low-education)
Teacher (Secondary)
Skilled (High-education)
5
0
*
0
0
2
*
2
*
1
0
0
0
*
*
*
0
*
2
0
0
0
0
1
1
*
*
*
0
0
*
0
0
0
0
0
10 . Military (Sub-total)
Enlisted
Non-commissioned officer
Commissioned officer
Apprentice
Reduced work load
12
7
5
*
*
0
7
*
5
1
0
*
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
17
4
12
*
7
1
6
*
*
0
*
*
*
0
*
*
Total
101
100
100
100
N =
716
658
785
820
9.
11. Military - Civilian Employee
(Subtotal)
Unskilled
Semi-skilled
Skilled (Low-education)
Notes:
Source:
* Less than 0.5%.
"Reduced work"
is a stage prior to retirement (Beb as
Tugas).
Sub-total may differ from totals of the
category due to rounding errors.
Economic Survey
Some of these occupations
(Primary Activity).
are "hard"
to be fully committed to them,
in that they require people
and thus
there is little question
(for instance in the case of government servants)
as to whether
the stated occupation is a true reflection of the jobs people do
on a regular basis.
Other occupations,
labouring and to some extent
trading,
in particular those in
are "soft".
A person may
spend one day as an agricultural labourer and the next day
work on a road gang.
Also, while a labourer may continue at odd
jobs connected with labouring for years,
it is possible that he
or she may periodically accumulate enough cash to attempt to do
some trading in food or trinkets.
should be stressed
However,
that in a majority
this being said,
of cases
for both males
it
150
and females
the specific occupations
they have are fairly hard,
while most of the changes occurring in soft occupations occur
within the category we have called labouring.
The occupational structure of Maguwoharjo^
characterized by a dominance of farmers
labourers
is thus
and agricultural
in the northern part of the village,
representation of military in the south.
and a high
The south, with
busy market-place and main road as well as the offices
village institutions,
labourers
of major
is the working place of many unskilled
and government officials who live scattered throughout
the village.
Artisans
are also somewhat scattered around,
there is a concentration of stonemasons
the road,
the
and skilled workers
and carpenters along
live for the most part in the
south and many of them work in the city.
in the roles of traders,
labourers
Women are generally
or housewives.
This latter
category is mainly filled by the wives of well-to-do men,
wives
though
the
of the poor generally cannot afford to be housewives.
market is dominated by women,
rice is virtually
The
and harvesting and planting of
the exclusive domain of women.
As a general
rule occupations in the traditional sectors which require land
or capital,
such as farming or trading, have higher proportions
of older people,
the young.
sellers
and the unskilled and uncapitalized jobs attract
Exceptions
and the like)
often in partnership.
to this are males
and artisans, where
in trading (animal
fathers and sons are
In the modern sector jobs which require
education are dominated by the young, while jobs involving
seniority,
as in the case of military officers,
are filled by
older p e o p l e .
One demonstration of the importance
of this last point is
contained in Table 5.7, where the proportion of people in each
occupational group is compared according to highest level of
schooling attained.
occupation
The modes of the distributions
category for people aged 20-39
of each
are rough approximations
of the relative status of the jobs in the eyes of the community.
1
The contribution of children to the workforce will be
discussed in great detail in Chapter 7.
151
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N <30
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Less th a n 0.5%.
B racketed c e lls have
SCHOOLI NG
OF HOUSEHOLD BY COMPLETE
OF HEADS
OCCUP ATI ON
5.7
TABLE
SIBTOT5J0
N ote:
<
d
to
152
Thus farmers are regarded above traders and labourers, but in some
ways below artisans.
Very widely spread distributions, as in
the case of artisans, are generally indicative of quite
substantial status variation within the occupation.
The reason
that this should be so is that education among the younger age
groups has been a strong ordering principle -- if you had an
education you were first, more likely to come from a more
well-to-do family and second, more likely to get a high paying
job.
In cases such as highly skilled artisans where some
highly educated people have taken up independent employment they
have usually done so because they were gaining more income or
prestige than they could in alternative employment in the city.
On the other hand schooling is not a good indication of the
socioeconomic status of people in the older generation, because
so few of them had the opportunity to go to high levels.
Those
who did,stand out among the military group, but in other groups
people at high socioeconomic status have generally attained that
position through a combination of having had a privileged
family and having themselves worked their way up through the
bureaucracy or perfected skills of their trade.
As a general rule occupation, and even the rather grossly
defined occupational groups which we have constructed, tells us
a great deal about the class structure of the village, and it
avoids the problems of imprecision and partial application which
were associated with the more generally known dimensions of
social class in Java.
However it is still difficult to imagine
using this factor alone as a measure of socioeconomic status,
since the groups we have defined contain a number of apparent
anomalies
(for example setting unskilled workers in military
employment apart from labourers in general) but it should be
apparent that any ordering of the over fifty specific occupations
into a manageable number of groups, say three or four, would
entail some arbitrary decisions which would have to be modified
in any analysis.
v. Income.
We were aware of these considerations before
the survey had been underway for a month.
The first results
of the census, and even before that the village statistics,
gave strong indications that in a community of the complexity of
Maguwoharjo most of the usual measures socioeconomic standing
153
would be difficult to apply.
Because of this we had considered
using some measure of income or wealth, but were hesitant
because of the notorious problems associated with any attempt
to achieve an accurate estimate of these in any economy where
large proportions of transactions take place in commodities,
and many of the material influences on a household are determined
outside the marketplace altogether.
Aside from this, we
were warned, people would not want to answer a question about
their income because of fear that it would affect their taxes.
One advisor told us that while you could ask any number of
detailed questions about a farmer's practices in planting
and harvesting, and ask him his yields, and expect an answer to
the nearest kilogram, you could not ask about his income
because it was a "private" matter.
The other information would
be given because it was the sort of thing he would be proud of
and frequently discuss in public.
With such warnings in mind we set about getting some measure
of income in a somewhat back to front fashion.
The Economic
Survey was designed to review the entire economic position of
the household step by step, covering the primary and secondary
work of each household member, school expenses, ownership of
a wide range of items,
farming practices, borrowing and
lending, membership in rotating credit associations, reciprocal
exchanges of food, goods or labour, and the type and condition
of housing.
All of these questions were tested and found to
be acceptable topics for the survey,
and each of them provided
the interviewer an additional insight into what sort of economic
situation the household was facing.
There was space on the
questionnaire and on a supplementary form, to calculate the value
of rice and other commodities produced by the household or
received from other households or the government.
At the end
of the interview the following question was asked:
One important aspect of the economic condition of
the household is its income.
Because many people
do not like to discuss the income they make, since
it is a private matter, we are not asking people to
tell us their exact income, but rather we would like
to ask for an estimate of the relative level of
income of the household (including money, rice, goods,
and other income in rupiah equivalents).
154
There followed a list of seven income levels
and a space for
respondents who preferred not to answer the question.
An
indication of the success of this question is the fact
that
only one person preferred not
to answer,
and nobody who
started the interview failed to complete it.
households
refused outright
Only two
to be interviewed.
As a result
we have virtually universal coverage of estimates
income.
The results of this question,
of household
tabulated according to
the occupation of the head of household,
are presented in
Table 5.8.
A number of reasons why
the income figures might present
a distorted picture of the class structure
with reference to the table.
First,
can be identified
inaccuracies
can occur
due to mis e s timation of the income by the household head if
he or she fails
to take full account of the commodities
received or produced by the household.
The scale of conversion
used, whether of retail or wholesale prices, will affect
answer,
as will the account
taken of very small gifts which,
in great numbers,
can have significant
welfare.
deliberate
income
Second,
impact on the h o u s e h o l d ’s
under- or over-estimation of
can occur if the household head does not want to appear
too high or low in comparison with his neighbours.
example,
incomes
the
Thus
for
some of the older labourers may actually have lower
than they reported, but would not want
to admit this
because of some sense of shame which they felt in the
presence of a highly paid university student.
the question was
stages
Finally,
since
asked of households which are at very different
of the life cycle income alone is often not a true
reflection of socio-economic status.
age group who report incomes
Thus
farmers
in the older
of level 4 may in fact be very
well-to-do while young government officials in income level 5
would be at a fairly modest standard of living.
Overall,
change
though,
these influences would not be enough to
the distributions
or possibly
substantially.
Shifts of one group,
two, might be imagined, but it is very unlikely
that the farmers said to be in income group 3 are in fact in
levels approximating income group 5.
After all,
the Economic
Survey had already calculated a large proportion of the income
and expenses
of the household,
and an
anomaly
existing between
155
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TABLE
5.8
INCOME
ESTIMATES
OF H O U S EHOL DS
ACCORDING TO THE OCCUPATION
OF THE HEAD OF HOU S E H O L D
T^ioi
156
the income the head claimed and the expenses which were said to have
been met out of that income would have been obvious.
Also,
the question, with its indirect wording and reliance on the concept
of levels rather than precise measures,
relieved most people's
anxiety that the information could be used in their disfavour,
and they took an active interest in working out as accurate an
answer as they possibly could.
In order to minimize the inaccuracies which might exist in
the data the seven groups which were used to estimate the
household incomes have been regrouped to give three levels:
lower, upper and middle.
Table 5.8 shows that this new grouping
tends to split up occupation groups in the directions we
would expect;
i.e.,
the farmers are spread over the levels but
are biased on the lower income side,
the labourers are
concentrated at low income level, artisans
tend to the middle of
the scale, and various skilled and government jobs are at the
higher income levels.^
These income levels also have the
advantage that they make a clear distinction between people who
are definitely at the lower end of the scale and those at
the upper end, with the middle level acting as a "buffer" zone
where people who are truly in an intermediate position are
joined by those who might normally be at one end or the other
except that some feature of their household economy makes them
unus ual.
These income figures undoubtedly have many limitations,
but they have a number of qualities which suit them for use
as measures of socioeconomic class in Maguwoharjo.
First,
everyone in the village has an income of some sort, and thus
can be arranged on the scale.
These incomes are fairly widely
known by friends and neighbours and influence a person's
position in the community.
fairly precise.
Second,
the scale of income is
Unlike religion or occupation, income has
no problems of definition of categories.
Once an estimate of
the rupiah equivalent of the flows of goods and services is
made the determination of income level is easy.
1 It
of
by
in
Third,
the
should be remembered that the occupations listed are those
the head of household, and thus a household may be headed
a labourer whose son, a minor government official, brings
a substantial income.
157
income data accord very well with information on occupation,
which we have already seen to be one of the most generally
important ordering principles
in Maguwoharjo.
is closely related to occupation,
of other social groupings.
likely to be labourers,
Because income
it also stands as a reflection
The lower income people are most
and they in turn tend to be vong cilik
and ab ang a n , though in some cases they are s an t r i .
Upper
income people, being concentrated in the government service
and military are often Christians and in many cases mystics
who follow priyayi customs.
There are also some farmers who
are rich s ant ri among the upper income, but this type of person
is more often found at the middle levels.
income is an "objective" measure which
in survey research analysis,
"subjective"
Thus even though
can be easily manipulated
it also embodies many of the
differences which are so important
in the
definition of the class structure of Maguwoharjo.
On this evidence it would seem that there is a good case
for using income as an independent variable in the analysis
of demographic behaviour,
but before we go on to that we
should look more closely at the meaning these different income
levels have with regard to the way of life of the people of
Maguwoharj o .
5.4 Ways of Life of the People of Maguwoharjo
5.4.1 The Standard of Living
There can be no doubt
in Maguwoharjo are poor.
that
the great majority of people
On a nutritional scale many of them
would be judged to be below the level of food consumption
considered necessary
for the maintenance of active life.
On a material scale every family lives at a level of substantial
deprivation when compared to people in the United States or
Australia,
and even when compared with compatriots
in one of
the Javanese cities,
their material possessions would be
regarded as modest.
Thus,
in a description of the differences
between the upper and lower income
levels in Maguwoharjo we
should avoid thinking of the dichotomy in terms of "rich" and
"poor".
The poor are indeed poor, but the rich are no more
than moderately well-to-do.
158
Some feeling for what this difference means in practical
terms can be gained from an examination of Table 5.9. The
fact that the upper income households are well off is reflected
in their ownership of various consumption goods. The majority
of them own a radio, a table and chairs, a watch, a cupboard
and a bicycle, and many of them own sewing machines. In contrast,
among poor families sometimes the only thing they own is a
table and chairs, and these stand starkly in the middle of the
dirt floor of their house, with nothing else in the room
except a few cooking utensils and a sleeping platform covered
with a coarsely woven mat. The most preferred style of
house in the village is one with a concrete floor and brick
and concrete walls, but these are very expensive. As a result
only a third of the well-to-do families can afford them. Poor
families could never afford them, and are generally only found
in them if they are attached as retainers with a rich family,
or if their low income is only a recent thing and they were
once well-off themselves.
A point of pride for most of our neighbours in the hamlet
where we lived was the condition of their home. Every day
people would carefully sweep the leaves from their garden,
mend the rickety bamboo fences which were put up for decoration
and to keep children from running through the yard, and take
care of the plants and trees in the garden which gave shade
and occasionally some fruit. A frequent topic of conversation
was the improvements which could be made to houses with the
investment of a little paint, or some extra bamboo. However,
as the interviewer evaluations of housing conditions show,
the majority of homes of lower income people were in below
average condition.
When we asked later on the Attitude Survey
what people would do with a windfall gain of 1000 Rp most
of the higher income respondents said that they would repair
their houses or buy some consumer durable. The lower income
people said they would buy food or use the money in business.
For them, concern about housing conditions had to take a
secondary position to more basic concerns.
Food is an important aspect of income differences in
Maguwoharjo since the most obvious difference between social
classes is the contrast in the ability to eat sufficiently.
159
TABLE 5.9
SELECTED INDICATORS OF HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC CONDITION
BY REPORTED INCOME LEVEL
(PERCENTAGES)
Income Level
Lower
All Households
N =
Ownership of Objects;
More of the Objects
624
Middle
319
Upper
425
Own 1 or
1. Productive goods
Oxcart
P low
Harrow
Rice Store
Sewing machine
*
5
2
1
2
3
11
7
2
7
3
6
6
6
31
3
14
7
2
80
67
33
*
*
9
37
27
5
95
91
80
1
*
28
70
57
17
98
96
87
7
5
1. Material
Bamboo walls, dirt floor
Concrete walls, concrete floor
59
4
40
9
20
34
2. Condition (Interviewer evaluation)
Below average
Above average
59
5
32
13
22
38
79
95
99
2. On government rice allowance
6
28
50
3. Eat meat at least once every week
5
18
44
2.
Consumption Goods
Pressure lamp
Radio
Watch
Wall clock
Table and chairs
Cupb oard
Bicycle
Mot o r cy cle
Electric power
Housing Conditions
Food
1. Eat rice every day
Note:
Source:
*
is
<0.5%.
Economic Survey
160
The lower income people often cannot
fulfill the Javanese
ideal of at least one rice meal daily,
of poor families
and the majority
literally never eat meat because it is beyond
their means entirely.
Their meals
consist of some
cassava and
boiled vegetables with some chili sauce for flavouring.
Protein
is derived from soybean cakes or dried fish if the family can
afford
them while
vitamins.
occasional
pieces
of fruit supply some
The upper income families would eat two or three
meals daily with rice at every meal.
occasionally,
every week.
Most of them have meat
and over 40% can afford to have meat at least once
Part of the reason that they are able to have
rice so frequently is that half
for a government
the families
are eligible
rice allowance of 10 kilograms
month for each household member,
of rice per
but even if this were not the
case they would be able to buy rice as the preferred food.
Some idea of how these differences
of living relate to various
occupations
of material standard
can be gained from
Table 5.10, where an economic index has been constructed on
the basis of each household's
to food and housing.
The method of construction of the index
is given in Table 5.11.
standing of households
1 showing
ownership of goods and access
Basically,
the index expresses
from the point
the
of view of wealth, with
that the household has virtually no possessions,
and
5 implying a substantial amount of material possessions.
In Table 5.10 we find that over a quarter of the households
headed by labourers
are at level 1 of the index while almost
no skilled or government workers
more,
the differences
are at that level.
What is
in economic standing which are found
between people of different occupations
at young ages are
intensified in cases where the household is headed by someone
over age 40.
The well-to-do in that age group have had time
to accumulate wealth
and are at levels of income which are
generally higher than younger people in the same occupations,
while people who are poor,
the labourers
not only not accumulated anything,
in particular, have
but they are losing their
strength and thus are at lower levels of income
were in their younger years.
than they
161
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TABLE 5.10
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162
TABLE 5.11
METHOD OF CONSTRUCTION OF THE ECONOMIC INDEX
Points are Given to Each Household on the Basis of the Following
Principles
Component
Points
Rice Consumption
Eat rice twice daily or more
Eat rice less than twice daily
1
0
Materials Used in the Construction of House
Walls
Floor
Bambooorwood
Dirt
Concrete
Dirt
Any
Concrete
0
1
1
Condition of the House (Interviewer Evaluation)
Average or below average
Good or very good
0
1
Ownership of Objects:
Sewing machine (1 or more)
Pressure lamp (1 or 2)
Pressure lamp (3 to 5)
Radio (1 or more)
Watch (1 or more)
Bicycle (1)
Bicycle (2 to 7)
Motorcycle (1 or more)
3
2
3
1
1
2
3
5
Minimum possible points
Maximum possible points
1
19
Distribution of Households
(N = 1368)
Points
Score
0-1
2
3-4
5-7
8-19
1
2
3
4
5
Households
%
Source:
Economic Survey.
15
20
28
22
15
163
5.4.2
Financial Institutions in the Village
Quite often in discussions of factors related to the
desire for children mention is made of the value children
have as forms of insurance against the parents'
material needs.
future
Sometimes mention is made of the concept
of discounting (that is, the perceived rate of exchange of
present and future goods)
in regard to parents'
apparent
preference for holding "wealth" in the form of children,
which are presumably costly,
rather than other objects
which might not involve so much long term cost.
Industrialized
societies, it is contended, have financial institutions which
provide secure caches for wealth and they involve little cost,
so parents rely on these rather than children as their form
of savings.
In this context it can be seen that an important
question concerning the way of life of people in Maguwoharjo
is their experience of financial institutions.
Is there
something about the structure of financial relations in the
village which makes it difficult for people to store wealth
for their future needs?
To answer this question we must briefly outline the kinds
of financial institutions available in the vicinity of the
village^.
Within the village savings are often held in the
formof jewellery,especially gold, or some precious commodity
such as fine batik cloth.
When a family needs cash these can
be readily sold in the marketplace or pawned at a government
controlled pawn shop.
For relatively small, short-term loans,
people may rely on their neighbours or friends, whereas larger
loans, generally for agricultural purposes can be made through
a branch of the state bank which operates periodically out
of an office on the main road.
This bank also provides
facilities for savings accounts which pay high rates of
interest (18% in 19 72) .
Other banks are located about three
kilometers down the road, and many more are in Yogyakarta City.
In addition, public servants also have available to them
banking facilities arranged through their departments,
and
some military personnel can arrange to have automatic deductions
1 For more detailed information on varieties of financial
institutions, especially those available to traders, see
Dewey (1962: 91-110) .
16 A
made from their pay for savings
accounts.
By far the most
vital financial institution is the ari s a n , a form of rotating
credit association'*' which operates with a specific number of
members making regular contributions.
the total sum each period,
One member receives
thus enabling him or her to conduct
a ceremony or buy something which they have wanted.
from the savings
of the draw
the social bond which is reflected in the choice
for the group.
Respondents
participation
of
financial
The
answers
TABLE
5.12
there is the excitement
(for many of them are conducted on a lottery basis
and frequently
of members
implied in the scheme
Aside
of
to
the
the
members
relations,
to
t hese
Economic
of
either
t heir
were
are
asked
household
currently
questions
E X P E R I E N C E OF
INCOME LEVEL
Survey
or in
presented
FINANCIAL
a bout
in
a variety
the
in
TRANSACTIONS
the
recent
Table
BY
past.
5.12
REPORTED
(PERCENTAGES)
All Households
N
=
Lower
Middle
Upper
624
319
425
13
19
Borrowing
A m e m b e r of the h o u s e h o l d has
b o r r o w e d w i t h i n the last 2 m o n t h s
Of those w h i c h b o r r o w e d
(N =
A m o u n t was
0-4999
Rp
5000 Rp+
I n t e r e s t ( A n n u a l Rate)
0%
1 -50%
51+%
84
61
22
95
92
8
77
23
38
62
45
27
27
30
31
39
11
33
55
15
15
16
8
53
25
49
79
210
11
26
30
32
13
Hire Purchase
A member
is b u y i n g
something
on
Rotating Credit Association
A member belongs to an arisan
Of those who belong
(N =
Contribution
Memb e rs
<100 Rp
<100
100+
1 00+
<20
20+
<20
20+
Savings
A member has a savings account
in a bank or office account
1
cr e d i t
2
5
22
8
38
28
32
55
4
18
C l i f f o r d G e e r t z (1962) has d i s c u s s e d the a r i s a n in c o m p a r i s o n
w i t h o t h e r i n d i g e n o u s forms of r o t a t i n g c r e d i t i n s t i t u t i o n s
in A s i a and A f r i c a .
165
according to the income level of the household.
There are some
interesting differences between lower and upper income households
with respect to their experience with these institutions.
First, in response to the question of whether a member of the
household has borrowed any sum of money within the last two
months we find that the poor families are less likely to have
taken out a loan.
Their loans are much smaller than those taken
by upper income families, and the interest they pay, if they pay
any at all, is generally lower than that paid by the rich.
There should be no surprise in these results, after all, the poor,
though they have great need of money have no collateral,
thus would find it harder to get a loan.
and
They generally borrow
small amounts from neighbours so they can buy food*
Upper
income people, on the other hand, often borrow substantial
amounts so they can buy some relatively expensive commodity —
a bicycle,
clothing,
agricultural implements or seed and
fertilizer, and they borrow it not from neighbours, but from
institutions which often charge high interest rates.
Hire-purchase,
the payment for commodities over long periods
of time during which the purchaser has them for use, is very
common in the village,
and agents of stores go house to house
selling various commodities on this plan.
The poor and the
well-to-do are about equally likely to participate in this type
of transaction, but while the rich buy irons or furniture, the
poor buy cutlery or pots and pans.
The prices charged for
goods sold in this way are very high compared to the normal
retail price, and can sometimes be double or triple depending
on the terms of the contract.
However,
for the people making
the purchases the charge is worth it, because while they would
be very unlikely to have the lump sum available at any time,
they can afford a steady trickle of payments.
Also they have
the use of the goods during this time whereas if they tried
to save the money they would have to go without the pot or the
chair for a long time.
The aris an is very popular, but more so among the upper income
families where nearly half the households report having a
member who belongs
to one.
Among these families the most common
arrangement is to have a large number of members with a fairly
large contribution.
This implies a long waiting period before
166
each
member
gets
w ait.
The
such
a wait.
l arge
many
poor
are
They
period
into
winnings
many
(or
against
to be
served
among
are
them
instability
paid
variety
term
and
economic
of
for
self-respect
1
their
only
order
of
by
necessary,
and
against
The
the
ability
to
living while
food
still
attempting
to h o l d
and
that
ensure
amount
for
the
frills.
available
and
level
village
of
being
of
in
some
appropriate
children
the
of b a n k
of
a wide
short
the
a major
them.
and m a i n t a i n
maintaining
of
for b o t h
or p a r t i c i p a t e
the
poor
stories
be
a
has
memories
available
the
as
forego
seen
advantage
their
and
families,
thus
each
refreshments
a member who
The
with
exchange
can
c osts
a
The
interest
the
and b o r r o w
to meet
rich
the
the
and w i t h o u t
but with
take
the
substantial
being
in
of
for
continuing
pattern
families
pot
on
the
but
found.
the
the
theoretically
by
rarely
institutions
to m o u t h ,
in
level
virtually
only
in
that
forth,
while
1960's
of
rice
is
eventually).
variations
regular
transactions,
well-being
on
so
t here
impact
period's
accounts,
savings.^
wins
of
afford
divide
contributions
small,
heavily
financial
of
that
and
to
e nd
contributions
the
provisions
pot,
are
the
weigh
association
when
of
from hand
minimum
they
use
draw
often
used
long-term
constraint
live
the
arisans
elaborate
the
the
able
sm a l l
diluting
regular
can
savings
hyperinflation
rates
at
is m ost
Finally,
even
as
or
everyone
drawing,
money
chance
to e v e r y o n e ,
have
s uch
the
for
pattern
si n c e
at
a system where
poorer
thus
return
to be
members,
the
inflation,
at
likely
to h a v e
few
sometimes
hedge
the
and
a l arge
less
"gainings"
institution,
a future
but
portions,
basic
need
much
Sometimes
families
sudden
"pot"
prefer
contribution
members.
rich
the
The
p oor
a credit
their
degree
of
ceremonies
are happy.
W h e n we h i r e d a s s i s t a n t s and m a d e a r r a n g e m e n t s for a cook
and h e l p e r we p r o p o s e d to t h e m all that we c o u l d put some
p a r t of t h e i r s a l a r i e s i m m e d i a t e l y into a s a v i n g s a c c o u n t
at the p r e v a i l i n g rate of 18%, thus e n s u r i n g a s u b s t a n t i a l l y
g r e a t e r s u m by the end of the year.
Everyone refused,
s a y i n g that they w o u l d r a t h e r h a v e the m o n e y r e g u l a r l y .
T h e r e w e r e two r e a s o n s for this.
First, they all h a d very
i m m e d i a t e f i n a n c i a l c o m m i t m e n t s or d e s i r e s w h i c h co u l d not
be put off, but also some of t h e m had h ad s a v i n g s in a b a n k
w h i c h w e n t b r o k e , and they did not trust the s y s t e m any
mor e .
167
The higher level of material life of the upper income families
is reflected in their greater participation in financial
institutions.
They can save more, borrow more and participate
in aris an more because they are better off.
more detail below,
these patterns
As we will see in
are intimately related to the
way people perceive the future and their own potential positions
in society.
5.4.3 The Generation Gap
It has become passe in many cultures
to talk of the
generation gap, but in Maguwoharjo the term seems particularly
relevant.
It might
of just a gap,
almost be called a generation chasm instead
so great are the differences
which separate the pre-war
in experience
from the post- independence generations.
Quite obviously these include the change from a colonial to a
nationalistic regime,
the change from sugar cultivation to rice,
the granting of landownership
rights,
the expansion of the
airport and the influence which that has brought,
and the
general impact of "modernization" with its radios, motorcycles,
Lux soap and plastic buckets.
But the most dramatic measure
of this difference is to be found in the statistics
There we find
(Table 5.13)
that whereas over 90% of the women
and half the men born before
virtually
on schooling.
1922 never attended school,
all the children born after the revolution have
at least been to primary school and many have had the opportunity
to go on to secondary school.
into one of the universities
Some are even finding their way
of Yogyakarta which were established
after the revolution.
Among the changes which are evident
from the table are the
lessening differentials of school attendance
the attainment
according to sex,
of a majority in numbers who have graduated
from primary school in the 30-39 year old age group for men
and the 20-29
group
first two effects,
to read.
for women,
and,
as an implication of these
the emergence of a generation who are able
These figures imply that a majority of the adult
population of the village have already had the personal
experience
virtually
of having attended school,
and, within a decade,
all of the men and a majority of the women of the
childbearing age group
(15-45) will have received some form of
168
TABLE 5.13 LEVEL OF SCHOOLING ATTAINED ACCORDING TO CURRENT
AGE AND SEX
(COLUMN PERCENTAGES)
Age Group
Level of
S ch ooling
10-19
20-29
30-39 40-49
50-59
60 +
+
Males
N =
859
None
Some primary
Primary graduate
Lower secondary graduate
Upper secondary graduate
Academy +
Total
Females
N —
Note:
2 86
354
192
180
3
57
26
13
1
0
3
12
27
35
21
2
15
26
27
20
10
2
36
30
26
6
3
*
26
22
4
2
0
78
12
8
2
1
0
100
100
100
101
101
101
745
380
39 5
369
235
216
None
Some primary
Primary graduate
Lower secondary graduate
Upper secondary graduate
Academy +
Total
362
hi
5
60
24
10
1
0
18
23
35
15
8
1
66
18
13
2
1
*
85
8
6
1
*
0
93
6
1
0
0
0
99
1
100
100
100
100
100
100
0
0
0
0
"Some Primary" includes literacy course (never more
than 1%).
* Less than 0.5%.
Many individuals in the 10-19 age group are currently
attending school
S o u r c e : Census
primary schooling.
change to date,
future.'*'
This represents both an enormous social
and substantial potential for changes in the
Not only will this new generation be able to read,
thus making it more possible
for institutions
from outside the
village to communicate with them through newspapers, pamphlets
and magazines, but they will have been exposed to the socializing
forces of the school which promote nationalism and social
cooperation,
and thus open the minds of children to an awareness
of the world beyond the village.
be unlikely that we will
Under such conditions it will
find in the future,
as we do now,
cases of hamlets where almost none of the adults can read a
newspaper or speak the national language,
1
or discover old women
Data on current school attendance generally support the
data on experience of school and are presented in Table 4.15
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SCHOOLING BY INCOME AND GENERATION
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171
who had never travelled more than ten kilometers
birthplace.
from their
This is not to say that the generation gap will
necessarily narrow but that it will take on a completely
different
character;
For the time being,
one which is hard for us to even imagine.
though,
divide the generations
the differences
in schooling which
is one of the more important dimensions
of socioeconomic position,
and because of this will have to
be given due regard in our analysis of demographic behaviour.
The differences
(Table 5.14)
differences
in school attainment
according to income group
should also serve as a reminder of the way class
reinforce themselves even as social change is
radically altering the structure of the society.
5.5
Conclusion
The focus of this chapter has been on the divisions which
characterize the society of Maguwoharjo and which determine
individuals'
positions
relative to their neighbours.
examined many of the dimensions
of social status
We have
and economic
class which have been used in the past to characterize Javanese
systems
of social stratification including those based on
religion,
landownership and traditional social standing.
Each
of these was
found to be relevant
to a certain degree in
Maguwoharjo,
but because of the complex nature of the community,
none provided a sufficiently broad base for the evaluation of
socioeconomic status of all the individuals
of the village.
Occupation was found to be an important dimension of a person's
position, but it too has some drawbacks
if applied to analysis
of survey results because of the ambiguities
of definition
which arise as the very diverse range, of specific occupations
are grouped into a few broad categories.
of the determinants
Maguwoharjo,
The growing complexity
of socioeconomic class is not limited to
though the unique position of the village has
heightened them there.
It is a pattern which is present
throughout Java, having been brought on by the changes
structure
caused by the revolution.
in social
Geertz has described it
as f o l l o w s :
... The social structural lines were not nearly
so neat and tidy [following the revolution! as they
had been in the colonial period.
Mobility within
the stratification system was progressively uncoupling
the inward connection between social position and
172
cultural orientation.
By 1953 the individual
Modjokuto citizen's status was determined by
a set of factors - occupation, wealth, family,
place of residence, religion, taste, and
perhaps most crucially, education -- that were
no longer so highly inter correlated. ( 1965 : 12 7)
He goes on to discuss how new groupings of people based on
religion, politics and social status
sets of relationships.
emerged to provide new
Since Geertz made this analysis new
transformations have been made,
and new associations
formed.
A conceptualization of socioeconomic status which is
directly based on literal descriptions of such groupings
is
thus an unstable base for evaluation in any form of survey
analysis.
What does seem to provide a stable and universal scale
for the measurement
of socioeconomic position is the standard
of living of households
of income and wealth.
conditions
as it is represented in our estimates
These measures
give a picture of the
faced by people of a household today,
and because of
relative stability of relative positions of households
in terms
of material welfare they also capture something of the background
of individuals.
A poor man is not only poor today, he has
probably been poor for years,
of labourers
if not for all his life.
The lives
and small farmers are not open to substantial
change under present social and economic conditions.
The upper
income families, mainly those with military or government
service jobs,
are in high positions because of their families'
traditional standing or their own education, which is related
to their families'
difficulties
income."*'
Thus,
despite the obvious
associated with measuring income in an economy
in which a large proportion of transactions
the monetized market sector,
take place outside
there are clearly many advantages
to be gained by taking this approach.
In the following chapters,
relation between socioeconomic
then, we will examine the
class and demographic behaviour
in an attempt to gain a more detailed understanding of the
fertility of women of different standards
of living and,
following on from this to describe the benefits
and costs of
children to parents under different economic conditions.
1
The
The relation of schooling to income is discussed at length
in Chapter 7.
173
main variables we will examine are income and generation,
since these symbolize some of the major cleavages
society.
We are not arguing that income per s e or age per s e
necessarily
determine
people's
attitudes
rather than the relation of income
or behaviour,
social
factors which influence
is such as to make them effective surrogates
these more complex variables.
but
and age to occupation,
status, wealth and a variety of other
behaviour,
in the
for
CHAPTER 6
THE DEMOGRAPHY OF MAGUWOHARJ0
6.1 Introduction
An agreement as to the basic nature of a community,
for
example in terms of the degree to which it is stratified or
the extent of its poverty,
assumptions
tempting,
should not lead us to make
about its demographic structure.
This may be
and on the basis of some of the commonly accepted
generalizations
concerning fertility differentials we might
be led to think that the fertility of the poor would be higher
than that of the rich, with all the implications
for the age
and sex structure which would issue from such an assumption.^
However,
as this Chapter will show,
are false in Maguwoharjo,
assumptions
like this
as they probably are for large areas
of Java.
Most of the data which are analysed here are derived
from sources which were discussed as part of the description
of the community study method in Chapter 4.
of the information comes
from the various stages of the
survey conducted as part of this study,
the Census
and the Pregnancy History
Follow-up.
The questionnaires
2
included in the Appendix.
In addition,
The great bulk
in particular from
and Pregnancy History
for these various stages are
the records of births,
deaths
and migration
which are collected on a regular basis by the village officials
were available to us.
Information for early years was sometimes
1 The term "commonly accepted" should be interpreted as broadly
as possible.
Quite often demography texts show much more
sophistication in dealing with these issues than is implied
in this paragraph.
Note for instance Kammeyer's excellent
discussion of differential fertility (1971: 105-113) or
Heer's (1968: 48-53).
In contrast Wrong's (1967 : 71)
assertion that a "negative correlation between fertility and
class or socioeconomic status has virtually acquired the
force of a sociodemographic law" would seem more of a summary
of popular opinion than the basis of an analysis of the
relation between fertility and social or economic class.
2 I am very grateful to Valerie Hull for her substantial
assistance in the analysis of the data on marriage and
fertility which are used in this chapter.
174
175
lost as a result of the ravages of humidity,
but for recent years a remarkably
insects and time,
full set of records exist
and can be analysed to show the coverage of the official
attempts
to monitor demographic events.
analysis
are contained in Table 6.1.
The results of this
The variations of the
birth and death rates over time raise suspicions
their validity.
However,
concerning
in a population as small as
Maguwoharjo's some variation could be expected just as a
matter of chance.
The levels of the rates of vital events
seem low - we would expect
that a community in Java would
have a birth rate well above
30 per thousand,
and death rate
above 10 - but the implied rate of natural increase seems
fairly sensible throughout
exception of 1961.
the period, with the notable
Migration records should be relatively
accurate since people in Java need permits
of residence.
The statistics
for any change
show a steady net loss of people
except in 1966 when political turmoil to the east of the
village brought
the return of large numbers
were formerly resident in Maguwoharjo.
intrinsic interest of data of this
much about
type,
of people who
But whatever the
they do not tell us
the details of the pattern of demographic behaviour
which are needed if we are to understand people's
building patterns.
survey,
family
For these we must rely mainly on the
supplemented when appropriate with the information
contained in the village records.
In conducting this detailed analysis we will proceed
as follows:
First, we will examine
the age and sex structure
of the population and look particularly at the validity of the
data on age.
follows
This is important because in everything that
the accuracy of age data is essential to the validity
of calculations of marriage,
and ratios,
fertility and mortality
rates
and we will be relying heaving on these to give
us a full picture of people's
demographic behaviour.
A brief
look at the migration patterns of the village will be followed
by a detailed examination of the institution of marriage.
Fertility will be examined both with regard to the levels of
reproduction prevailing in the community and the differences
which exist between members of different social and economic
groups.
A consideration of the changing mortality patterns
176
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Notes:
O FFICIA L
R E CO R D S
OF
POPULATION,
P
177
in Maguwoharjo will round out the demographic description and
will allow us to make a number of generalizations about the
structure of the family in the village, and the changes which
have affected it since the revolution.
We will also be
able to make a number of conclusions with regard to the relation
between the social class structure of the society and people's
fertility.
6.2 The Age and Sex Structure of the Population
The Maguwoharjo survey went to great lengths to collect
accurate information on the ages of individuals in the
community, in particular the ages of women and children.
In
the Census an initial estimate was made of each person's
age, and then a series of techniques were used to try to
improve that estimate so as to make it as close to the true
age of the individual as was possible.
The initial age is
called the "Census Age" in the analysis, while the result of
the attempts at improving the estimate is called the "Best Age".^
In the case of children the bulk of the re-estimates
came about as a result of the child's birth certificate having
been found in the village records or shown to the interviewer
by the parents, with the result that the "Best Age" estimates
are highly accurate.
The ages of women were often re-estimated
through the use of an historical calendar which encouraged the
woman to relate her own birth or memories from her childhood
to historical events which impinged on the lives of the people
of Maguwoharjo.
Some attempt was also made to get dates of
birth from documents, but often these suffered from the same
sorts of inaccuracies as the census estimates.
An historical
calendar was not used with the men, and the estimates of their
ages were very seldom changed with the result that their
"Best Age" is basically the same as their "Census Age", with
all the inaccuracies that this implies.
However, since the
analysis which follows uses their ages only in very broad
groups this does not present a great problem for the present
study.
1
The improvements in the estimates of ages of women and
A full description of the methods used and the analysis of
the improvements brought about through the use of these
techniques is contained in Appendix T.2.
178
children are gratifying, since these are vital to the calculation
of the age specific birth rates which are needed in our study.
The distribution of population according to sex and
five-year age groups is shown in Table 6.2 using both the Census
Age and the Best Age to calculate the distribution according
TABLE 6.2
AGE-SEX DISTRIBUTIONS OF THE STUDY POPULATION
ACCORDING TO THE "CENSUS AGE" AND "BEST AGE"
ESTIMATES
(PERCENTAGES OF THE TOTAL POPULATION)
Age
Group
Males
Census Age
Females
0-4
5-9
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65-69
70-74
75 +
6 .7
7.4
7.8
5.5
2.9
2.3
2.9
2.6
2.6
1. 7
2.1
.8
1.2
.6
.6
.4
7.1
8.4
7.0
4.9
3.0
3. 3
3.2
3.3
2 .7
2.1
2 .2
1.4
1.3
.8
.8
.5
95
89
111
112
98
67
91
80
97
84
97
61
91
69
80
85
7.0
6.9
7.5
5.8
3.1
2.4
2.9
2.5
2.6
1. 7
2.1
.8
1.2
.6
.6
.4
Total
Total
48.2
51.8
93
48.3
N =
to ag e .
Sex Ratl°
(M/F. 100)
Best Age
Females
Males
7.2
8.1
6.6
5.2
3.0
2.8
2.9
3.4
2.9
2.8
2.4
1.2
1.3
.8
.8
.5
51.8
100.0
100 .0
6560
6 560
Sex ratios are shown for the Census Age distribution
but not the Best Age because in the latter case the fact that
so many more women than men had their ages corrected means that
the sex ratio for each age group reflects quite different
estimation techniques and hence is unreliable.
The instability
of the sex ratios for the Census Age is evidence of the
substantial age misstatement which existed for these estimates,
particularly at the young ages where there appear to be sex
biases in over- and under-stating the ages of adolescents,
and at the older ages where women show stronger patterns of
digit preference than do men.
Figure 6.1 gives dramatic
illustration of the differences between the two sets of
FIGURE 6.1
POPULATION PYRAMIDS FOR CENSUS AGE AND BEST
AGE DISTRIBUTIONS ACCORDING TO PERCENTAGE OF
EACH SEX AT EACH SINGLE YEAR OF AGE
CENSUS AGE
PERCENTAGE
BEST AGE
FEMALES
PERCENTAGE
180
estimates of age, especially for women in the childbearing
ages of 15-49.
Figure 6.2 presents the population pyramid for the Best
Age distribution according to five-year age groups, so as
to give a better general view of the structure of the
population.
The pyramid is broadly based and appears to be
indented at the age groups 20-34.
It also is slightly
undercut, with the age group 0-4 having fewer members than
the group aged 5-9.
The first indentation can be explained
with reference to the fact that these age groups of young
adults include those people born at the time of the Second World
War and the Indonesian Revolution when the great disruption
throughout Java brought about both lower fertility and
increased mortality.
Their numbers are thus small compared
with the adjoining cohorts.
They also are a group prone to
short-term migrations in search of work,
and thus their
abscence leaves an indentation in the pyramid, while the fact
that their children are left behind means that the base is
still substantial.
The children of age 0-4 are a relatively
small group because of residual age misreporting and the fact
that, as we will see below, fertility in the village has been
falling in recent years.
Because of the problems of age misstatement which remain
in the age-sex distribution, and the impact of a wide variety
of social factors such as migration it is difficult to compare
the structure of the population of Maguwoharjo with other
populations,
to determine relative dependency burdens or
proportions of women of childbearing age, without detailed
examinations of the qualifications which would modify any
conclusions.
It is perhaps enough to point out that over
half the population of the community is under age 20 for us to
realize that it is a youthful community.
A look at the other
end of the age scale reveals that less than 4% of the population
claim to be over 65 years old, indicating the very small
proportion of the population which might be called elderly.
Of course, such terms as "youthful",
"elderly" and dependency
burden" are defined differently in different societies, and
we should remember that stereotypes based on experience in
one culture may not have the same meaning in another setting.
FIGURE 6.2
POPULATION PYRAMID FOR BEST AGE DISTRIBUTION
FIVE-YEAR AGE GROUPS
(PERCENTAGES OF TOTAL POPULATION)
J70
74
_ 60 6 4
r
J 50
54
1
40 44
L
30 34
?
20 24
Males
10 14
0
6
Sour c e :
5
Table 6.2
Females
4
6
182
In Maguwoharjo boys of 15 often fill many of the roles normally
associated with adulthood,
important local ceremonies.
including the attendence of
By the time they are forty many
poor women appear very old indeed,
but
they continue to work
hard in the fields well into their 70's.
some very important social implications
defined in fairly broad categories,
Thus while age has
these are often
and not with the precision
implied when age is expressed in numbers
since birth.
Even with
of single years
this qualification,
it is true to say
that the population of Maguwoharjo is marked by a preponderance
of people who are generally regarded as dependents
deficit
and a
of people in the age group at the middle of the
pyramid caused by the conditions prevailing at the time of
their birth and their own tendency
permanently,
to migrate
or in a circular pattern).
(either
These topics will be
examined more closely in the following sections.
6.3 Migration
The wide range of issues surrounding the study of migration
is certainly deserving of more attention than we can give it
here.
motives
There are important questions to be asked about the
of migrants,
and specialized
definitions
of what constitutes migration
forms of migration which involve multiple
return trips to a particular destination or series of destinations.
All of these are relevant to Maguwoharjo in particular and
Java in general.^
However, we must content ourselves
time being to search out some conclusions
about
for the
the tempo,
sex structure and age pattern of migration in Maguwoharjo
in order to reach some conclusions about the way migration
behaviour is related to other aspects
will look first at information
of the life cycle.
from the village records
We
and
1 A number of studies are currently under way which deal with
some or all of these issues in regard to Java.
Graeme Hugo
has undertaken a major study of West J a v a ’s migration patterns,
which includes a study of fourteen villages to .gather data
on the rural side of rural-urban migration.
He will be
presenting his results as a thesis to the Demography Department
of the Australian National University.
Ross Steele, also
of the ANU, but in the Geography Department, is currently
working on a study of East Java which included extensive
analysis of migration data for Surabaya.
His material will
also be presented as a thesis.
183
then at data calculated from the pregnancy histories
of women
included in the survey.
6.3.1 Migration Statistics Derived from Village Records
Any person who enters
or leaves
the village
for periods
exceeding one day is expected to report his movement
the village officials,
period" of time,
and when the move is for a "substantial
must carry a letter of permission to travel
or change residence.
This is the theory behind the procedures
for monitoring population movements,
often works
in a different way.
a very short term nature
reported while
to
but in practice
the system
For instance, movements
of
to quite distant places may be
longer visits
to an area close by may go unnoticed.
People whose jobs take them away regularly,
such as military
personnel or large scale traders may not report any of their
moves.
cases
This is not important,
though,
since in all these
the people remain officially residents of the village,
and even though they have not reported their move officially,
the local hamlet head would know of it,
if they did not return.
and would report it
Thus the important reports of change
of residence are fairly well recorded even though the short-term
moves might not be.
The basic statistics on migration for the period
1961-1969
as recorded in the village registers have been presented in
Table 6.1.
There was
a steady loss of people due to migration
for all years of the 1 9 6 0 ’s except 1966.
are relatively small,
The rates of loss
never exceeding 6 people per thousand,
and their impact on the rates of population growth is also small.
However,
since these statistics
do not include the movements
of people on the nearby military base
(though they do include
military people living in the village)
and also exclude many
of the short
term moves which are made,
these low figures
should not be taken as being fully representative of the impact
of migration on the exchange of ideas,
material goods and
people between Maguwoharjo and the rest of the region.
A look at the breakdown of the figures
departures
of arrivals and
according to sex (given in Table 6.3)
shows that
females outnumber males in the migration stream for every year
184
TABLE 6.3
SEX COMPOSITION OF MIGRATION IN AND OUT OF
MAGUWOHARJ 0:
1961-1969
(ABSOLUTE NUMBERS)
Arrivals
Year
Females
39
38
+
23
29
79
21
29
29
48
35
+
42
31
133
27
36
39
81.3
108.6
+
54.8
93.5
59 .3
77.8
80.6
74.4
59
55
+
44
32
37
28
60
34
75
73
+
61
46
47
33
46
36
78.7
75.3
+
72.1
69.6
78.7
84.8
130.4
94.4
287
391
73.4
349
417
83.7
Males
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966
1967
19 6 8
1969
Total
Arrival/Departure
Note:
Departures
Sex
Ratio
Males
Ratios :
S ex
Ratio
Females
=
Total Males
Total Females =
82
94
+ No information available.
Sex ratios are males per 100 females
Source:
except
Village Records.
1968.
This is partly the result
women who move to the cities
household servants,
of the fact that some
take up permanent employment as
and thus have
to register their movements
in order to obtain proper identification
documents, whereas
men often go on the chance of finding casual jobs.
probably
tend to move more often in any case.
Women also
There is little
tendency in Java to tie the young girls of the household too
close to home.
They are frequently allowed to go to work in
fairly distant areas
and return only to marry or on the
occasion of a family crisis.
This
aspect of leaving and
returning at some later time is reflected in the relatively
low rates
of net outmigration for both sexes.
the migration patterns
of Maguwoharjo consist
migration, with only those moves
In large measure
of circular
of fairly substantial duration
associated with regular employment ever being registered in
the village office.
6.3.2
Data on Migration Derived from the Pregnancy History
During the Pregnancy History stage of the survey every
185
woman aged 15-54 was asked to give information for all of her
pregnancies.
In the cases of live births which were still
living she was asked to tell us the place of current residence
of the child.
This information is tabulated in Table 6.4
according to the year of birth, and hence current age, of the
child.
In precise terms the data are only reflections that the
mother and child live in different residences,
and do not
say which of them moved, but from a practical point of view
the number of mothers who moved into the village from outside
and left grown children behind is very small.
The
vast
majority of the differences in residence really represent the
change in residence of the child as he or she left home to
start an independent life.
This is especially true of
children born after 1950.
Interpreting these data as reflections of the migration of
the children gives us a fairly clear idea of the age patterns
of movement.
Virtually no children under the age of 12 live
apart from their mothers, and those who do are often adopted
into other families or are living with their fathers following
some form of marriage breakdown or involuntary separation.
Between ages 13 and 17, and especially at ages 16 or 17,
children begin to leave home, sometimes as the result of a
marriage which leads to them living in another nearby rural
area, or in search of work in one of the cities of Java.
At
ages 18-22 nearly a third of the girls, but only a fifth of
the boys, are living outside of Maguwoharjo.
Many of these
children, as was explained in the previous section, are in the
cities working as housegirls or casual labourers.
Some of the
girls are married to soldiers and have followed their husbands
to bases in other parts of Java or on the Outer Islands. A
few
of the boys are in some school in a different area of
Java, but they are not numerous, and virtually none of the
girls would be in a similar position.
By and large the reasons
for migration for both men and women boil down to economic
motives —
they have left the village to get work in one of
the cities -- and these motives seem to be more important
for the women than for the men.
Marriage also accounts for
186
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6.4
a)
PI
P
187
some of the movement, but this involves no bias
in sex
composition of migration because selection of a place of
residence
following marriage is about equally divided between
location near
the male's relations as near the female's,
and
in addition even were there a bias there should be an equal
flow in and out of the village as the sex in whose favour the
bias worked brought
in partners while the other sex left in
search of partners elsewhere.
Migration of children born before 1950 is substantial,
though this tends to be slightly inflated in the table
because some of the mothers with children of that age have
migrated into Maguwoharjo leaving their children behind.
Nonetheless, well over half
the children recorded on the
pregnancy history in that age group
live outside of Maguwoharjo,
and most of those live in one or another of the cities of
Java.
Substantial numbers of men are in the
Outer Islands, most
of them with the military, while a sixth of the women live in
Yogyakarta City or one of the rural areas
close to Maguwoharjo.
Migration in Maguwoharjo is thus characterized by a strong
tendency for women rather than men to be involved in long term
moves,
and for the major motive to be economic.
a variety
There is also
of moves which are made because of social reasons,
as
when one partner in a new marriage moves to join the other,
and in the past some have been spurred by political events
when so many people shifted in 1966.
whe ther of long or short term,
Population movement,
is an important vector for the
spread of new ideas, material goods and,
from this point
as
of course, people,
of view the migration patterns
be judged to have had a big impact
and
of Maguwoharjo can
on the community.
But
because much of the movement is circular, with people going
away for only a few months
their village of birth,
or years but then returning to
the impact of all this activity on
the size of the population is minimal.
Maguwoharjo
continues
to grow despite the persistent trickle of people to the cities.
6.4 Marriage
Raffles,
in one of his reports
on the conditions
stated that the average age at marriage
the early 1800's was
16, while
in Java,
for a Javanese man in
for a woman it was 13 or
188
14.
Such an estimate undoubtedly involves many errors,
it dramatizes
the fact that traditionally
but
the children in
the Javanese countryside were married at very young ages,
and often before puberty.
Since the time of Raffles
the
institution of marriage has undergone substantial change in
Java with the result
that today people marry at older ages,
under different arrangements,
and for different reasons.
We will review these changes in this section and show how
they have influenced the whole setting of fertility behaviour,
and as a result,
6.4.1
the level of fertility.
Marriage Customs
It is virtually impossible to describe a "typical"
Javanese pattern of courtship and marriage both because the
pattern has been changing at an uneven rate in different
areas,
and because the ceremonies
surrounding marriage
be altered depending on a p e r s o n ’s economic class,
position,
(1969:
and religion.
134-136)
Geertz
(1960:
53-61)
can
social
and Jay
describe marriages which took place during
their fieldwork in East Java in the early 1950's,
and while
the major stages of the ceremonies which they describe from
that time are followed in a majority
today,
of marriages
in Maguwoharjo
they are executed with numerous variations.
The only
stage of the ceremonies which is actually required by law is
the registration of the marriage,
either in a civil registration,
or as part of the official Islamic marriage ceremony
by the village religious official.
2
However,
conducted
except in rare
1 The estimates of Raffles are recorded in Fischer (1959: 30)
and appear to be no more than guesses.
Raffles, like many who
followed him, placed little reliance on the ability of people
to estimate their ages, and probably made his own guesses
using a combination of reckoning on the basis of body type and
information from third parties, both of which would probably
tend to understate the ages.
2 In practice the procedures and ceremonies surrounding the
marriage of a young couple involve a complex series of visits
between the families, and a simple, but symbolically important
ritual which can be performed according to a wide range of
variations.
Geertz describes these in some detail while
more recently a team of Indonesian anthropologists has
published a study of marriage customs in Yogyakarta which
includes much valuable information about the meaning of
marriage in the social system (Wajong, 1974).
189
cases
(such as a premarital pregnancy)
accompanied by a customary
clothing and rituals.
this is always
ceremony involving special food,
The two types of ceremonies
can
take place on the same day or be separated by weeks
in order to conform to an auspicious
rites
of time
time for the customary
(auspicious both from spiritual and an economic point
of view).
Following the marriage
cohabitation immediately,
or because
the couple may not begin
either because they do not want to
of some intervening problem of housing,
or work commitments.
Because
schooling
of these differences
it is
often confusing to speak of a date of marriage without specifying
what point in the pattern of ceremonies
of the marriage.
is regarded as the start
We chose to regard the legal registration
as the date of marriage,
and asked as well
for information about
the date of cohabitation to get some idea of the time when
reproductive behaviour
6.4.2
could be said
to have begun.
The Changing Age at Marriage
Marriage
is universal in Maguwoharjo,
remains unmarried beyond the age of 30.
this means
and almost nobody
As Table 6.5 shows,
that the vast majority of adults in the village
are currently married.
However, whereas Raffles spoke of
marriage ages of 13 to 16,
there are very
few people in
Maguwoharjo under the age of 18 who are married.
It is only
in the age group 25-29 that a majority of the men in the
village are married,
thus it could hardly be said that
the
data on current marital status supported the view that
people
in Maguwoharjo married at very young ages.
Table 6.6 presents data for the age at first marriage
of all women aged 15-54,
age.
tabulated according to their current
Read right to left,
the proportions
young ages,
the table shows a steady decline in
of women who had their first marriage at very
from over 45% of the 45-54 year olds marrying at
age 16 or less to only 22% of the women currently aged 20-24
having been married by that time.
very young ages is occuring,
Also,
as this rise from the
there is also a tendency to marry
later, with over a fifth of the women aged 30-34 having married
after their 20th birthday.
The distribution is thus not
compressing around the modal ages of 17-18 so much as it is
190
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192
shifting from being skewed on the side of the younger ages to
being skewed on the side of the older ages.
indicates
All of this
a substantial rise in the age at which legal
marriage is carried out beginning at the time of the late
1 9 3 0 ?s.
The changes are still occuring,
the fact that while 24% of the women
as can be seen from
currently aged 25-29
were married when they were 16 or less,
22% of those aged
20-24 were married by that age, and for marriage at age 17-18
the respective
figures are 33% and 26%.
As the age at legal marriage has been rising,
so the delay
between the time of the marriage and cohabitation has shortened
(see Table 6.7).
It used to be relatively
to wait for six months
or more following the wedding before
they consummated the marriage,
cohabiting.
common for people
generally when they began
Many marriages were never consummated,
the couple
having been divorced within a year of the marriage because
they did not get along and refused to live together.
it is very rare to find a marriage
immediately,
that is not consummated
though there are still some few cases where the
marriage is terminated without
this,
Today
cohabitation.
The reason for
and part of the reason for the rising age at marriage,
is
the fact that it is now very rare to have the parents of the
couple
point
arrange
the marriage.
dramatically.
Table 6.8 illustrates
this
Whereas before the war over 90% of
marriages were arranged by the parents of the bride and groom,
the current generation of marriages
are overwhelmingly
arranged by the couple themselves.
What is more,
this change
in the method of arrangement has brought with it a decline in
the proportions
of marriages ending in divorce.
be discussed in more detail below).
the rising age at marriage,
(This will
These various
themes;
the change from parent-arranged
to chiId-arranged marriages and the decline in divorce as a
result of both these influences
are important in themselves,
but they take on an even more significant meaning when viewed
in the perspective of social class differences.
6.4.3
Social and Economic Determinants
It was
of Marriage Behaviour
clear from Table 6.5 that one of the important
indications of the changing age at marriage is the proportion
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195
of women of each age group who are single at any given time.
In Table 6.9 this fact is used to demonstrate the differences
in the age at marriage between people of different economic
levels and schooling experience.
Columns
(4) through (8)
of the table, which tabulate the proportions single according
to Economic Status and Schooling, show that women of
low economic status
tend to get married at later ages than
those with only a little primary school.
Since we know that
the high cost of schooling means that higher levels of
schooling are mainly associated with higher economic status,
this result seems anomalous.'*'
The tabulations according to Income Level, in columns
(1) through (3) of the table show this anomaly in the form of
a series of comparisons between women of the various income
levels which show a U-shape:
in each age group bar the last
there are greater proportions single in the lower and upper
income levels than the middle.
This arises because the
pressures which are pushing up the age at marriage are not
uniformly related to income.
On the one hand long term school
attendance tends to force people to delay their marriages,
and this is most important for women of the upper income
group.
On the other hand economic pressures encourage people
to try to save money or other material forms of wealth for
a wedding and the establishment of a new household, and this
affects the poor most strongly.
At intermediate levels of
income children are less likely to go to school for very long
periods of time because of the cost and the severe competition
for places at higher level schools, and yet their parents
are generally able to finance a wedding at almost any time,
so they are able to marry at younger ages.
Because these
factors operate in such different ways the effect they have
on people of the various social classes is much more dramatic
when seen on the individual level, than from the point of
view of the group.
Thus one of our neighbours,
a boy of around
19, had begun to get a large number of odd jobs, including
working on the re-surfacing of the airport runway, occasional
farm labour, and a short spell at trading, all in order to
save up money for his eventual marriage.
1
He said he was not
The cost of schooling is discussed in more detail in Chapter 7.
TABLE 6.9
PROPORTIONS OF WOMEN STILL SINGLE IN EACH AGE GROUP ACCORDING TO INCOME LEVEL, ECONOMIC
STATUS, WORK STATUS AND EDUCATION
(PERCENTAGES OF NUMBERS IN EACH CELL)
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197
sure about whom he would marry, but that he had plenty of
time to find someone since it would
reach his savings
his best
goal.
take him a few years to
In quite the opposite way one of
friends who had gone on to Upper Secondary school
and done well enough to be considered for university, but
could not afford the entrance
inability
fees, was despondent over his
to continue his academic work,
and rushed into
marriage as a way of quickly asserting his maturity.
assistants,
unmarried,
Our
most of whom were university students, were all
and one of them,
a man of 29, spoke of waiting for
years more before he would be established enough to consider
forming a family.
between
Thus, even though the differences
the income groups in age at marriage are not very
strong or clear-cut,
factors
the action of social and economic
in individual cases is usually quite straightforward.
As we have already mentioned,
is in many ways
the changing age at marriage
less important than the changing age at the
consummation of marriage and start of cohabitation.
In Table
6.10 the mean ages of consummation of the first marriages
TABLE 6.10
MEAN AGE AT CONSUMMATION OF FIRST MARRIAGE
ACCORDING TO INCOME LEVEL AND ECONOMIC STATUS
INDEX
Economic Status
Income Level
Lower
Middle
Me an
18.0
17.8
N =
428
312
Note:
High
All
Women
17.9
18.0
17.7
17.9
42 3
674
489
116 3*
See Table 6.11 for explanation.
*
Source:
Low
Upper
Marital History
(Eve r- Married W o m e n ) .
of all ever-married women
consummate
(excluding those who did not
their first marriage)
Income Level and Economic Status.
indicator,
are presented according to
By either economic class
poor women consummate their marriages later than
richer women.
The figures
are confused somewhat by the inclusion
of women from generations which had such radically different
198
marriage patterns,
and the exclusion of those from earlier
periods who did not consummate their first marriage, but
later went on to marry a second time and consummated that
union, so Table 6.11 has been presented to show the mean age
of the commencement of sexual intercourse according to current
age group and both income level and schooling.
These figures
are calculated to include women whose second marriages were
consummated rather than their first, and also women who were
shown, through documentary evidence of birth certificate and
marriage certificate,
to have been pre-maritally pregnant, and
thus had commenced intercourse before marriage.
Again, the
variety of influences which are active in determining the
age at marriage make the interpretation of this table
difficult.
The patterns are not stable; there are numerous
Ur-shaped and inverted U-shaped relations between the various
levels, and it is difficult to control the influence of
particularly late marriages on the averages in the older age
groups.
However, with all this confusion (only some of which
could be cleared up by more detailed analysis)
the strongest
points to emerge from the table are unequivocal;
that is,
as the average age at marriage has been rising it has done
so throughout the income spectrum, and as a result, the poor
are beginning their reproductive unions later than they used
to, and later than their middle-income and many upper income
people are doing today.
This is happening despite the fact
that increased schooling is encouraging the upper income
people to postpone their marriages more today than it has
ever done in the past.
6.4.4
Patterns of Marital Dissolution
We have already noted that divorce was traditionally very
common in Maguwoharj o with well over a third of the women
aged 40 and above having had their first marriages end in
divorce (see Table 6.8 again).
At the same time very few
people are divorced at any given time (Table 6.5), indicating
a very high rate of very quick remarriage.
Table 6.12 shows
that divorce is over twice as frequent among people in the
lower income category than among those in the upper income
when an examination is made of the ever-married women, while
199
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6.11
MEAN
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oo oo
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200
TABLE 6.12
PERCENTAGE OF FIRST MARRIAGES ENDING IN DIVORCE,
SEPARATION OR DESERTION BY CURRENT AGE GROUP,
MARITAL STATUS, UPPER AND LOWER INCOME LEVELS
Marital Status
=
Income Level
=
Ever-Married Women
Lower
Currently Married Women
Upper
Lower
Upper
(Percentages)
Current Age
9
29
41
32
43
49
42
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
4
11
26
21
21
24
24
7
24
29
27
36
40
(38)
0
9
25
18
20
23
(21)
44
38
49
64
44
45
21
53
64
72
69
59
44
29
(N 's)
45
45
68
81
71
71
36
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
Note:
56
66
73
73
62
46
37
Bracketed cell have N < 30.
Source:
Marital History.
among currently married women the difference is around a third.
This
indicates
that lower income women not only get divorced
more often than upper income women,
but they remarry less
quickly.
An explanation of these differences
divorce must take into account
a divorce
in the patterns of
the relative ease with which
can be secured in a Muslim society.
A man has only
to repeat the phrase "I divorce you" three times
final divorce
to be made.
for a
If he says the phrase only once,
the divorce is initiated, but he may take his wife back
(ruj uk)
within a three month period without the divorce becoming final.
A woman has
to go to much more trouble to divorce her husband,
including enlisting the aid of witnesses
violated one of the conditions
finds it more expeditious
to prove that he has
of marriage,
and often a wife
to convince her husband to carry out
the divorce rather than try to have it done herself.
But,
in
201
general,
it is not difficult to obtain a divorce.
This has
meant that some divorces have been carried out over relatively
trivial causes,
Also,
only to be reversed by the process of ru ju k .
if a parentally arranged marriage did not please the
marriage partners in the past,
having it broken.
they found little difficulty
If a couple were facing economic troubles,
and one or the other of the partners became angry at the
laziness or gambling of the other, divorce was an easy remedy
to the problem.
The lower income group has traditionally been
much more prone to face all of these problems than has the
upper income group, and for this reason divorce has been more
common among them.
The other major form of marital dissolution, widowhood,
is less likely to exhibit strong differentials according to
social or economic class.
Death is inevitable, and when it
occurs at the advanced ages the differences between income
groups are often very small.
What people do after the death of
a spouse, though, is not so inevitable, as a look at the
figures for the proportions currently widowed might indicate.
TABLE 6.13
PROPORTIONS OF PEOPLE CURRENTLY WIDOWED ACCORDING
TO AGE GROUP AND SEX
(PERCENTAGES)
Age Group
Males
Females
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65-69
1
0
2
3
4
2
7
24
4
5
13
17
32
43
67
72
Source:
Census.
There is in Maguwoharjo the common pattern that more women
are widowed at any given age than are men.
This is caused by
the higher age-specific mortality rates of men and the fact
that husbands are usually somewhat older than wives anyway,
202
thus exposing them to higher relative mortality risks again.
In addition it is commonly felt that while a widowed woman can
somehow take care of herself, a man is less skillful in this
matter.
Consequently many of the widowed men, in a minority
compared to women anyway, search out wives.
The women they
marry are usually much younger than themselves, giving rise
to both a mis-match of age groups in marriage partners,
which of itself implies that the older women are not likely to
be remarried,
and also a wide gap in ages and hence mortality
risks which predisposes an eventual condition where the old
man dies leaving a middle-aged widow who is unlikely to remarry.
The effect of all these influences is to bias any
perception of the institution of widowhood towards
for the fate of the female.
a concern
Certainly this is an important
problem in village Java where the interaction of these
marriage patterns with the nucleated system of households gives
rise to enormous numbers of old women maintaining their own
households.
These women are disproportionately represented
among the poorest stratum of the community, and are often
subjected to extremely degrading conditions.
At times a widow
takes in a teenager who may be a grandchild or the offspring
of a neighbour,
to help her with the onerous tasks of fetching
water and collecting firewood.
Often she is completely
dependent on her children for her livelihood,
and when she
has borne no children and borrowed none, her lot is all the
more difficult.
Then she must do whatever she can to eke out
a living through petty trading,
labouring or ragpicking.
Because of this the common symbol of dependency in old
age is most often the solitary woman at the very lowest
standard of living.
People are less likely to think of the
life of the widowed man who has a new family, or the old woman
whose effort has established a thriving business and a
comfortable life.
Not only are these cases less numerous,
they also defy the meaning of dependency.
Thus when people
speak of the necessity of having children who will safeguard
them in their old age, what they often mean is to safeguard
them from the ignominious fate of the old ragpickers.
It
doesn't matter that they may have the potential to make a
comfortable life for themselves through their own efforts,
203
because as everyone knows the risks involved in that, and
the uncertainty of health make the spectre of real dependency
a frightening thing."*"
Whatever the causes of marital dissolution, whether by divorce,
separation, desertion,
or widowhood,
one of the most important
demographic effects involved is the disruption which occurs
in a woman's reproductive life.
Marriage is the only socially
sanctioned institution for childbearing in Javanese society,
and any time which a woman spends unmarried means time
which she is unable to become pregnant legitimately, and thus
her fertility is restrained.
One measure of the extent of
this restraint is the proportion of her childbearing years
which are spent out of wedlock.
As Table 6.14 shows, by this
measure the fertility of lower income women is substantially
restrained, both in absolute terms with upwards of a fifth
of their childbearing years being spent outside of unions, and
relative to the upper income groups, who experience such
restraint on a far smaller scale.
When it is realized that by
age 45 over 30% of the poor women have spent a quarter or
more of the time since their first marriage outside of a stable
union it can be imagined that the impact of such experience
on fertility can be considerable.
These figures are based
on the assumption that a woman's reproductive period begins
with the consummation of a marriage, so when account is
taken of the relatively later age at consummation among the
poor it can be seen that the institution of marriage in Java
provides a number of powerful means of fertility control,
albeit few of them voluntary and intentional.
6.5
The Level of Fertility and Family Size
A very simple exercise of calculating the general fertility
rates for Maguwoharjo based on the official village records
is contained in Table 6.15.
The data used are suspect --
the number of women in the childbearing age group is calculated
with a constant proportion based on the 1970 Age Distribution,
1
These issues are discussed in greater detail in Chapter 7.
ACCORDING
204
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TABLE 6.15
GENERAL FERTILITY RATES FOR MAGUWOHARJO: 1961-1969 AS CALCULATED FROM OFFICIAL RECORDS
bO
206
and the birth registration records are relatively unstable —
but the results of the exercise are of interest, if only to show
some sort of "rock-bottom" level of fertility which we might
expect to find in Maguwoharjo.
(1970: 137)
Considering that Iskandar
calculated the general fertility rate for
Yogyakarta for 1960 as being 168 and the rates calculated
in the exercise hover around 150, it would seem that the data
we are using here are not as bad as might be feared.
However
the real measure of the fertility level of the community
cannot be based on this type of calculation, but must rest
on the results of the pregnancy history.
6.5.1
Data on Fertility from the Pregnancy History
The Pregnancy History asked each woman between the ages
of 15 and 54 to give detailed information on each of her
marriages and each pregnancy she had experienced.
This
provided the data necessary for an analysis of the fertility
of Maguwoharjo women over a long period of time.^
As presented
in Table 6.16 the age specific birth rates of women in eight
periods from 1934 to 1973 show substantial variations over
time which deserve detailed examination.
First, with regard to the low fertility during the
disruptive years of war and revolution,
there has been some
hesitancy on the part of many investigators over the acceptance
of the results of retrospective fertility surveys.
For
instance three preliminary reports of the Lembaga Demografi1s
1973 Fertility-Mortality Survey attributed the relatively
low fertility found among the 40-44 age group to recall lapse
and cautioned against using them in any description of the
1 The basic analysis of these data was made using the Bogue
Pregnancy History Analysis programme outlined in Bogue(1970).
However, difficulties with the programme precluded the
presentation of tables for marital fertility which are
normally produced as part of the output, and made much of
the supplementary information suspect, with the result
that most of the tables in this section have been produced
with a standard tabulation programme.
Valerie Hull
contributed substantially to this work, and the help of
Anne Sandilands of the ANU Joint Schools Programming section
was instrumental in sorting out some of the initial
difficulties encountered using the Bogue Programme.
207
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ESTIMATES OF FERTILITY IN MAGUWOHARJO FOR THE PERIOD 1939-1973
I
TABLE 6.16
TO
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208
fertility of earlier periods.
Since this survey did not
interview any women over age 45 these conclusions seemed to
have some justification.
However,
as the Maguwoharjo data
shows, when women of the age group 45-54 are included in
the analysis evidence for recall lapse becomes shaky.
In Table 6.16 the fertility of women before 1944 is higher
than between 1944 and 1953.
The dip is quite clear in
age groups 15-19 and 20-24 during those periods and is very
strongly suggested in age group 25-29.
Moreover,
the impact
of the wartime disruption on the fertility of those who were
20-24 in 1944-1948 continued throughout their child-bearing
lives due to higher incidence of marital disruption and secondary
sterility.
Their Total Fertility Rate (TFR), as calculated
along the diagonal starting from 1939-1943, is a full child
less than that of the previous cohort.
There would seem to
be little doubt in these data that the fertility of older
women is reported with more accuracy than is generally regarded
as possible, and following on this, that the fertility of
the group of women whose peak childbearing years coincided
with the war and revolution was genuinely lower than women
who are either their seniors or their juniors.
Another aspect of the table which is of interest is the
very high fertility recorded for the 1950's compared to more
moderate levels recently.
There are probably many reasons
for this trend, not the least of which would be the rising
age at marriage.
The Lembaga Demografi is hesitant to
attribute the recent decline in recorded fertility in Java
as a whole to the impact of the Family Planning Programme,
which only began in earnest in 1969, but prefer instead to
attribute it to the joint effect of the Programme and
1 The three reports, for West Java, East Java and Central
Java were all put out in 1974 in mimeographed form for
relatively limited distribution.
They contain valuable
information on fertility which greatly improves our
understanding of the fertility levels prevailing in Java,
and in addition data on family planning knowledge and
practice provide the first extensive picture of the impact
of the Family Planning Programme since its inception.
Hopefully the wider publication and more detailed analysis
of these data will be made in the near future.
209
mis reporting of the ages of very young children.^
In
Maguwoharjo the problems involved in reporting ages were
largely overcome by the techniques described above, so very
little of the decline can be attributed to that.
Some support
for this assertion is gained from the fact that the decline
was missing in age group 20-24 and grew in importance
at the later ages and the youngest age group.
Considering the
fact that the age at marriage had risen substantially, the
decline in the age group 15-19 is understandable.
Also since
the Family Planning Programme in Maguwoharjo took the form
of a Model Clinic which made an early and very intensive
drive it is probable that some of the decline at the later
ages can be directly attributed to this social change.
It is also interesting to note that if the adjustment to the
fertility of the most recent period suggested by Bogue in
his description of the analysis programme is calculated the
decline is even more substantial than in the unadjusted
figures .^
We should not put too much faith in these figures as
precise measures of what is happening to fertility patterns
in Maguwoharjo.
The influence of chance occurrences is
important in such a small population, and the very volatility
of marriage and fertility behaviour can modify the figure
substantially without implying long term changes.
enough to accept the findings as broad trends:
It is
the total
fertility rate has been over 5.5 and is declining; a clear
dip is evident in the fertility of the 40-49 year age groups
apparently as a consequence of the disruption of the war time
conditions of the 1940’s; and a substantial decline in fertility
is resulting from the rising age at marriage.
These are the
most important characteristics of the recent trends in the
fertility levels in Maguwoharjo, and they are the elements
1 Some of the decline reported in the
have been the result of a suspected
analysis programme used to tabulate
the present writing corrections for
are unavailable.
Preliminary Reports may
fault in the Bogue
the data, but as of
the published results
2 The method for the adjustment is found in Bogue (1970:
138-139).
Calculations for the adjustment, which recomputes
the first and last rates of the series are contained in
the Appendix Table S.
210
which will figure most pominently in our later discussions of
motives for high fertility and fertility control.
Before leaving a consideration of fertility levels and
going on to a comparison of the fertility of Maguwoharjo
women with that of other areas of Indonesia and Southeast
Asia, and analysis of fertility according to social class,
mention should be made of the Davis and Blake (1956) Intermediate
Variables. Quite detailed information was collected on these
variables, including patterns of breastfeeding, post-partum
abstinence, post-partum amenorrhea, and various types of sterilityj
and these have been analysed by Valerie J. Hull as part of
her study of Fertility, Socioeconomic Status and the Position
of Women in Maguwoharjo.
It was found that behaviour relating
to each of the variables has been changing in Maguwoharjo,
and in particular the time spent in breastfeeding and
post-partum abstinence has been shortening, with the result
that the intervals between births have been shortening.
This
is demonstrated in Table 6.17. The intervals between marriage
and first birth, and consummation and first bith are becoming
shorter, but we would expect this from our discussion of
changing marriage patterns. What is more surprising is the
shortening of intervals between low order births -- the interval
between first and second birth was one year less for women
currently aged 25-34 than for those aged 45-54. In no case is
the interval for a given order of birth for a younger woman
longer than that recorded for older women. These findings are
further reinforced by the reminder that a majority of the live
births recorded on the pregnancy history are documented
with birth certificates, and when only those documented
outcomes are analysed the same pattern is found with only a
slight diminution of the differences.
(See Valerie J. Hull
(forthcoming) for this analysis).
Thus the fertility in
Maguwoharjo is not only declining, it is compressing as a result
of the changing post-partum behaviour of mothers with regard
to breastfeeding and the resumption of intercourse.
A factor which accompanies this compression of childbearing
within shorter periods of time is the continuing differences
in the time of onset of sterility among women of the different
income groups.
In Table 6.18 we see that the proportions of
211
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212
TABLE 6.18
PERCENTAGE OF WOMEN WIIO ARE (1) INFECUND OR (2)
POSSIBLY INFECUND OR SUBFECUND BY AGE AND INCOME
LEVEL
Income Level
Age Group
Lower
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
0
4
8
34
78
(100)
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
Source:
Upper
(Percent Infecund)
0
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26
71
(85)
0
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4
19
59
(86)
(Percent Possibly Infecund or Subfecund)
2
3
0
8
2
5
12
10
23
20
14
22
16
19
14
(0)
(15)
(3)
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
Note:
Middle
(N's)
49
42
52
42
31
13
38
49
64
44
45
21
64
72
69
59
44
29
Bracketed figures have N< 30.
Pregnancy History.
women who report total infecundity is about the same for all
groups up to age 40 or so, after which time the proportion among
the poor who are certain that they are infecund is over half
again as great as the proportion among those in the upper
income group.
Those reporting themselves subfecund (difficulty
encountered in trying to conceive)
or possibly infecund are
also more likely to come from the lower income group.
The
causes of infecundity or subfecundity are more common among
the poor - frequent infections following births attended by
traditional midwives, poorer nutrition,
and greater susceptibility
to sickness in general and while there is evidence of some
improvement in the health facilities in the village this has most
impact on upper income people who are better able to take
advantage of them.
The poor,
as we saw in Chapter 5, continue
to live at a greatly restricted standard of living,
and this
213
contributes to their lower fecundity and, in turn, fertility.
6.5.2
Comparison of the Fertility of Maguwoharjo and that of
Other Areas of Java and Southeast Asia.
Thusfar in this chapter we have been demonstrating how the
various aspects of demographic behaviour in Maguwoharjo are
interrelated, but little attention has been paid to gaining
an understanding of how this behaviour relates to that in
other areas of Java and in other areas of Southeast Asia.
It
is worthwhile to pause for a moment and consider this issue
before delving deeper into the internal comparisons of the
fertility of women along the lines of social class differences.
Aside from its value in setting an understanding of the
situation of Maguwoharjo in a broader context, this diversion
will allow us to introduce some other sources of data which
will be useful in later discussions.
The basic comparisons of number of children ever born
(CEB), children still living (CSL), and the survivorship
ratios calculated from these two figures are presented for
seven areas besides Maguwoharjo in Table 6.19.
The most
comparable set of figures, both from the point of view of
methodological similarity and geographic proximity, are
those for Mojolama which were collected by Singarimbun in 1969.
Maguwoharjo women have higher fertility at all ages, and
their children survive more often than is the case in Mojalama,
but these facts are reflections of the relative economic
advantage of the former community.
Maguwoharjo also has higher
fertility than that recorded on two censuses of Yogyakarta
and sample surveys of rural Java.
This comparison might be
accepted without question except for the fact that the 1973
Fertility-Mortality Survey has produced a set of data of much
higher quality than those of the Censuses and surveys which
preceeded it.
The data from that survey on children ever born
are reproduced in Table 6.20.
There it can be seen that
Maguwoharjo1s fertility, is intermediate between the levels
found in West Java and Central Java, and much higher than
levels for East Java.
Another way of looking at it is to say
that Maguwoharjo’s fertility tends to follow a more urb an
pattern since for all the provinces
(with minor exceptions in
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216
West Java possibly due to the exclusion of Jakarta from the
sample)
the level of urban fertility is slightly higher than that
found in rural areas .^
Returning to Table 6.19, it can be stated by way of
conclusion of these comparisons that the fertility of people
in Maguwoharj o , no matter how high compared with other areas
of Java, is lower than fertility in the Outer Islands or in
Malaysia.
In addition,
the survivorship of children born to
women in Maguwoharjo which compares so favourably with that of
Mojolama,
is less impressive when placed next to the data
from Malaysia.
Some of the conditions surrounding this result
can best be understood in the context of the social class
structure of the village, a topic to which we now turn.
6.6 Socio-Economic Differentials of Fertility
6.6.1
Differentials of Fertility
An American song of the 1930's contended that "The rich
get richer and the poor get ... children" .
Rainwater was
inspired to borrow the latter half of this refrain as the
title of his classic study of social class differentials in
fertility in Chicago, and because of the impact of work
such as his and themes such as that carried in the song it
has now become common for people to regard inverse relations
between fertility and economic status as something of a
1
Explanations for the higher fertility in cities of Java
are hard to come by.
Referring to differentials found
in other Asian regions by Robinson, Heer (1968: 51)
suggests that higher infant and childhood mortality in
the cities may promote higher fertility as a compensation.
However, as we will see in a later section, reported
infant and child mortality in the cities is and has long
been lower than that of the countryside.
An alternative
explanation might be that high mortality conditions in
rural areas are coexistant with higher rates of secondary
sterility.
Also, as will be developed in greater detail
further on, poor people living in rural areas probably
have higher rates of marital dissolution, and stronger
practices concerning post-partum lactation and
abstinence.
217
natural law.
Such ideas are reinforced by the well-known
gap in reproductive rates between rich and poor nations and
many people regard the peasants of the Third World as being
the quintessential examples of the power of human fertility.
Of course, it is well-known in Demography that this place
falls not to Indian farmers but to a European religious sect
living in Canada,
the Hutterites, who have an average of over
ten children throughout their childbearing lives.
Compared
to them the fertility of the peasants of most of the developing
world is remarkably restrained.
However,
it is still generally
true that people of poor nations as a whole have higher fertility
than people of rich nations.
What is not so certain, at least
for the case of Java, is the proposition that poor people within
a particular social setting have more children than their
rich compatriots.^
1
There are, of course, many challenges to the validity of this
law, particularly the many studies from America showing
U-shaped
or positive relations (see Simon 1974 for mention
of some of these) however as Heer (1968: 51-52) points out
there are many difficulties in analysing data in order to
control sufficiently for residence, ethnicity and a host
of other factors which are related to fertility.
At any
rate, recent findings on this subject which show positive
or non-linear relations have yet to grasp most people's
attention, nor have they been immortalized in song.
2
There have been many attempts to clarify the relation between
income or farm size and fertility in the context of peasant
economies.
In support of the proposition that the relation
was positive Jain (1939) presented evidence from a survey
in the Punjab which showed that higher economic status
and higher social status went along with higher fertility,
but as Davis (1951: 74-78) pointed out these findings had
relatively low correlations and they are also open to
errors due to differences in age structures of the various
groups (since data on age was not presented nothing can
be done to correct this).
Davis also contends that "in
India, people's memory of the number of children ever born
is quite deficient; and since the upper income groups may
have slightly better memories in this regard, such positive
correlation as it exists may be more fictitious than real."
(1951: 76)
Stys provided data of somewhat better quality
in his study of Polish peasants (1957) and was able to control
very well for age differences, but the question has been
raised (see Simon 1974: 91) as to whether people with large
families could have obtained larger landholdings on this
account in the Polish rural economy, so something of a
chicken and egg controversy has arisen.
However, in what
follows the reader can take heart that the Maguwoharjo data
were to a large extent verified by birth certificates so as
to minimise recall lapse, and the income level has been shown
to be governed by fairly strict class differences. Thus the
positive relation, while generally of low order of statistical
relation, is probably real.
218
In Maguwoharj o, as is shown on Table 6.21,
substantial evidence
that people
at lower incomes have
children that those at upper incomes.
fewer
There is over a full
child difference in the average numbers
(CEB)
there is
of children ever born
to women of age 40 and above depending on whether
are in the lower or upper income
category.
differences exist at each age level,
they
What is more,
and even at age 30-34
involve the difference of almost one child between the lowest
and highest income category.
usually
But such findings
as these are
regarded with scepticism - on the presumption that
there is a tendency for women,
especially poor uneducated women,
to forget some of their earlier births.
But when the fertility
rates of the women of the three groups are examined for the
period 1967-71,
a time recent enough to be memorable
for the
women and also covered substantially with documentary proof
of dates
of birth,
TABLE 6.21
the differences
are still evident.
MEAN NUMBERS OF CHILDREN EVER BORN (CEB) AND
CHILDREN STILL LIVING (CSL) AND SURVIVORSHIP
RATIOS (CSL/CEB) FOR EVER-MARRIED WOMEN BY AGE
AND INCOME LEVEL
Income Leve 1
Age Group
L owe r
Middle
Upper
Lower
(CEB)
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
(0.5)
1. 7
2. 7
3.5
4.5
3. 7
3.9
5.2
(0.4)
1.8
2.9
4.1
4.8
5.5
4.2
(5.6)
(0.5)
1.8
3.1
4.4
5.9
6.2
5.2
6.1
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
11
45
45
68
81
71
71
36
17
40
53
45
56
43
41
17
10
56
66
73
73
62
46
37
Total
428
312
423
Source:
Bracketed cells have N <30.
Pregnancy History.
Upper
(CSL)
Number of Mothers
Note:
Middle
(0.5)
1.4
2.4
2.5
3. 7
3.4
2.5
3.2
(0.4)
1.6
2.6
3.5
4.0
4.3
2 .7
(4.1)
(0.5)
1. 7
3.0
4.0
5.2
5.2
4.9
4. 7
Survivo rship Ratios
(CSL/CEB)
(1.00)
.82
.89
. 71
.82
. 72
.64
.62
(1.00)
.89
.90
. 85
.83
.78
.64
(.73)
(1.00)
.94
.97
.91
.88
.83
. 79
. 77
219
In Table 6.22 The TFR for ever-married poor women is shown to
be 5.0 children, while the comparable figure for upper income
women is 6.25 —
on average.
a difference of one and a quarter children
The age specific fertility rate of poor women is
lower than that of upper income women in every age group,
TABLE 6.22
AGE SPECIFIC FERTILITY RATES FOR EVER-MARRIED
WOMEN BY INCOME LEVEL, 1967-1971
Income Level
Age Group
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
Total fertility rate
L owe r
Middle
Upper
67
318
242
203
128
33
8
95
29 3
261
223
149
50
8
85
327
329
238
159
102
9
5.00
5.40
6.25
Ratio
Upper
-r Lower
1.27
1.03
1.36
1.17
1.24
3.09
1.13
Source: Pregnancy history.
and is especially low at the older ages, with the ratio of
birth rates in age 40-44 being as high as th ree children born
among 1000 upper income women for every one born among the
same number of poor women.
The causes of these differences
are those we have dis cus se d above —
the higher rates of
divorce, separation and infecundity among the poor, as well
as differences in marriage patterns^ -- and in this table we
1
These figures are for ever-married women, but the rising age
at marriage has an effect on the age group 15-19 because
of the relative timing of marriage and first birth.
Consider the case where 1000 women in a village marry at
age 17 and have their first birth eighteen months later
at age 1872• The birth rate for ever-married women aged
15-19 would include the 1000 mothers in the denominator
and the births in the numerator.
If they had delayed
marriage for two years, till they were 19, then they would
still be in the denominator for the 15-19 group but they
would be very unlikely to contribute births to the numerator
until they had reached age 20/2. The amount of time they had
spent in the 15-19 ever-married group would have diminished
in smaller proportion to the decline in the number of births
they would contribute to the group, and thus the age specific
birth rate for ever-married women aged 15-19 would have
fallen.
However, in the present table the difference in the
proportions of upper versus lower income married at each age is
slight and has a relatively minor impact on their respective
TFRs .
220
can see that these causes are active in producing differentials
at all ages,
though with a heavy bias
toward older women.
To look at the difference in another way, we might
consider the proportions
of women aged 45 and over who had
given birth to specific numbers of children
we can see that the average numbers
(as in Table 6.23)
of births
tends to understate
the substantial differences between income groups in many ways.
TABLE 6.23
NUMBERS OF CHILDREN EVER BORN TO EVER-MARRIED
WOMEN AGED 45 AND OVER BY INCOME LEVEL
(COLUMN PERCENTAGES)
Income Level
Number of Children
Lower
0
7
12
8
11)22
11)
i°)i9
9)
6)12
6)
3
4
^^2 3
9)
9 ) 19
10) 1
H)l7
5 ) i7
5
6
9) 22
13)
16) Z1
12)
10)
5)31
5)35
3) 3
=
6) 11
5)
ID
9)39
3)Zy
7)
13>53
7)
22)
99
100
101
10 7
58
83
5)
Total
Source:
Upper
1
2
7
8
9
10 +
N
Middle
Pregnancy History.
Over half of the upper income women have over 6 children,
while only a quarter of the lower income people reach
levels.
those
The proportion having borne 10 or more is a fifth
for the upper income and 5% for the poor.
What is more,
the
proportion who were presumably primarily sterile, having
reported no births,
is lower for the lower income
either the upper or middle income,
than for
indicating that the averages
would produce even greater differences
if they excluded those
women who had borne no children. Also, while over a third of
the poor women have had to content
births,
themselves with 1, 2 or 3
the number suggested by the Family Planning Programme
221
in its propaganda,
only a little over one in five of the
upper income women have had this number.
While
Income Level provides
a convenient
and quite
sensible way of presenting information on fertility differentials,
it is not the only expression of relative social class which
is important in Maguwoharjo.
dependent
In many ways
income is itself
on the occupation of the head of the household,
since as we saw in the previous
chapter, men working in various
jobs connected with the government and the military are
generally in the higher income groups
their own land while labourers
or lower income groups.
as are farmers who own
or artisans are in the middle
In Table 6.24 the average number of
children ever born to women of various
age groups is tabulated
according to their h u s b a n d s ’ occupations.
problems
There are some
in interpreting these data because of the very small
cell sizes which result from such detailed division, but the
major lessons are nonetheless
status occupations
the lowest
higher income and higher
are associated with higher fertility, while
fertility is found among the lowest status occupation,
that of labouring.
fertility,
there:
Farmers
are shown to have the highest
a fact related to their higher income and wealth
while such groups
as artisans
and civilian employees of the
military, which span a wide range of income groups,
intermediate
levels of fertility.^
Schooling,
unlike occupation,
is itself dependent on
income since it was among the higher income
greatest advances
1
have
families that the
in the schooling of children were made
One of the traditional measures used in relating economic status
with fertility is farm size, but in Maguwoharjo this is
difficult to analyse because of the severe fragmentation
of landholdings, and the small cell sizes which are made
in any table which controls for land size, age of woman,
and occupation; the bare minimum controls which should
be made.
It deserves mention that when the age group 45-54
is examined, women from farming families with .01 to .09
hectares had 5.37 children on average (N=32) while women with
farm sizes of .1 or more hectares had 6.40 children (N=65).
These calculations excluded women who had had no births.
Of course, women from farming families with no land (ie.
landless labourers) would have made up the bulk of the
labouring group which, as seen in Table 6.24, had 4.0
children on average.
222
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In Table 6.25 the relation
between schooling and fertility is positive at ages 25 and over,
and negative in age group 20-24.
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group is a reflection of the impact of very high levels of
schooling on the age at marriage, but women most affected by
this condition are concentrated among the upper income group.
Once they (or their prospective husbands) have finished their
schooling and get married they have much higher rates of
fertility,
and thus catch up to the levels of fertility of the
other groups by the time they are in their late 20's.
In sum, then, these data provide convincing evidence that
the rich bear more children than the poor.
An important
question related to this finding is that of the impact
these differences in fertility have on the determination of
a completed family size for a woman, or put another way, what
are the chances of survival of the children of the rich
compared to those of the poor.
The next section will deal
with this question before summarizing the findings of
differential fertility patterns.
6.6.2
Differentials in Family Size
The tables in the previous section presenting data on the
number of children ever born also contained data on the
number of children still living (CSL)
and a calculation of
the survivorship ratios which are implied in these figures.
These figures tell us much about the family-building experience
of people of different classes.
For instance, Table 6.22
shows that at age group 30-34 poor women have given birth
to 3.5 children on average, but only 2.5 of these are still
alive, showing a loss of one child on average.
women the relevant figures are 4.4 ever born,
for a loss of .4 children on average.
For upper income
4.0 still living,
The survivorship ratios
for this age group thus rise from 71% of CEB still living for
the lower income group to 91% for the upper income women.
At all ages the survivorship ratios are positively related to
income,
thus demonstrating that not only do the poor have
fewer children than the rich, their children are more vulnerable
to the threat of early death.
The comparable figures from the
tables showing CEB by husband’s occupation and wi f e ’s schooling
224
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6.25
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w
PH
MEAN NUMBERS
SURVIVORSHIP
OF CHILDREN EVER BORN ( CE B ) AND CHILDREN S T I L L L I V I N G ( C S L ) AND
RATIOS ( C S L / C E B ) FOR EVER-MARRIED WOMEN BY AGE AND SCHOOLING
u
225
serve
to reinforce
The reasons
this point.
for these differentials
should be discussed in
the context of the mortality patterns which prevail in the
community
(see the following section)
this we should make note of what
the family sizes
areas.
First,
Table 6.19
but before attempting
these figures
imply concerning
of couples in Maguwoharjo compared with other
it may be seen by comparing Table 6.22 with
that the fertility levels of poor people in Maguwoharjo
are very similar to those found for the whole of Mojolama and
that the survivorship ratios
are also very comparable.
For
both groups the implication is that mothers would bear an
average of less
than five children over the course of their
married lives out of which
less than two thirds would be living
at the time the mother was entering her old age.
The upper
income women have a level of fertility which is incomparable
with any found in larger scale surveys
of Java,
and which exceeds
even that reported for the Outer Islands or Malaysia.
The
upper income women of Maguwoharjo have average numbers
of
CEB of over 6 of which nearly
the mother is in her 50's.
motive
80% are still alive by the time
This means that if there is any
for having children to obtain sources of support in
old age,
and we will see below that there is, the poor mothers
in Maguwoharjo,
and all the mothers
in Mojolama end up relying
on an average of two or three children, while women of the
upper income
groups have four or five,
and many of them have
substantially more than that.
6.7
The Level of Mortality
The Maguwoharjo survey was
far too small to collect accurate
data on the mortality patterns which prevail in the community
at all ages, but some of the data from the Pregnancy History
allow a detailed analysis of the experience of the younger
groups
of the community
summary measure,
over the past couple of decades.
the infant mortality
One
rate, was calculated
as part of the Bogue Pregnancy History Analysis Programme and
is shown for seven periods
from 1939-1973 in Table 6.26.
Once
again the benefit of interviewing women up to the age of 54
was proven as it allows us to see the rise in infant mortality
from relatively
low pre-war levels
to a high rate of 271 deaths
226
TABLE 6.26
ESTIMATES OF INFANT MORTALITY RATES FOR MAGUWOHARJ0
BETWEEN 1939 AND 1973
(Deaths of Children Aged 365 Days or Less Per
1000 Live Births in the Period)
Year of Birth
of Child
Note:
Source:
Rate
1939-1943
134
1944-1948
271
1949-1953
205
1954-1958
100
1959-1963
77
1964-1968
82
1969-1973
66
Calculated as part of Bogue Pregnancy History Analysis.
Pregnancy History.
per 1000 live births
decline since
in the period 1944-1948,
that time to the present
1000 live births.^-
and the steady
level of 66 deaths per
This pattern may be compared with the
results of the Fertility-Mortality Survey, which showed that
for Java as a whole
the rate of infant deaths has
the past three decades
live births
from levels exceeding 150 per 1000
to levels substantially
is little doubt
fallen in
less
than 100.
There
that the health conditions have improved in
Indonesia since 1945 as a result of a wide variety of efforts
to control diseases,
famine and improve
of the people, but as Table 6.27 shows,
the standard of living
the great strides
1 The Bogue computation is made on the basis of deaths to
infants aged exactly one year or less, while our own
calculations make estimates of infant mortality on the
basis of deaths to infants less than exactly one year of
age.
Discrepancies arise because mothers reporting the age
at death of an infant tend to say 1 year rather than 51
weeks or 53 weeks, and thus the Bogue computation leads to
overs tatement of the number of deaths while our own estimates
are understatements. However, our experience indicated that
the heaping at exact age 1 was mainly due to a misstatement
the age of a child who was really older than 1, thus our
own method of calculating infant mortality would probably be
the more accurate one.
It also conforms to the definition
used by Chandrasekhar (1972: 78).
22 7
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22 8
in these areas were those taken in the 1950's when there was
great emphasis on mass campaigns in these areas.
Lately the
momentum of the decline has stalled, both because of the greater
difficulty found in controlling the causes of death which continue
to support the high mortality rates,
and the disruption of
the 1960's which found the deterioration of many social services.
In Maguwoharjo we had the opportunity to look at some of
these changes over time in greater detail,
since the collection
of data on the date and cause of death of each child on the
pregnancy history allowed us to make calculations similar to
those used in the construction of Mortality Tables.
These
calculations are contained in Tables 6.28 through 6.31.
There is no need to belabour the analysis of the contents
of these tables, they are largely self-explanatory.
The key
table is Table 6.30, which gives the death rates of children
for various age limits according to sex and years of birth.
In general it shows falling death rates at all ages for both
sexes over time.
However,
there are a few anomalies,
especially in the death rates of male children, which can
only be accounted for by reference to the wide variety of chance
occurances which can upset these rates in a small population.
For example,
it is true that the most recent period (1965-1969)
had an abnormally large number of deaths at young ages for
male children, and many of these were attributed to fever which
went through the area at the time.
But there is little hope
of explaining why the female children survived this while their
brothers died.
It was a time of social disruption, and at the
early part of the period food was in short supply for many
people, but again, how this kind of thing could strike down
boys and not girls is hard to explain.
points of the table,
At any rate, the major
and those preceeding it, are that mortality
conditions in the village have generally improved since the
early 1950's.
Whereas less than 80% of the children born in
that earlier time survived to enter school,
today the proportion
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233
is reaching towards 90%.
With only 926 deaths
recorded on the Pregnancy History
the analysis of cause of death is necessarily restricted,
look at the figures shows
that the quality of reporting is
too poor to allow very detailed comparison anyway.
TABLE 6.32
(See Table 6.32)
REPORTED CAUSE OF DEATH OF CHILDREN ACCORDING
TO THE PREGNANCY HISTORY
Cause:
In Order of
Frequency
N
Fever
Other
Cough
Dysentery/Diarrhoea
Don't know
Premature birth
Diptheria
C o l d , influenz a
Skin disease
Cou l d n 't nurse
Other (not illness)
Accident
Cholera
Smalip ox
Black magic
490
86
83
79
38
31
20
20
20
18
14
8
7
6
6
53
9
9
9
4
3
2
2
2
2
2
1
1
1
1
Total
926
100
Source:
%
Pregnancy History.
Over half the deaths
of children were attributed to fever,
with the next most common causes being "other",
dysentery
or diarrhoea.
common 'bause".
deaths
and a
cough and
"Don't know" was the fifth most
This is not surprising.
For many of the
the child is never examined by a trained medical
1 Another way of thinking of this change is to compare the
calculations done here with the figures found in Model Life
Tables such as those produced by Coale and Demeny or Brass
(see Carrier and Hobcraft 1971: 78-79 for example).
Very
rough approximations of the various sets of distributions
show an improvement in life expectancy in the period of
around 10 to 1 2 ^ years
(i.e. from level 40 or 45 to level 60
or 65).
But since the figures are based on very small
numbers of cases with rough distributions going only to age
10 they cannot be relied upon to calculate accurate
expectations of life.
234
specialist,
and so the mother’s knowledge of the cause is
limited to the symptoms the child displayed.
Among the more
spiritualistic people of the village the obvious causes are
not so important as the underlying causes anyway,
and
explanations for the death revolve around the casting of
spells or the presumed offence to the spirits.
That the child
had a fever at the time of death is incontrovertable , and so
that is given as the official cause.
6.8
The Changing Structure of the Family in Maguwoharjo
Old people in Maguwoharjo observing the passing scenes
of daily life are continually struck by the deep social
changes which have taken place in their lifetimes.
I once
talked with a very old man about family life and asked him
what he found different about today's families compared to
those he knew as a boy.
He answered in Javanese, because he
could not speak Indonesian.
"Everything", he said,
is the same as when I was a boy.
"nothing
The Dutch were here.
Parents
chose who their children would marry, and families worked
together.
Today the children are independent,
away and forget their parents".
and they go
Of course, his observation is
somewhat coloured by the concerns of his present life, but it
points up the dramatic changes which have occured in the village
since Independence.
Modern ideas are working their effects
on marriage customs, breastfeeding customs and traditional
patterns of post-partum abstinence.
The advent of schools has
encouraged many people to put off marriage,
girls until they
are in their late teens and boys until well into their 20’s.
As a result of these changes the patterns of divorce are
changing.
Fertility is declining while the reduced mortality
rates are ensuring that larger proportions of the children born
today will live to adulthood than was ever imagined possible in
the past.
At the same time strong differences in demographic behaviour
remain between people of the various social and economic
classes of the village.
This is most strongly felt in the area
of family-building, where poor people, even today, have fewer
children than the rich, and more of their children die in
infancy.
The fertility difference is largely involuntary,
235
being caused by the later marriage,
and early onset
of infecundity among lower income women.
for all people in Maguwoharjo
changing rapidly,
individuals
greater marital disruption
relate
and with
the concept
it the whole system by which
raises a number of important questions
people place on their children,
concerning the value
It also becomes
for viewing the relevance
an
for large-
at the promotion of birth control.
issues which will provide the central concerns
two chap t ers .
This
and how this is affected by
these changing social institutions.
scale efforts
of the family is
to each other and their society.
important perspective
But
These are the
for the next
PART IV
THE VALUE OF CHILDREN AND THE DETERMINANTS
OF FAMILY SIZE IN MAGUWOHARJO
CHAPTER 7
THE VALUE OF CHILDREN IN MAGUWOHARJ 0
7.1
Introduction
The descriptions of life in Maguwoharjo in the preceeding
two chapters have pointed out a long list of differences in
economic position and behaviour among various groups of people
whose lives are intertwined in the village.
mainly labourers,
The poor people,
farmers with very small plots of land and
menial workers in the government offices, are poor in almost
every material sense.
They do not have enough food to quiet
hunger, much less satisfy urges for dietary variety,
and their
houses are often no more than rough shelters which they
constantly repair
them.
because they cannot afford to replace
In contrast the well-to-do are comfortable,
and can
enjoy some of the simple material pleasures of life; meals
of some variety, kerosene lamps,
an occassional commercially
manufactured
cigarette,
a
small batikprint
table cloth
on the guest
table in the
front room,and a
bicycle.
The
poor speak in the "rude" language of the lower class, the rich
in the 'defined" language of the traditional courts and the
bueaucracy.
The gap in social status which characterizes
the material
and cultural
demographic behaviour.
life of people is
The poor divorce more frequently,
are separated more often,
and are more likely to suffer all
sorts of maladies, including secondary sterility,
the rich.
reflected in their
In consequence,
than are
the lower income groups have
fewer children, and the children they bear are more subject
to the threats of mortality at every age, but especially in
the first year of life.
With such differences characterizing people’s lives we
would assume that substantial differences would also exist in
the way children and the institution of the family are
perceived and valued.
Some things are obvious, such as the
changing practices of beastfeeding and post-partum abstinence
which are leading to shorter birth intervals,
concept of what constitutes a "well-spaced"
and an altered
family.
Also
the growing practice of children to select their own marriage
236
237
partners on the basis of the notion of romantic love means
that the marital relationship is undergoing substantial
alteration as a result of the influence of "modern" ideas
brought into the area in newspapers, magazines,
radio, and by
returnees from the big cities.
But other issues are more complex.
children in different types of family,
changes affecting that?
importantly,
and how are the social
Are children a continued material
benefit to their parents?
re j eki (wealth)
What is the role of
Do they still bring their own
in their potential productive value?
And most
do people have the number of children they bear
because those children are valuable to them, or is it just a
matter of the children being the "unwanted" by-product of the
sexual relationship?
These are very complex questions, but
the answers which they call for have important implications
for the vital issues of fertility and family planning.
As
such an attempt, at least, must be made to bring some evidence
to bear on these problems.
The best way to go about such an attempt is to follow
some of the analytical principles which were reviewed in the
introduction to this thesis.
There we saw that the concept
of the value of children can be treated in a number of
discreet units for analytical purposes.
When stated as a
problem of choice childbearing behaviour reduces to an
examination of the parents'
of goals
attempts to satisfy a hierarchy
(which are less abstract expressions of values)
by utilizing the scarce resources at their command in the
optimum fashion.
Children are thus valued in accordance
with the way in which the parents rely on them to satisfy
their goals, and the amount of scarce resources they will
devote to this endeavour.
To put it another way, children
are valued according to the balance of the benefits they bring
compared with the costs they entail.
In this view of behaviour there is no restriction of
attention to the material costs and benefits of childbearing,
but instead there is an explicit concern for the role of
non-material
factors in the shaping of goals, and as
expressions of costs.
This is not a denial that behaviour
can be seen in terms of economic rationality.
Just as it is
238
economically rational for a person to choose an automobile
for its properties of satisfying the material goal of the need
for transport as well as the desire for a symbol of status,
so it is economically rational to have a child for purposes
of providing security in old age and to satisfy the felt
need for proof of adulthood.
Rationality only becomes an
issue in a normative sense when behaviour is compared to a
specific system of values which is taken - either by the
decision maker or the analyst - to be "good" or "correct".
Thus, if the analyst says that peasants should only have the
number of children which ensure that a net material benefit
is guaranteed,
it may be possible to show that the peasant
is acting "irrationally" because he has children in such
number as to exceed the level at which they might be expected
to have material value, but where they still have positive
non-material value as sources of satisfaction for goals
such as the attainment of a "large" family, or proof of
motherhood capabilities', or the enjoyment of children as such.
Likewise,
the person may judge himself to be irrational if he
expresses adherence to a set of values, such as the values
of having a large family as having pre-eminant importance
in his life but then behaves in such a way as to show that
he is using his scarce resources to satisfy other goals
which are in conflict with these values.
Again,
this
irrationality would be a normative identification of the
character of the behaviour.
Objective rationality is a non sequitur in this approach
to the analysis of behaviour.
People behave "rationally"
as a matter of course, because their values, we assume for
purposes of analysis, are identifiable from the product of
their behaviour.
If they have children it is because they
value them, or some aspect of them sufficiently to devote
their scarce resources to their production and maintenance.
Were it not for substantial goal satisfaction - including
not only positive things like the role children play in the
family, but also the negative aspects of the desire to avoid
social disapprobation,
loss of freedom, penalties etc. -
parents would not use their resources to produce children.
They would avoid sexual intercourse, or if they valued sex
239
but not babies,
or murder.
they would practice
That
abortion,
this is only infrequently
behaviour attests
to the
intricate
infanticide
the rule of fertility
structure of social
norms which, when assimilated into the individual's value
system,
gives
rise to goals that
having and caring for children.
is to identify the norms
in this situation,
individual's
can only be satisfied by
The task of analysis,
then,
and values which are most important
and show how
they relate to costs
decision making process.
A significant
in the
focus of
the analysis will be on the different nature of material
non-material
costs and benefits
as expressions
and
of the value
of children.
In this chapter we will be looking at the behaviour
of people in Maguwoharjo
from this perspective
in an attempt
to come to some understanding of the nature of the value of
children
to parents
have demonstrated,
which
in the village.
As the previous
chapters
one of the most important social divisions
can serve as an explanatory variable in the interpretation
of behaviour is income,
and as a result we will often have
cause to refer to the different values which seem to be
displayed by people of different income levels.
which we will consider the topics of relevance
The order in
to the value
of children is as follows:
First, we will
bearing,
look at the material benefits
and the material
costs,
of child
and then come to an under
standing about the material value of children
to parents
in
the v i l l a g e .
Second, we will conduct a similar inquiry into the
non-material
costs and benefits.
Third, we will
consider values
attached the family as
an institutional means of social organization,
individuals would value
goals associated with
Finally,
children as elements
and show how
in attaining the
family life.
a summation of the important aspects of the
value of children will be made with an emphasis
children play in an environment of material
great social and economic uncertainty.
on the role
deprivation and
240
In the next
chapter we will go on to consider another
dimension of the value of children,
birth control and how these affect
of the parent.
the decision-making potential
These considerations will be seen
important implications
attempt
that being the costs of
to control
situations where
to have
for the way people behave in their
fertility,
and how it places
the value of children becomes
them in
a question of
acceptance of goals of maintaining social norms by not taking
"costly" steps to avoid childbearing
implication
(e.g.
abortion)
accepting the material and non-material
and by
costs
that childbearing entails.
When we have developed these themes in more detail it
will be possible
for us to consider some of the issues being
raised in contemporary
discussions
concerning the use of incentives
influence people's
7.2
and compensations
to measure
of Childbearing
the material
value
of human
are by now so commonplace in the social sciences
sometimes
take them for granted.
to calculate
sickness and death,
experts
life
that we
The work of economists
measuring the marginal productivity of labour,
attempts
to
fertility behaviour.
The Material Benefits
Attempts
of family planning
actuaries'
the value of insuring human life against
and pronouncements
of family planning
concerning the value of a birth which is avoided
are all ways
of saying that life has a material value which
should be measured.^
Unfortunately
ease with which economists
for our analysis
abstractly
the non-material value of children
the
divide the material from
is not shared by parents,
and thus in a survey or in casual conversation it is seldom
possible to inquire,
"How much material benefit
this child will bring you?" without
of confused and/or
do you think
invoking a wide range
defensive responses.
As a result we are
forced to accept somewhat makeshift approaches
2
value of human life.
to the material
1
The first chapter of Espenshade (1973) gives a handy review
of some of the attempts which have been made to measure the
material costs of childbearing with particular emphasis on
studies in the United States, and also discusses some of
the issues related to such measurements.
2
Footnote next page...
241
In the Economic Survey and Attitude Survey of Maguwoharj o
we collected a wide variety of information which has relevance
to an attempt to calculate the material benefit of children
to parents.
Among other things,
the surveys asked the current
work status of every household member aged 5 and over,
the
division of responsibility for a wide variety of household
tasks and the parent's evaluation of the material contribution
of the eldest child in the household, both in terms of meeting
the child's own costs of maintenance and as an absolute benefit
to other household members.
These data have been tabulated
according to the age, sex and schooling status of the child in
order to reflect the major determinants of children's work
experience, and the income level of the household to reflect
the basic socioeconomic divisions in the village.
7.2.1
The Productive Contributions of Children to the
Household Economy
Children, which are for a very short period a
burden to their parents, become early the means
of assistance and the source of wealth.
To
the peasant who labours his field with his
own hand, and who has more land than he can
bring into cultivation, they grow up into a
species of valuable property, a real treasure;
while, during their infancy and the season of
helplessness, they take little from the fruits
of his industry but bare subsistence.
Raffles (1965 (1817): I, 70)
The "treasure" referred to by Raffles was the labour of
children and while we will have cause later to look into the
contention that the costs of children in infancy are small,
in this section we will find that Maguwoharjo in 1972 presented
a very different picture of the work of children than Raffles
found in Java in 1815 or so.
For one thing, the kinds of work
which are available are different.
Almost no one has "more land
than he can bring into cultivation" and so the idea of the
child opening virgin land is unthinkable.
Furthermore, many
of the jobs done by people around the village are limited 2
"Makeshift" is perhaps a misleading term, since we have the
benefits of the experience of so many other analysts in
deciding our course.
Banks (1954) and Aries (1973) have
pointed out the importance of schooling on the role of children,
both as it changed over time and the differences between social
classes in Europe, while Caldwell (1968) has developed many of
the themes of the value of children in the context of African
societies.
Also, we can glean much of the value from the
methods used by the writers cited by Espenshade (19 73) .
242
there
jobs
is a large
are easily
qualifications
finds
itself
another
are
of manual
- so a child of
impact,
manual
in
school
likely
children who
are
trained
to want
to work
Schooling has had
go to primary
and later
in a system biased toward
to work
a d m i n istered
at
and thus
the jobs which
the Economic
questions
about
the work
age
these
influences
of 5,
the impact
of
"modern"
w o uld
'bnly" tending
it
they
require
the
of a service
gave
not
these
over
the
and
"proper" work
answered the questions,
really w o r k i n g
contributed either
the
to a few minor
often
interested
to the household,
the
rise
or cutting fodder,
that we were
child which
with
labour market
about
who most
a child was
ducks
clear
of a tight
doing
Often parents,
claim that
Survey,
of all ho u s e h o l d members
attitudes
children should be
problems.
by
ten or so who wants
competitive market.
that
educational
labour.
When we
made
and the semi-skilled
and values held by w h i t e - c o l l a r workers,
less
that
labourers,
filled by people who have high
in a very
to secondary
skills
pool
but
once
in any
since
it was
the interviewers
"activity"
financially
done
or in terms
difficulties were
eliminated.
i.
Types
at Working.
children
is
of Work
Done by Children,
Information
contained
of generali zations
about
in Tables
can be made
the
types
and Time
of work
7.1 through
on
the basis
7.3.
Expended
done by
A number
of these
tables.
1. Larger proportions of girls are shown to be w o r king
at each age than boys, thus indicating a tendency
to start work younger.
However, particularly among
girls in school, this work is heavily concentrated
in tasks which can be called "housework", and thus
represents more of a "service value" than a production
value .
2.
Regular work connected with a h o u s ehold enterprise,
such as farming, collecting fodder, or caring for
animals, is virtually the exclusive province of boys.
They begin such jobs at between 11 and 14 years of
age and continue in them until entering more major
activities such as labouring or trading.
243
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7.1
THE WORK OF CHILDREN
CO
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245
TABLE 7.2 DETAILED BREAKDOWN OF CHILDREN'S WORK ACCORDING
TO SEX AND CURRENT SCHOOL ATTENDANCE
(ABSOLUTE NUMBERS; TOTALS OF GROUPS IN ITALICS)
School Attendance
Not in School
Sex
Male
Female
Male
Female
215
202
236
153
57
221
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48
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16
23
6
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20
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=
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Housework
Housework (main worker)
Housework help
Childcare
Carry water
Maintain house garden
Household Enterprise
Major farm work
Gather wood, grass, sand
Help in restaurant, shop
Minor farm work
Care for animals
11
49
0
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0
Labouring or Trading
73
Petty trading
7
General labouring
29
Shopkeeping
1
Agricultural labouring
16
Household service
3
Unskilled labouring (other)
4
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6
Barbering
1
Tailor
0
Semi-skilled labouring (other)
6
Major Occupation
Government official: unskilled
Government
"
: semi-skilled
Mechanic or driver
Factory worker
Primary school teacher
Military-civilian: semi-skilled
All Children (Aged 5-20)
Total working
Source:
Economic survey.
7
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0
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82
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628
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(COLUMN PERCENTAGES)
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247
3. Children who are currently attending school are
more likely than their out of school age mates
to be doing some sort of work around the house
but at older ages those out of school participate
more in more difficult forms of work.
4. Children of lower income families work at more
difficult jobs than those of upper income families,
and they are more likely to be working at any
rate.
In part this is related to the fact that
they are less likely to attend higher levels of
school, and are thus more likely to be involved
in difficult jobs such as labouring and trading.
In sum, it can be said that while s o me children begin to work
at ages as young as 6 or 7 years old, it is not until around
ages 10-12 that a majority of children are found to be doing
any sort of work whatsoever.
Partially this is because they
are attending school until this age, but also it is conditioned
by the fact that there is relatively little work outside the
home or a family enterprise which can be done on a regular
basis by children of such young ages.
When they eventually
begin to work children are very likely to be primarily engaged
in some form of housework, including,
for many of them, the
care of younger siblings.
On Table 7.4 may be found the average numbers of hours
worked by children in the various activities in which they
were engaged.
The importance of the work is to a large extent
indicated by the amount of time spent on it on a regular basis,
and by this measure it can be seen that for the most part
children at the younger ages tend to spend relatively little
tine at the work they do.
Seven of eight year olds,
for
example, spend 2 hours a day or less on average in doing the
housework or little tasks associated with the household
enterprise.
Age 13 seems to mark a watershed, with children
at older ages tending to spend more than 18 hours a week on
their work, and some occupations,
such as trading or labouring,
demanding upwards of a six-hour working day.
ii.
Validity of Data on Children's Work.
Before
considering these patterns of children's work in Maguwoharjo
in more detail mention should be made of some comparative
material from another village in the Yogyakarta Special Region.
At the time this study was being conducted Benjamin White was
248
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AVERAGE NUMBER OF HOURS WORKED AT VARIOUS TYPES OF JOBS BY ALL CHILDREN ACCORDING
TO AGE AND SEX
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249
undertaking a similar project in a primarily agricultural
village in the poorer hilly region of Kulon Progo (to the west
of Yogyakarta City.
Appendix T.4)
budgets,
Using a different methodology
(see
which included collection of detailed time
and involved more intensive anthropological techniques,
he has produced data which outline in great detail the
contributions of children to the household economy.^
As one
part of this he has produced a table showing the number of
hours spent by children of various ages at various jobs
(White,
1973).
This has been rearranged to be more comparable
to Table 7.3 (by converting it to a weekly basis)
and is
presented as Table 7.5.
In general, White's data supports the validity of the data
collected in Maguwoharjo since the patterns of change in the
type and amount of work done are found to be very similar.
The absolute amount of work done by children in White's
village is greater than that in Maguwoharjo.
This is probably
because the former area is poorer and more heavily agricultural,
thus affording children more opportunity to work in the
household economy,
and because parents in Maguwoharjo may have
underestimated the amount of work done by children in their
responses to retrospective questions.
Because the data in
Maguwoharjo refer to the primary job of the child, and the
secondary and tertiary jobs are not analysed here (though
information was collected)
further underestimation of the
2
total contribution of the child is possible.
The general
1
White is currently preparing his material as a thesis to be
presented to the Department of Anthropology of Columbia
University, but some of it has already appeared in White,
1973 and 1974.
I am glad to have been able to have many
discussions with him and visit his study area, thus giving
me many valuable insights into conditions elsewhere than in
Maguwoharj o .
2
Secondary and tertiary jobs have not been analysed here
because they form such a small proportion of total jobs
that they would add only marginally to the data already
presented at an enormous cost in terms of data manipulation.
As a rule of thumb the reader might take it that multiple
occupations would be reported mainly among older children
out of school, thus magnifying the differences found in the
tables .
250
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251
conclusion is the same,
though;
that as children get older
they work longer hours at more important jobs, and that this
achieves really major proportions around age 15 or so.
There is
nothing in White’s table to contradict the generalizations
made above, and the data serve to confirm the statements of
Maguwoharjo parents that children in the early teen ages are
relatively minor contributors to the household economy.
Of course,
there are many pitfalls associated with
comparing details of White’s data with that from Maguwoharjo,
not the least important of which are the differences of
community structure and economic conditions.
Young boys in
White's area are much more involved in the care and feeding of
animals, but when they are compared with their counterparts
in farming families in Maguwoharjo,
of well-to-do Air Force families,
similar.
thus excluding the children
their behaviour is very
Since White collected data on the expenditure of time,
showing that these boys worked upwards of 20 hours a week caring
for animals, there is a tendency for us to think that these
jobs are seen by parents as being very important, but the
parents of Maguwoharjo do not make such claims.
Rather they
might say, "Oh, that boy isn't really working, h e ’s just
watching ducks".
The parents often give similar answers to
questions about children caring for their younger siblings,
or gathering firewood.
indicative of childhood,
To the parent these activities are
and the playful attitude of children
going about their appointed tasks reminds the parent of his own
"carefree11 early adolescence when he had no family responsibilities
and could while away an afternoon lying in the grass on the
side of the sawah watching the ducks feed in the water.
But
we will enquire deeper into the attitudes of parents in a
little while.
For the time being we should look in greater
depth at the problem of children’s work over the course of the
agricultural cycle.
iii.
The Work of Children in the Agricultural Cycle.
One of the questions which often arise in discussions of the
work of children in peasant societies is that of the need of
the household to have labour available at those times in the
agricultural cycle when there is a large amount of work to be
252
done.
From the discussion of the economy of Maguwoharjo it
should already be evident that this aspect of children's
work is not very important in the village as a whole because
of the large proportion of the population engaged in non
farming activities,
and the existence of many landless
agricultural labourers who are willing to offer their services
to anyone who demands them.
On top of this the favourable
irrigation facilities and the wide variety of rice planted leads
to a staggering of the time of harvest and planting, and the
traditional pattern of harvesting means that the whole neighbour
hood participates in planting and harvesting of the hamlet
dwellers'
land in rotation.
The issue in Maguwo is thus
not one of having to have labour at a precise time in order to
ensure that none of the crop is lost, but rather one of the
distribution of the harvest among the various families in the
area.
In this context it is appropriate to inquire into the
questions of, first, how Maguwoharjo's conditions compare
with those of other areas of Java, and second, what implications
this has for the value of the labour of children in the
household economy.
With regard to the first question we are confronted
by a mass of evidence which is at once extensive and incomplete.
On the one hand we have the data from the 1971 Census which
asked a series of questions on occupation,
industry and
participation in agriculture in the last season, which should,
in theory allow us to compare,
for example, the numbers of
people who were counted as having the occupation of farmer,
being in the industry of agriculture and having participated
in the last harvest,
according to age and sex.
Unfortunately
such an inquiry would be a major undertaking since the data
on the questions concerning occupation and industry for each
province are currently subject of a great deal of controversy
and would have to be treated with care, and the data on
participation in the last season has only been published as yet
in the preliminary volume of Census results
is not broken down by age and sex.
(Series C) which
In lieu of more detailed
analysis, then, we are left with the contents of Table 7.6,
which shows us the status of employment of persons who worked
in the last season according to sex and province.
253
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254
The major themes to emerge from this table include the
high proportion of women who were engaged in some form of
agricultural work in the last season (especially in Yogyakarta)
and the substantial differences in the status of employment
between the various provinces.
In West Java it appears that
although smaller percentages of men and women worked in
agriculture in the last season, more of them worked as employees.
In the rest of Java agriculture would seem to have been much
more of a family oriented industry.
Given the substantial
plantation sector in West Java this result is not surprising,
but in addition it might be added that it seems to be much
more common in West Java for harvesting to be done by contract
labourers who travel around the countryside looking for work
(Budhisantoso, pers.
comm.).
However,
these data are not
going to get us very far in understanding the agricultural cycle
in various areas of Java.
There is too much ecological, ethnic
and economic variation in the island for aggregate data to have
much meaning.
At the same time there is a need to consider the
dynamics of the wet-rice agricultural system which has come
to symbolize Javanese agriculture,
and as part of this to
analyse the impact of such innovations as mechanized rice
mills and new rice varieties on the social structure of the
countryside.
For this reason the results of intensive,
small-scale studies are beginning to take on great importance
in the study of Java’s agricultural system.’*'
The agricultural cycle in Maguwoharj o is similar to that
of most of the we 11-irrigated region of volcanic soil which
fans out at the base of Mount Merapi.
The planting and
harvesting is staggered throughout the year with peaks of
activity occuring at the changes of seasons.
While the men of
the community are almost exclusively involved in the preparation
of fields and the various maintenance duties which arise
during the growing period, it is the women who have the major
responsibilities for planting and harvesting.
In fact, many
people in the village say that men neve r involve themselves
in these activities,
1
though as Table 7.7 shows, this is not
The work of Budhisantoso has been mentioned, but in addition
there is the very important project of the Survey Agro-Ekonomi
which has published a series of reports over the past few years
This is reviewed by Penny (1971).
Other works will be
referred to below.
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255
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256
quite true.
Some males do participate in both planting and
harvesting, but as observation shows, these are mainly from
poor families and they work on their own plots to avoid having
too much of the product lost in wages for other harvesters.
Also, some men are involved during the planting stage in
sorting young shoots into bundles in preparation for the
women to plant them, and during the harvest men can sometimes
be seen doing various subsidiary tasks while the women do
the actual cutting of the p adi with a small razor called an
ani-ani.
Participation of non-family members in the harvest of
a family's land is standard in Maguwoharjo.
Generally all
the women in the neighbourhood work together, going from plot
to plot as the harvest progresses.
Each woman receives a
proportion of the padi she cuts, and while this proportion is
not fixed^ it generally runs on the order of one-seventh to
one-ninth of the harvest.
important implications.
of the community,
This system has a number of
First, it implies that all members
regardless of their standing, have the
opportunity to participate in the harvest,
assurance of income.
Second,
and thus some
the reciprocity involved in
the arrangement makes the behaviour and fate of landholding
neighbours of concern to everyone in the community.
A sense
of neighbourhood solidarity (but not necessarily harmony)
built up which transcends
is
the individual concerns for the
amount and quality of one's own harvest and implies a degree
of cooperativeness in agricultural enterprise.
These two
implications are elements of what Geertz calls "shared poverty"
(1963: 97).
They have acted to soften the social impact of
growing population density and economic impoverishment by
ensuring that everyone had a stake in whatever product there is.
It is this system which,
as we will see, is changing.
But to continue the examination of the agricultural cycle
in Maguwoharjo, we might take note of some of the characteristics
1
There is often substantial variation based on issues such as
what measure should be used, who is the adjudicator of the
choice, and what differences should be allowed in the case
of family members who work.
The post-harvest period is
alive with discussions cum arguments on all of these questions.
257
of the employment of labour.
Table 7.7 shows that by age
20 or so the great majority of women from farming families
have begun to participate in both planting and harvesting,
with greater proportions
in the former activity.^"
The peak
ages of participation for women are from about 40 to 60
when they have completed their childbearing but are still
strong enough to carry the heavy loads of padi.
The contribution of children to the work force at time of
planting and harvesting can be seen from Table 7.8.
Here we
find that children’s participation is related to their school
attendance.
Girls who are currently in school are much less
likely to work at either planting or harvesting than those
who are not.
This is partially because they are from more
well-to-do families and thus can afford not to work, but also
they are often in school during the hours at which much of
the harvest work is done, and thus are under pressure not to cut
classes.
Among boys the pattern is different.
They work less
to begin with, and those few who do work are often from lower
or middle income families.
Because of this boys below age
17 who are in school work at agricultural jobs more often
than those who are not in school.
the cost of their schooling,
This is partially to offset
and partially a reflection of the
fact that, while poor, their families often own land, and
they are thus encouraged to join their male relatives in its
management.
For both sexes it can be seen that the time
at which they begin to work in these tasks in large numbers
would be at around the age of 15 or 16.
In recent years these practices have come under severe
pressure in Maguwoharjo,
in Java.
as they have in many other communities
One source of this pressure is the change to high
yielding varieties of rice,
1
and the improved irrigation systems
Two contradictory explanations account for this.
First,
planting work requires the payment of cash to labourers, and
thus families try to get as many members as possible in the
fields to hold down the costs.
At the same time, some of
the more well-to-do families do not have their members work
in the harvest so that the benefits of that activity will be
seen to be flowing quite obviously to their neighbours, and
thus increase their social standing.
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259
which have accompanied it.
They have implied that cropping
can be more frequent, but not necessarily according to any
regular pattern.
Thus labour is not required in large numbers
at any particular peak, but is spread more evenly over the year.
Also the high yielding varieties, being generally shorter than
local varieties, are amenable to the use of a sickle in
harvesting in preference to the more labour-intensive ani-ani .
The result of such changes is that fewer people are needed in
the harvesting procedure.
Thus, in all of these examples of the work of children the
major confounding factor is the rapid progress of social
change in the Javanese countryside.
Remembering the rate at
which schools have sprung up, the impact of radio and newspapers
and magazines on social norms,
and the pure intensification of
ecological pressures which have been mounting over the past
few decades it is obvious that the nature and extent of the
participation of children in various activities must have been
changing at the same time.
In Maguwo this is all the more
dramatic because of the influences of the Air Force Academy,
the Airport, and the rapid change from a former sugar area to
a region of wet-rice agriculture.
These have meant that some
children in Maguwo now have jobs such as helper in the truck
weighing station, waiter at the airport cafe, servant in the
Air Force complex or airport parking attendant.
They are of
course among the older children of the village and are already
somewhat independent of their parents.
The vast majority
of children remain as the pool of labour available for the
housework,
agricultural labour or minor jobs such as selling
ice, collecting manure or caring for ducks.
Their involvement
in agricultural labour seems to be changing rapidly in response
to some of the major social changes which are sweeping the area.
The introduction of the new varieties of "miracle rice" and
the spread of small motorized rice hullers has been accompanied
by the growing practice of landowners to engage contract labour
for harvesting.
This has meant that some of the community
involvement in the agricultural cycle has been circumvented and
the product which used to be shared between the landowner and
his immediate neighbours is now shared between the landowner,
the labour contractor and the owner of the rice mill.
260
When this process is seen from the perspective of the
value of children,
(in this sense we can speak of both the
material and non-material value), we are faced with trends
which operate in conflicting directions.
On the one hand
children resident in the neighbourhood may play a much smaller
role in the planting and harvest of that area, and thus their
labour value is falling.
At the same time a very poor family
is thrown into a very uncertain position by the changes in the
harvest.
No longer can they count on their neighbours to
invite them to participate in the bounty of the land, and the
alternative sources of employment are limited.
People are
forced to eke out livings by carting loads of sand or selling
food in small stalls.
Should they fall sick the threat to their
life is very real unless they can count on some assistance
in providing food and care until they can recover.
have few sure sources of help except children,
source is not very secure.
In this they
and even this
Of course, it is important to
remember that in Maguwoharjo the number of people in this latter
category falls in the minority.
It is much more common to find
that people are not struggling every minute with death, but with
the difference between an austere versus a very bad standard
of living.
In this struggle the portion they earned from the
rice harvest was important, and in an attempt to compensate
for it they may see the work of their children in a family
enterprise as being important.
They are losing much of the
security which used to be provided by the social system, so
now they must look to other institutions
for support - the
nuclear family may provide one of these.
iv.
Parental Evaluations of the Work of Children.
What
do parents think about the work their children engage in?
To get some rough answers to this question we asked parents
responding to the Attitude Survey to evaluate the work of the
eldest child in their household who had previously been recorded
as engaging in some form of work.
If that child had died,
moved away, or ceased work in the interim, the activity of the
next eldest child was taken as the reference for the questions.
The responses we received are shown in Tables 7.9 to 7.12.
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Source:
TABLE 7.11 PARENTAL EVALUATION OF THE CONTRIBUTION OF ELDEST CHILDREN WHO WORK AT HOUSEWORK
ACCORDING TO AGS AND SEX OF CHILD
(COLUMN PERCENTAGES)
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265
As might have been predicted after our review of the work
of all children in the community,
children in households
tends
the work of the eldest
to reflect a bias
toward the more
important jobs and longer hours which are associated with
older children,
(see Table
7.9).
As a result only the
occupation group
"housework" could be analysed according to age
group, but since
the other occupations are so heavily
in the 15 and above age groups,
our analysis
this should not disadvantage
too much.
Parents were asked three questions
their children’s work
First,
the importance of the work,
contribution it made
about
the value of
(see page 5A (Males Only)
Questionnaire in the Appendix).
evaluate
concentrated
of the Attitude
they were asked to
in terms
to household welfare.
of the
Second,
they
were asked whether the value of the work was sufficient to
cover the child's expenses.
Finally,
child did the work; whether it was
child,
or the material return,
these factors.
Tables
The responses
7.11 and 7.12.
they were asked why the
for the training of the
or a combination of both of
to these questions
are shown in
The most obvious point to emerge
these tables is that parents
the work of children less
from
are very unlikely to say that
than 15 years of age was of any
more than average significance in the household economy.
Housework activities
are only rarely seen as being of importance,
and these cases are concentrated mainly among the older girls
who are usually the main household workers because of the
involvement of the parents
in other activities.
It might be feared that parents would not admit
any work done by children was
economy, but Table
important
that
in the household
7.12 shows that this is not the case,
since
parents say that children working in labouring or trading make
average or important
addition
was
for their own expenses.
and in
to
A progression is quite
in the p a r e n t ’s evaluation of the reason the child
involved in the activity.
proportion who were
parents,
to the household,
they are usually seen as making at least enough
compensate
evident
contributions
thought to be working purely to assist the
exclusive of being
later life,
For children doing housework the
trained for responsibility in
rose from 14% at ages 5-8 up to 55% for those
266
around 19 years old.
When a child was engaged in labouring
activities or some major occupation the parent very seldom
attributed the motive of training in later life as a reason
for the w o r k .
These results are confounded by a number of contradictory
influences which make any final evaluation of the parental
perceptions of childrens work difficult.
It should be noted
that the nature of the jobs must have some influence on the
parents' evaluations.
Housework has a very intangible product,
and the contribution of the child is likely to be supplementary
at best, so the parent would be hard pressed to attribute much
importance to it, even though detailed inspection might find
it to be a major component in a poor family's welfare.
Conversely a job which involves any payment of money may be
taken over-seriously by a parent whose own job involves
return in goods and services.
But while these qualifications,
along with the inherent "softness" of questions of this kind,
mean that the results should not be taken to reflect great
precision of attitudes,
they should not obscure the quite
important trends revealed in the data.
By and large the
economic activity of children is reported by parents to be
of minor significance, and only rarely is it found that the
return of a child's activity is said to be enough to cover the
cost of his maintenance.
Also, when a child is involved in
an activity which the parent does recognize as having some
importance
(as with boys involved in labouring)
this is
likely to signal the point at which the child begins to take
direct control of the product of its own labour in preparation
for marriage and eventual independence from the household.
v.
Responsibility for Household Tasks.
It may be that
while children are not reported as working and are regarded by
their parents as being of relatively little material value
until well into their teens,
they are actually very important
in the maintenance of the household, especially as a source of
labour for the fetching of water or other onerous tasks which
have to be done daily.
In order to see whether this
"functional" value might be important in the village we asked
respondents to the Attitude Survey to tell us about the division
267
of responsibility for household tasks.
page 6 (Males Only)
(See the chart on
of the Attitude Survey in the Appendix.
In Tables 7.13 through 7.16 we find the responses to these
questions.'*'
In the first of these tables the summary of the
arrangements of specific jobs shows that the majority of tasks
around the house are shared, but that some jobs, such as
sweeping the house or washing dishes tend to be done by only
one household member in some cases.
It is rare to find non
household members either assisting in a task or doing the task
to the exclusion of household members.
In Table 7.14 the
frequency distributions of the relationship of the primary and
secondary worker to the head of household is shown for each
task.
In general,
although the wife of the head of household
is said to be the person primarily responsible for most tasks,
she is commonly helped in this work by her children, and
secondarily, by her husband.
The highly nucleated nature of
household arrangements ensures that there is very little likelihood
of people outside the immediate family being involved in any
of these tasks.
A quite exceptional pattern of arrangement is found in
the case of care of poultry, where it is found that children
or the husband are most often the primary workers,
and very
few households have poultry unless there are children around
to help in the task of caring for them.
Skipping over to
Table 7.16, we find that the children who are involved in the
care of poultry are most often quite young boys, though it is
not unusual for girls to help in the task..
In Table 7.15 the division of responsibility for each
task is outlined.
The most common form of organization is that
where the primary worker assumes overall control of the work
1
Only cases where the respondent to the survey was the head of
the household were included in the analysis to avoid problems
of double counting.
This means that these data do not reflect
the situations of more complex households, nor do they include
households where there was nobody currently married and living
with spouse, a requirement for the Attitude Survey.
Households
consisting of single people, or pairs wlio were not married
are thus excluded.
An important result of this is that widows,
who often take a child into their households for help and
companionship, are not represented in these data.
268
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entirely by non-household labour
7 .15 ORGANIZATION OF MAJOR HOUSEHOLD TASKS:
THE DIVISION OF RESPONSIBILITY BETWEEN PRIMARY
AND SECONDARY WORKERS, OTHER HOUSEHOLD MEMBERS AND WORKERS FROM OUTSIDE THE HOUSEHOLD
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271
TABLE
7.16 AGE DISTRIBUTIONS OF CHILDREN4" WHO ARE EITHER
PRIMARY OR SECONDARY WORKERS AT VARIOUS
HOUSEHOLD TASKS
(COLUMN PERCENTAGES)
Task
Carry
Wash
Wash
Care for ChildClothing Dishes Poultry
care
Age Group
Primary Workers
Boys :
N
=
<10
10-14
15-19
20 +
Girls:
N
=
<10
10-14
15-19
20 +
56
9
2
22
48
28
(44)
(56)
100
1
25
60
14
-
73
-
26
56
18
10
131
5
10
47
35
8
(80)
(50)
(50)
114
61
17
22
48
27
3
(12)
(29)
(35)
(24)
-
1
30
59
11
(20)
Secondary Workers
Boys :
N
=
<10
10-14
15-19
20+
Girls :
Note :
Source:
5
40
42
13
N
<10
10-14
15-19
20 +
140
=
220
12
43
36
9
101
1
25
55
19
246
9
39
41
10
72
12
57
23
10
338
23
44
25
7
173
23
51
18
8
79
26
53
15
6
37
18
53
21
9
148
33
36
25
5
Relationship to head being child or adopted child.
+
Bracketed figures have N < 30.
Attitude Survey
(Male heads of households).
2 72
and instructs
as to their
responsibilities.
hierar chi cal
expect
the secondary wo rker
and her
children,
a child
takes
which
who
it has
care
keep
The
conforms
tasks
developed
some
age patterns
interesting,
for
skill.
case of
In some
gained in the sale
point
up some
than boys
in these
numbers
of
workers.
father
girls
(Table
(the
wait in g
a job
7.16).
such
as
farming
themselves,
they
stay home.
age would be much
more
likely
job.
remembered
It might be
on migration
restricted
found
more
interim,
to go out
though
gone away
a matter
to the
from the point
the mother,
who has
more
The
are
of all
important
an important
element
contended
that
lessened
would be
for
pre paring
than
at
getting
the same
sort
of
to the
data
girls were not
- they were
often
it is probably
for the household
at working
need
clothing,
very
slightly
have
to be swept,
have
to be
and
foregone
in
the
But
involved
if people
as a
had
dishes
is that
of the ho usehold
system.
fewer
and
Of
-
course,
children.
and the
and pr eparing
the house
children
in running a
for a start,
the tem ptation
for want
running
in a functional
childcare
wa shi ng
reduced.
information
the jobs
hou sehold would be
less
caring
experience
this
often very
it can be
time
are often
according
history
the
extra money.
implication
are quite
likely
daughter
rather
of the parents,
the daughter
earns
obvious
for short -t erm employment.
to have
trader
the
girls
of course
cities
of view
in full
and get some
that
are
the primary
Their brothers
advantageous
while
they
as
tasks
are more
among
and
These
in the pregnancy
to the home
to have
However,
recorded
can
or the birds.
cases where both
and trading,
and in the
they
and substantial
are engaged
the h ou se hol d by herself.
to be married,
found
are often
and mother
that
girls
tasks,
can be
These
respondent)
activities,
maintains
at older ages
children
trends which were not
On the whole
found h el pin g
cases
in household
from the data on occupation.
to be
for a task in
of eggs
engaged
a mother
care of poultry,
their parents
of children
they
to what we would
re sponsibility
arrange with
of the money
of this
are perf or med by
as in the
on specific primary
for poultry
part
the
or where,
additional workers)
The predominance
form of arrangement
in a situation where
(and any
There
task of
food might be
garden would still
to raise poultry might
of a young helper.
In short
the
273
whole
arrangement
of household tasks would be different.
it is now though,
families
As
in Maguwoharjo place substantial
reliance on the help of their children in the running of
their households.
7.2.2
P a r e n t s ’ Reliance on Material Support
Children in Old Age
There can be no doubt
material benefit
fact that
from Their
that the most widely
recognized
of having many children in Maguwoharjo is the
children are the most important source of support
for parents
in times of distress or old age.
out by the fact
This is borne
that "support in old age" is almost universally
given as an advantage to having "a lot" of children
Table
7.34 below),
Attitude
and over 90% of the men questioned on the
Survey agreed with the proposition that "an important
reason for having children is to provide security
parent's
TABLE
(see
old age".
7.17
(Table
for the
7.17).
MENS' OPINIONS ON THE IMPORTANCE OF "SUPPORT IN
OLD AGE" AS A MOTIVE FOR CHILDBEARING ACCORDING
TO OCCUPATIONAL GROUP
(COLUMN PERCENTAGES)
Occupational Group
F arme r , L ab oure r Gove rn men t
Trade r , or
Military
None
or
Housework or Skilled
Artis an
=
N =
385
151
392
Yes, it is important
No, it isn't important
Total
95
5
100
95
5
100
87
13
100
Proportions expecting
no help from children
1
3
Note:
12
(100)
(0)
3
(0)
Bracketed Figures Have N<30.
Source:
Attitude Survey.
From a practical point
of view children are the most socially
acceptable source of such support,
reliable
than any alternatives.
and they are generally more
These reasons
seem cogent even
to the government and military people who are eligible for
government pensions.
Inflation and vagaries
of supply systems
274
make any sort of government payment seem of secondary importance
to the more traditional source of support - one's children.
Table 7.18 breaks down the responses to a number of
questions concerning support in old age according to the
generation and income level of the respondent.
There it can
be seen that while 15% of well-to-do young men disagree with
the proposition that support in old age could be a motive for
childbearing, only 2% of them expected to receive no support
from their own offspring.
In part, this reveals the
transitional nature of value formation.
young men can expect to receive
About half these
a pension from the government,
but they still assume that their children will provide something
for them.
Children are a hedge against the instability which
they perceive as a possible influence on their future pensions,
but also the social norms call for such a response as a matter
of course.
The table also shows that the poor are more dependent on
their children than are the well-to-do.
They lack even the
potentially insecure pensions, and they know that it would be
shameful to rely on neighbours for support.
As a result,
if
they have no children alive at the time they reach old age, they
must resign themselves to a fairly ignominious fate.
Children
are their only hope of escape from this.
There is a fairly general feeling that sons and daughters
are about equally capable of giving support,
though this is
slightly outweighed by the number of people who say that sons
are
more reliable.
Such a result is somewhat confusing in a
society which is famed for its matrifocality
(see Geertz
1961)
where women are found to be actively involved in household
decision-making,
and frequently self-sufficient in employment.
The result, which represents only the men's opinions because
women were not asked this question, should be regarded with
some suspicion.
Informal questioning of women revealed that
they often disagreed with their husbands on this point, saying
that they thought that daughters were more reliable sources of
support, or at least that the sexes were equally reliable.
Such a disagreement is not unusual.
up mirrors to the respondents,
Questions like this hold
and their answers are as much
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TABLE
Mi
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(PERCENTAGES)
7.18 M E N ’S RESPONSES TO A VARIETY OF QUESTIONS DEALING WITH THE ISSUE OF SUPPORT
IN OLD AGE, ACCORDING TO GENERATION AND INCOME LEVEL
XI
rH
O
P
CU
CU
CU
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Statements
defending
their
as they are evaluations
relations
with
their
own parents
of the reliability of children in
general.
These answers just skim the surface of the importance of
children as sources of security in old age.
In every hamlet
people are faced daily with the object lessons of their
neighbours:
the old woman whose only sons are in another city,
the blind man whose adopted daughter leads him every day to the
stream for his bath, the ninety-six year old great-grandmother
whose grandchild came back from Jakarta with a University of
Indonesia T-shirt which she wears around the hamlet with pride,
and finally the senile, toothless old man whose death brings a
crowd of offspring to carry out the funeral ceremonies and do
honour to the aged spirit.
to carry you high",
"A daughter to bury you deep, A son
is the teaching of the ancient proverb,
and for old people in Java the proverb is proven by the
experience of each new generation of grandparents.
pensions give no comfort,
The government
are often late and always too little.
The uncertainty of these pensions, which are available to only
a fraction of Java's millions, only serves to dramatize the fact
that old age is a time which must be provided for with
the most secure sources of support.
costs,
Whatever the risks and
for most people in Maguwoharjo children are still the
best way of achieving the goal of security, and they offer not
only the material benefits of food, possibly shelter, and
some cash during that period, but also emotional and social
support.
We will describe some of these in greater detail in
a later section.
First we must consider whether all of the
material benefits which children make available to parents can
be considered "valuable" when they are contrasted with the
material costs involved in childbearing.
7.3
The Material Costs of Childbearing
In a discussion of the material costs of childbearing it
is well to start with one of the most important cost differentials
contributing to the very different ideas rich and poor people
have about raising children, namely, the cost of schooling.
In Maguwoharjo,
as we have seen,
there has been a virtual
277
revolution in the availability of schools since the attainment
of Independence,
and because of this parents in the community
are very sensitive to the burden of school fees and very hopeful
about the benefits they anticipate from the experience.
Once
we have seen the impact of school fees on the material cost
equation it will be possible to outline in greater detail the
costs of nuturance which also bear with different weight on
people of different social and economic levels.
7.3.1
The Material Costs of Schooling
School attendance plays an important role in determining
the propensity of children to work in the household and in the
wider community economy, and hence has an impact on the flow
of material benefits to the family, but it also has a more direct
effect on the material life of the household in that it
involves a number of costs, including fees, books, equipment,
and clothing, which have to be met out of family revenues.
It
is difficult to talk of these costs in very simple generalizations
because they are seldom fixed according to any single principle.
For example the amount of school fees varies according to
the income of the family,
(whether government,
the level of school, the type of school
religious or other private school)
and
the courses involved.
In addition, it is said, but difficult
to substantiate,
school principals can vary the school
that
fees according to the needs of the particular school,
and the
number of children from a particular family in the school, and
that they can cater for cases where a family faces extreme
economic hardship.
These influences mean that poor people are
likely to pay fees at a different rate to that paid by the
well-to-do,
and added to this is the fact that the poor children
are less likely to demand that their parents buy them the full
range of notebooks
and supplies or the variety of clothes
owned by more well-off-people.
There are a number of crude measures which provide some
insight in this area and which are worth exploring.
these is the parents'
their own lives.
One of
perceptions of the role of education in
A series of questions on this was asked
as part of the attitude survey and revealed that, by and large,
parents are dissatisfied with the level of schooling which
278
they reached in their youth.
(See Tables
7.19 and 7.20)
Of course this kind of information is quite likely to be
affected by the fact that the parents were being interviewed
by university students and as such would tend to say that
their education was
feel
"insufficient" when,
that it was sufficient
in fact,
for their lives.
they might
They
are also
likely to have sail that they stopped because of economic
reasons
rather than failure or laziness
of the shame involved in those
(Table
7.21) because
two alternatives.
the differences in response between males
Nonetheless,
and females
and
between those who had no schooling and those who had some
indicate
that even questions
tendencies which,
as open to error as these reveal
if valid, have important
implications
to parental perception of the importance of schooling.
instance,
as
For
it is interesting to find that women in the
younger generation are more likely to be dissatisfied with
the level of schooling attained if they had high levels of
education rather than no school at all.
generation men the opposite was
the case.
Among younger
Also there is a
lower degree of dissatisfaction among women who had no
education than among men in a similar situation and less
dissatisfaction among the older generation than the younger
regardless of the level of education reached.
income is mixed, but it is safe to generalize
income usually implies
somewhat
The effect of
that higher
greater proportions of people
dissatisfied with the level of schooling attained.
In short,
we find that with the exception of younger generation men,
there is a tendency
for greater experience of schooling to produce
rising expectations
as larger proportions
feel
that they would have benefited
of men and women
from even more education.
Among the younger men the small proportions who have
received
no education make them a more isolated group which feels
the
stigma of their lack of schooling more strongly than women or
older men in the same situation.
In Table
7.22 we can see than those who were dissatisfied
with the level of schooling they reached are most likely to
prefer to have just gone on to the next highest
level.
People
with no schooling wish they had gone to primary
school, people
who have had some primary would have liked to have graduated
279
TABLE
7 .19 SCHOOLING OF MALE AND FEMALE
RESPONDENTS TO THE
ATTITUDE SURVEY AS RECORDED ON THE CENSUS
ACCORDING TO INCOME AND GENERATION
G e n e ration
=
Income
=
Level
Schooling
Y o un ge r
Lower
Middle
Older
Upper
Lower
Middle
Upper
Completed
(Absolute N umb e rs)
Males
None
Primary
Above primary
All
15
53
33
3
37
56
2
102
62
40
92
84
9
86
22
35
128
81
101
96
134
195
170
244
65
54
17
31
70
32
28
70
90
153
118
17
109
73
1
12
136
133
188
164
136
194
Females
None
P rimary
Above primary
All
11
0
(Percentages)
Males
None
Primary
Above primary
All
15
52
33
3
39
58
30
69
52
43
5
36
51
13
14
52
33
100
100
100
100
100
99
48
40
13
23
53
24
15
37
48
93
7
87
13
56
38
0
1
6
101
100
100
100
101
100
1
Females
None
Primary
Above primary
All
Source:
Attitude Survey
TABLE 7.20
RESPONSES TO THE QUESTION, "ACCORDING TO PREVIOUS
QUESTIONS YOU HAVE ATTAINED __________ LEVEL OF
SCHOOLING (OR NEVER WENT TO SCHOOL); DO YOU THINK
THIS WAS ENOUGH FOR YOU?"
ACCORDING TO INCOME,
GENERATION, LEVEL OF SCHOOLING AND SEX
(PERCENTAGES DISSATISFIED WITH LEVEL COMPLETED)
Older
Younger
Income Level
=
Lower Middle Upper
Lower Mid die Upper
Schooling Completed
(Percentages of People in each Cell)
Males
None
Primary
Above Primary
All
(80)
89
79
100)
81
79
(100)
88
80
47
74
(56)
48
79
(73)
46
70
62
84
80
83
59
67
64
20
50
(65)
13
59
78
36
53
56
11
(36)
(0)
18
(53)
(0)
17
43
(50)
38
53
52
13
22
29
Fe males
None
Primary
Above Primary
All
Note:
Source:
Bracketed cells have N<30.
N's are in Table 7.19.
Attitude Survey.
281
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TABLE
7.21
R E S P O N S E S TO THE Q U E S T I O N :
"WHAT WAS THE MAJOR REASON YOU D I D N ’ T CONTI NUE TO THAT
LEVEL?"
ACCORDI NG TO COMPLETED S C H OOL I N G, GENERATI ON AND SEX OF RESPONDENT
Pm
282
TABLE 7.22
RESPONSES TO THE QUESTION, "WIIAT LEVEL OF SCHOOLING
WOULD YOU HAVE PREFERRED TO ATTAIN?" ACCORDING TO
COMPLETED SCHOOLING, GENERATION AND SEX OF RESPONDENT
(PERCENTAGES OF THOSE DISSATISFIED WITH THE LEVEL
COMPLETED)
Younger
Gene ration
Ab ove
None P rimary Primary
Schooling Completed
Older
Ab ove
None Primary P rimary
Schooling Preferred
Males
N =
17
Primary
Lower Secondary
Higher Secondary
Academy or University
Other, or d o n ’t know
(94)
(6)
(0)
(0)
(0)
All
Females
N =
144
94
220
71
15
57
26
2
0
1
6
51
40
2
79
11
7
0
3
34
40
23
3
0
0
17
45
34
4
100
100
100
100
100
100
27
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86
57
44
6
48
39
11
2
0
0
35
51
13
0
95
4
0
0
2
48
45
5
2
0
100
99
101
100
P rima ry
Lower Secondary
Higher Secondary
Academy or University
Other, or d o n ’t know
(93)
(7)
(0)
(0)
(0)
All
100
Note:
112
(0)
(33)
(67)
(0)
(0)
100
Bracketed cells have N<30.
or gone on to lower secondary and those who have gone to levels
beyond primary wish to have completed upper secondary or
university.
Thus while there are rising expectations in the
sense that people regret the limits placed on their school
careers by the shortage of funds or other demands on their
time, there are also fairly clear boundaries to their
hopes.
Those boundaries are set by a comination of modesty,
fear and realism:
the modesty being the constraint on
expressing too ambitious a hope lest it be interpreted as
bragging that they could have reached that level but for
finances;
the fear coming out of the person’s ignorance of
what is involved in a level of schooling much beyond those
already reached,
and the attendant feeling that it would have
been too difficult; and the realism deriving naturally from
the knowledge that since the schooling was interrupted
anyway, it would be foolhardy to talk of wishes to have
attended school for much longer periods of time.
These
283
constraints operate most strongly in the parent’s perceptions
of his own schooling, but they also exist to a certain extent
in his hopes for his child.^
It is very rare to find a person
with little education who feels that his child can attain the
highest levels of schooling without any difficulty.
While these relatively crude measures of the parent's
evaluation of the role of schooling in their own lives
demonstrate that the cost of schooling in general plays a
part in the parent's perceptions of the chances of their
children's future being influenced by education,
they offer
no indication of the precise nature of the impact of these
costs according to different levels of schooling or different
stages of the life cycle.
Parents were asked to evaluate
their capabilities of paying for the education of their
children through the Higher Secondary level of schooling.
results are presented in Tables 7.23 and 7.24.
The
Poor people
are much less sanguine about the prospects of giving schooling
to their children than are the rich.
Because of the close
relation of schooling and economic status in the parental
generation similar contrasts exist between those of high versus
1
To say that the children of the poor drop out of school
because of the "costs" may thus be an oversimplified inter
pretation.
Poor children have fewer models of success with
which they can identify and pattern their behaviour.
The
shame of not conforming to the standards of dress and
speech set by a school system catering to basically upper
class aspirations, and the difficulty that they and their
parents have in trying to understand the system and relate
it to their ways of life all combine to make the lower
class children aliens in the school system.
Because of this
financial burdens are all the greater (for why should the
poor pay money that could buy food to a school which is
so difficult to comprehend) and they afford an acceptable
reason for dropping out.
In response to these pressures
the Direktorat Pendidikan Dasar, Prasekolah dan Pendidikan Luar
Biasa of the Department of Education and Culture has been
exploring the idea of non-formal education, to respond more
effectively to the needs of the village children and extend
schooling to those who are now denied it. (1973; see also
Pemerintah Daerah Propinsi Jawa Tengah, 1973).
2 84
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286
low education.
Tables 7.25 and 7.26 show that this feeling of
inability to meet the payments for school is matched with a
frustration among poor people at the loss of benefits they
think they might have gained by educating their children.
While a quarter to a third of the upper income parents claim
not to want any personal benefits from educating their children,
less than a tenth of the poor would make a similar statement.
Of course, in the event the rich will be able to have the
benefits which they foresake today, while the poor will be
frustrated by their inability to give their children schooling
sufficient to get one of the much coveted white-collar jobs.
It should not be presumed that these results come about
because the school system is either iniquitous or expensive
in an absolute sense.
In fact the schools make many attempts
to ensure that poor (or more precisely, moderately poor)
children can attend.
It has already been mentioned that fees
are lower for poor children and they are under less pressure
to buy books or other materials.
If academic standards are
not fully met the poor child will often be passed on to the
next year while the rich child may repeat.
This arises because,
in the eyes of the teacher, the poor child has little chance of
going on to secondary school,
master basic skills.
and thus has less need to fully
One result of this is the fact that the
cost per child of attending each level of school shows wideranging differences which are reflected in Table 7.27.
When
it is considered that the magnitudes of costs involved seldom
exceed the price of fifteen to twenty kilograms of rice a year
to send a child to primary school, or the price of a well-made
shirt to send it to secondary school, it is obvious that the
major factor holding back poor students from secondary school
is the condition of poverty which makes even these small
material costs
so formidable.
What is the cost to send a child to school over the course
of the life cycle?
An exercise using values which give fair
estimates of the magnitude of costs involved indicates that
six years of primary school involves only one tenth of the
expenditure necessary to send a child on through four years of
Higher Secondary.
(See Table 7.28)
Because of the rapid
escalation of costs it is not surprising that poor parents send
287
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7.25 RESPONSES TO THE QUESTION, "WHAT BENEFITS DO YOU THINK YOU YOURSELF MIGHT RECEIVE FROM
EDUCATING YOUR CHILDREN?"
ACCORDING TO INCOME, GENERATION AND SEX
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TABLE 7 . 2 6
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TABLE 7 . 2 7
V A R I A T I O N I N THE AS S E S S ME NT OF SCHOOL F EES I N C L U D I N G BOOKS,
C H I L D R E N OF F A M I L I E S OF D I F F E R E N T INCOME L E V E L S .
ACCORDI NG
S T AT I ON E R Y E T C . CHARGED TO
TO LEVEL OF SCHOOLI NG AND SEX
289
290
TABLE 7.28
AN EXERCISE TO SHOW VARIOUS HYPOTHETICAL COSTS OF
SENDING CHILDREN TO SCHOOL3
(ALL COSTS APPROXIMATE RUPIAHS)
Lower
Middle
Upper
(hypothetical Costs)
Cost of Primary School
Per year
thus 3 years
6 years
=
=
=
700
2100
4200
750
2250
4500
800
2400
4800
2500
= 5000
= 10000
3000
6000
12000
3500
7000
14000
5000
10000
- 20000
6000
12000
24000
7000
14000
28000
=
4000?
20000?
= 28000?
----- >
----- >
=
=
3000
11250
65250
Cost of Lower Secondary S chool
Per year
thus 2 years
4 years
=
Cost of Upper Secondary School
Per year
thus 2 years
4 years
=
=
Cost of University^
Entrance
2 years
4 years
=s
-----
>
20000?
50000+
100000+
Hypothetical Costs from Age
6 to Ages:
10 (Primary 4)
15 (Lower Second 2)c
20 (University 2) c (Minimum)
Note:
S5
2800
9900
58900
3200
12600
71600
a
Costs are hypothetical but are based on the
distributions recorded in Table 7.27.
b
Costs of schooling above higher secondary are
very hard to estimate because of variations
according to school, faculty, examination results,
unofficial fees and numerous other uncertainties.
c
Allowing for time out and 7 years in primary school common practices in Java.
their children for a only few years and then find the burden
of further education unbearable.
Expenditures of less than
1000 R p . per year (a little less than $2) can be met by
people making incomes of around 50 R p . a day so long as payment
291
can be made in installments
over a sufficient period of time,
but when the costs reach annual
the more well-to-do
finances.
families
amounts of 5000 Rp or more only
can consider arranging the
Over the lifecycle
of the parent this means
that
poor parents will pay less than rich parents at any given age
for the children of the household who are attending school.
The attendance
of three or more children is staggered so that
the total burden of school fees is never too great.
7.29 this is demonstrated,
In Table
and additionally it is found that
the proportion of the total life cycle during which a head of
household will be concerned with paying any school fees is
much longer for the rich than for the poor.
to this pattern are the higher levels
Factors
contributing
of schooling reached by
children of rich parents,
the higher fees,
and more elaborate
expenses which they bear,
and the fact that rich parents have
more surviving children who go on to school,
poorer neighbours.
fact that
Consideration might also be given to the
for some poor children school attendance might
with potential work time,
which
than do their
and thus involve an opportunity
could seriously disadvantage
the low wages
the family.
However,
and scarcity of work before age 15 or so,
factor would presumably have minor importance
the direct
financial
conflict
cost
given
this
compared with
costs of schooling.
However, while schooling is undoubtedly one of the most
important potential material
appreciation of its impact
costs of childbearing,
a full
on the material value of children
can only be achieved if it is compared with the other costs
involved in bearing and raising children.
These are the issues
we must examine now.
7.3.2
The Material Costs
Maguwoharj o
of Bearing and Raising a Child in
As we found to be the case with the costs of schooling,
the other material
to the social
costs of childbearing are strongly related
class of the parents.
Poor people do not have
enough income to care for either their children or themselves
adequately,
and as a result we can say that the absolute
cost of children to them is low, while the rich can meet the
necessities
of life and afford some of the luxuries as well.
292
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A
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The cost of children to them is thus
almost impossible
family
years
today.
costs
fairly high.
It is
to estimate all these costs for any given
Moreover,
(and tastes)
over the course of the last fifty
have
changed radically as the
economic structure of Maguwoharjo has altered,
with
the
result that even hypothetical estimates of the costs facing
"typical"
families will not
conform to the kinds
situations which must figure in the perceptions
at different stages
in the life-cycle today.
it will be useful to conduct
of
of parents
Nonetheless,
a number of exercises
these costs if only because of the insights
to calculate
they might give
us into the relative importance of different types of costs in
the process of raising a child
from birth
The first cost met by most families
to adulthood.
in the process of
having a child is that of the birth itself.
The lower income
mother usually is attended at the birth by a dukun b a y i ,
the traditional midwife who through massage,
incantations
herbal treatments,
and primitive surgical skills provides
a source
of pre-natal and post-natal care as well as actually delivering
the baby.
The dukun bayi is usually an old woman from one of
the neighbouring hamlets who spends most of her time at some
other occupation,
at births
such as labouring or trading,
only as a supplernentry activity.
and attends
Because of this
she seldom receives very much money - an amount of around
150 Rp would be common - and the amount she gets will depend
on the ability of the family
for successful work.
A rich mother might also be attended by
a dukun bayi but nowadays
the first birth,
it would be common, especially
for her to have a trained midwife,
come to her house,
for
a bidan,
or else she might go to a hospital and be
attended by a doctor.
be greater,
to pay and the reputation she has
In these cases
the costs would naturally
and it would not be unusual to find her paying
1000 Rp for the birth of her child.
During the months of pregnancy and in the days following
the birth a family which adheres
practices
would have a series
to traditional Javanese
of ceremonies
designed to show
community solidarity with the parents and ward off malevolent
spirits which might
these ceremonies
threaten the i n f a n t ’s health.
Though
are part of a Javanese socio-religious
tradition
294
frowned upon by devote Muslims and Christians,
the latter often
conduct them at the births of their own children,
though the
ostensable reason would be clearly explained as serving a social
rather than supernatural function.
In any case the cost of
these ceremonies would include a number of s elame tan and j a gon gan
attended by the men, and a variety of ceremonies designed for
specific stages of the pregnancy and birth which would mainly
concern the neighbourhood women.
Neighbours and family contribute
money at each of these stages, and so the cost is seldom
borne entirely by the parent, but any member of the society
can expect to be required to reciprocate for these contributions
when their neighbours have children (or any of a variety of
lifecycle events)
and so the cost of conducting the ceremony
is ultimately borne by each family according to their social
rank and economic position.
One implication of this is that
there is a tendency for the childless
subsidize those with many children.
to some degree, to
We might take as very
rough approximations that the poor of the village would pay out
around 1000 Rp in reciprocal childbirth ceremony costs over a
long period of time while the rich might pay 10,000 Rp or more.
The most substantial and most common cost of having a
child in Maguwoharjo,
as in most communities,
is food.
While
the poor child can make do with the same shirt for years, may
never go to school, and may put virtually no extra demand
on the housing available to the family it will always demand
some minimal amount of food in order to maintain life.
Likewise
the fact that the well-to-do are not extravagantly rich implies
that an extra child will consume substantial amounts of the
household’s resources in food above any other single item.
There are no cars owned by the children of Maguwoharjo,
enormous amounts of clothing, but all of them eat.
and no
In order to
obtain some understanding of the relative costs of feeding
children in the various classes of family we cannot rely on
information derived directly from the survey, and would be
foolish to rely on observation alone.
Children of different
ages get food in such different forms and amounts that either
informal questions or retrospective interviews would lead to
innumerable sources of misperception and error.
Rather, we
can borrow a technique used by dieticians, economists, and
295
actuaries and estimate the consumption of a child over a span
of ages according to a scale which compares average amounts
of food consumption by children with that of adult males.
The details of how we went about selecting a scale and
applying it to the situation in Maguwoharjo are contained in
Appendix T.3.
Suffice it to say here that the results are
very rough and can only be trusted as expressions of relative
magnitudes,
and should not be taken as precise measures of
the actual dietary levels of the community.
If nothing else,
the fact that rich people obtain their calories from a wider
variety of foods implies that their diets are better in terms
of nutritional balance and thus any difference in the quantities
of calories consumed by rich and poor people understates the
actual differences in nutritional standing.
Table 7.30 works out the estimates of food consumption of
children by converting estimates of the caloric consumption
by adult males of three income levels according to three
common scales of conversion.'*"
The calculation is simple.
First, the specified daily caloric consumption levels are
converted to annual figures and then, for purposes of greater
simplicity in making later conversions, the total number of
calories are converted into the equivalent amounts of milled
rice, which are expressed in terms of kilograms.
The choice
of annual levels or daily levels, or the choice of expressing
the quantities in calories or rice equivalents obviously make
no difference to the final outcomes of the calculations.
These
are determined by the choice of calorie levels to begin with,
and the scale of conversions used at the end.
Some support
for the choice of caloric levels is given from the fact that
the range of milled rice equivalents produced in the calculations
lies between 13 Kg per month for lower income people, and
22 Kg for upper income people.
In Java it is often said that a
man eats 10 Kg of b e r as (uncooked rice) per month, and it is
not
unusual to find fairly well-to-do people who say that they
average 12 Kg.
Poor men might consume 7 or 8 Kg per month.
When account is taken of the amount of calories derived from
1
Citations for the studies on which these figures were
selected are contained in Technical Appendix T.3.
296
TABLE
7.30 AN EXERCISE TO SHOW THE DIFFERENCES IN ESTIMATES
OF FOOD CONSUMPTION BY CHILDREN FROM BIRTH TO AGE
21 ACCORDING TO INCOME GROUP OF PARENTS
Income Group =
Hypothetical Daily Consumption
of Calories by Adult Male3
x 365 = Annual Consumption
4* 3520 = Equivalent Consumption
of Milled Rice (MRE) Kgb
Food Consumption by Children
Between Birth and Age 21 According
to the Scale of :
Lower
Middle
Upper
=
=
1500
547500
2000
730000
2500
912500
=
155.5
207.4
259 .2
(In Milled Rice
Equivalents - Kg)
A. Sydenstricker and King
Boy
Girl
2023.1
1817.8
2698.3
2424.5
3372.2
3030.0
B. Williams and Hanson
Boy
Girl
2606.2
2394.7
3476.0
3194.0
4344.2
399 1.7
C . National Academy of Sciences
Boy
Girl
2803.7
2425.8
3739.4
3235.4
4673.4
4043.5
Ratios Between Scales:
Boys
Girls
A 4- B
A 4- C
B 4- C
=
=
=
7 8%
72%
93%
A 4- B
A 4- c
B
c
=
=
76%
75%
99%
—
Notes:
—
Scale A = 90%
B = 92%
C = 87%
a.
Hypothetical consumption figures based on results
of field surveys reported in Hermana (1971), Bailey
See Technical Appendix T
(1961-62) and Timmer (1961).
for details of the sources.
b.
Bailey (1961a: 224) gives the caloric value of 1 Kg
milled rice as 3520 cal.
other sources, including vegetables,
meat,
Ratios Between Sexes
(Girls f Boys):
fruits, sugar,
fish and
the calculations we have produced seem to be reasonable,
though possibly a little on the high side for poor people, and
maybe a little low for the richest people of the village.
Once the average annual consumption of food by adult males
of each income level is determined the estimate of the
consumption by children is made by summing the scales,
(which express the children’s consumption at each age in terms
of a proportion of an adults consumption)
age range under consideration,
and exact age 21 years.
over the entire
in this case between birth
The resulting figures for total
consumption by boys and girls,
according to each of three
scales, is then multiplied by the estimated amounts of food
consumption by the hypothetically average males of each income
level.
A set of eighteen figures is obtained which represents
different total amounts of food consumption which, according
to our rough estimates children of different sex, income
levels and age patterns of consumption might be expected to
attain over the course of their first 20 years of life.
Even such a simple exercise as this is useful in pointing
out some of the important factors which underlie the variations
in the direct material costs of childbearing in Maguwoharjo.
First,
there is the consideration of the appropriateness of
using the same conversion scale to calculate estimates of
consumption by children of different economic classes.
If we
take as a reasonable speculation the assertion that people
from upper income families have a higher proportion of their
diet in terms of "subordinate" foods, such as vegetables, which
are shared on a more equal basis among the family members
than the basic food,
rice, and add to this the fact that upper
income children have more frequent snacks and special meals
than lower income children of the same ages, it might be
contended that the food consumption of children expressed in
terms of adult consumption equivalents, is positively related
to income.
Thus,
for example, rather than the food consumption
by children of the three income levels being in the ratio of
6:8:10 as implied in the levels of calories chosen, it might
be in a ratio 4:7:10,
as would be implied if we used the
Sydenstrieker and King scale for the estimate of consumption
by poor children,
the Williams and Hanson scale for consumption
at the middle income, and the National Academy of sciences for
the upper income level.
support this speculation,
However, since there is no data to
and since it might be contended in
the reverse that poor parents give their children relatively
298
larger portions to what little food they have, it is probably
best to use only the Williams and Hanson scale for our
calculations since it lies in an intermediate position between
the other two scales.
A second consideration is the relative consumption of
food by boys and girls of the same age.
According to the
Williams and Hanson scale girls consume 92% of the amount
boys do over twenty years of life while for the National
Academy of Sciences nutritional requirements scale, the
proportion would be 87%.
A report on the nutritional standing
of a group of university students in Bogor in 1960 reported
that
girls consumed only 66% the number of calories per day
as did boys
(Reported in Hermana,
1971:
7), while the
comparable figures for children in the age group 18-20
according to the four scales discussed here would range from
71% to 90%.
Clearly,
the factors which might influence the
differences in activities, social customs concerning eating
habits, energy needs for basal metabolism, possession of
spending money for snacks, etc., would vary according to the
social and economic class of the individual.
It would
probably be a safe generalization to posit that women of the
lower income groups would tend to have consumption patterns
more equal to those of the men of their class than would be the
case for upper income women.
This is because lower class women
tend to work more at jobs outside the home requiring more
energy expenditure than upper class women of the same age.
Also, since they are living at a very low level of nutritional
intake variations in consumption other than those related to
metabolic differences and patterns of work would be minimized.
People at that level cannot afford to vary their consumption of
foods to a great extent for purposes of changing their personal
appearances or maintenance of customs associated with
male dominance.
A number of other considerations suggested by the
exercise can only be mentioned in passing:
1. The initial food costs for children of all social
classes are relatively low during the first few years
of life.
Breastfeeding for periods up to a year and a
half on average means that the food expenses for a
child are limited to simple supplementary portions
299
of banana or thick boiled rice gruel and presumably
the extra food the mother might eat in order to maintain
her milk flow.
Considering the principles of discounting
we discussed in Chapter 2 these costs might be imagined
to be more important in the mind of the parent than
the much more distant, but larger, costs of feeding
an adolescent.
However, the fact that they are so
small means that most potential parents ignore them
altogether, while the whole issue of feeding children
of school age exists as a vague, but very real,
anxiety.
2. From the point of view of the parent, these estimates of
food costs are over-stated to the degree they can
expect that the child would receive food from other
sources.
Grandparents are often sources of extra food
and snacks, and it is not unusual for children to do
some work for a neighbour or a relative in exchange
for a meal.
Most important, though, is the fact that
children could be expected to leave home at eighteen
or nineteen, thus implying that our calculations exceed
reasonable expectations by 15% to 25%.
3. If these calculations are to stand as representations
of the parents’ expectation of the food costs of raising
one child to age twenty some account must be made of
mortality.
Because of this the estimates must be
inflated to account for children who consume food
for a number of years and then die.
Of course, the
fact that the mortality schedules fall with age, while
the relative food consumption rises means that the
effect of mortality is relatively small.
What effect
there is would be concentrated more among lower income
families.
Considering the major variations caused
by the other factors detailed calculation of the impact
of mortality on the pattern of costs would probably
introduce a sense of confidence in the figures
unwarranted by the data.
This exercise has served to point up some of the more important
influences on the patterns of food costs appropriate to children
in families of various social and economic classes.
The
reader will appreciate the very rough nature of these
calculations, and should also realize now the value of such
an exercise in pointing out important factors which influence
the patterns of material costs.
With this, and the information
on the costs of schooling, we are able to conduct an exercise
to demonstrate the total material cost of children to parents.
7.3.3
The Total Material Cost of Children to Parents of
Different Economic Classes
The various estimates of the material costs of bearing,
raising and schooling children which were worked out in the
exercises above are collected in Table
both boys
Costs
for
and girls of the extreme income levels are
outlined.
These figures
general sense,
represent extremes only in a very
because the cost estimations
would not represent the very poorest
the respective
groups.
Rather,
for each level
or the very richest of
in conjuring up a mental image
of the two families which might
might
7.31.
face these circumstances one
think of a sharecropping family which has a very small
piece of land as being in the lower income place,
and a
middle level village official in the upper income place.
Landless
labourers
the limits
and the village leaders would be outside
of this exercise.
The principles
of estimation
are found in the notes
followed in the exercise
to this table,
An attempt has been made to reflect
and those in Table
the relative
7.30.
costs of
calories purchased by people of different income groups by
specifying a rate of 50 Rp per kg of MRE
(Milled Rice Equivalent)
for children of both groups up to age 5, and 70 Rp per kg MRE
for the children of upper income
The price
was
of medium-grade
families between age 5 and 21.
rice in the village market
in mid-1972
around 45 Rp per kg, but later in the year it rose
dramatically
to over 100 Rp per kg.
been used in order to maintain
food estimates,
The lower figures have
comparability with the non
which did not adjust
immediately to the price
ch an ge s .
1
Considering the high rates of inflation which have
periodically racked the Indonesian economy over the past
few decades it might be argued that the values in this table
should all be expressed in terms of MRE, but I have
decided against that.
In the three years immediately
preceding the study prices were relatively stable, and had
reached a state of relative equilibrium in the exchange
economy, so that money values were good expressions of the
value of ceremonies and services.
In times of inflation some
people, especially those more dependent on money income, are
more disadvantaged than others, and the value of ceremonies
and services expressed in terms of rice falls unequally on
the farmer and the wage earner.
We should thus take
advantage of the stability of value which prevailed in the
period prior to the study and express the costs in Rupiah.
301
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303
The precise values of the various costs specified in
the example cannot be taken too seriously, even though they
are based on fair assumptions about the circumstances of
families of different income levels.
It is more important
to examine the st ructure of costs which parents would
presumably perceive to be applicable to families similar to
their own.
Because of this the implications of the ratios at
the bottom of the Table are of interest.
They show primarily
that food is a relatively more important element in the cost
of a child to a poor family than to a rich one.
This is
a fairly common finding throughout the world, relfecting the
fact that poor people with very little income must devote
most of it to the maintenance of life, primarily by ensuring
food and shelter.
As the income of the family rises and the
survival needs are secured, income can be devoted to other
things which go more to secure the survival of the individual
in a social sense - for example, to provide the schooling
which is "necessary" to maintain social standing and get an
appropriate job.
What is interesting about this shift in
emphasis brought on by higher income, is the fact that a
larger proportion of the costs are those which are financed
through reciprocal arrangements.^
1
In this way, the parent of
The reciprocal arrangements for meeting the costs of
ceremonies are discussed in Geertz (1960: 61-67). People
giving a ceremony can expect assistance in meeting the
costs both in terms of the work their neighbours are
willing to do and the small cash donations (called b uwuh or
sumb an gan) which are given to the host either before or
during the time of the ceremony.
As Geertz reports, there
is a "sharp sense of reciprocity" involved in these
arrangements.
One of his respondents told him that "it is
rather like ’saving* for her to give buwuhs to her
neighbours". (66)
The giver can expect the gift to be
returned in fairly equal portions when it comes time for him
to hold his own ceremony.
It is unclear what the general
direction of flow of resources is in cases of reciprocity
between people of different classes.
One village official
told me that the rich carried a "burden" because they were
always expected to give larger s umb an gan to the poor than
they could expect in return.
However, a number of people who
have studied the flow of labour as well as material goods
think that the net flow may be in the other direction, with
the rich actually being subsidised by the poor.
30 4
a rich
child
because
that
may
it w i l l
a fair
payable
the
at
remain
any
there
g iven
p art
is
which
finance
(at h i g h
or
can
only
child
l eave
marriage,
or by
"loaning"
in
the
be
seen
family
in
members
support
of
the
child
of
relatives
without
who
fact
immediate
income
costs
cost
burden
the
parent
for
of
the
the
poor
rich
which
schooling
are
met
that
food,
which
family
than
more
costs
out
of
of h o u s e h o l d ’s e a r n i n g s .
cer t a i n ,
met
in
the
arrangements
to
the
share
than
for
likely
can
non
in
the
the
rich.^
to h a v e
spent
expected.
on h i m
T hus,
relative
while
i mpact
childbearing
than
of
schooling
schooling
is
than
the
of
as
social
portion
a poor
is n e e d e d
fa m i l y
This is not to i m p l y that p o o r p e o p l e are less a l t r u i s t i c
than the rich, only that they h ave less to share.
Both
rich and p o o r p e o p l e are h o s p i t a b l e to v i s i t o r s and o f f e r
t h e m r e f r e s h m e n t s if t h e r e are some a v a i l a b l e , b ut the l a c k
of a s u b s t a n t i a l s u r p l u s of f ood m e a n s that c h i l d r e n who
come to v isit for s h o r t p e r i o d s may not r e c e i v e a m e a l at
the h o u s e of t heir p o o r g r a n d m o t h e r , w h i l e a rich g r a n d m o t h e r
has ready s u r p l u s w i t h w h i c h to s p o i l her y o u n g g r a n d c h i l d r e n .
large,
for
of
1
to m e e t
rate
Because
it
them
any
given
income
an
the n e c e s s a r y
accepted
a regular
child.
more
rich.
covers
can be
The
puts
relatively
for
the
so
for
at
being
The
usually
impossible
and
an
is
is
less
child w o r k ) ,
a relative).
less
of
productive
t heir w e a l t h .
is
of
fa m i l y
has
means
borrow
the
can be
return
costs
cost
not
that
( e ither w i t h
a ble
which
this
the
on
is
food
to w h i c h
poor
sure
fact
the
financial
are
family
sh a r e
to
being
the
parents
having
costs
the
income
can
by
child,
the h o u s e h o l d
increase
degree
immediate
direct
of s u r v i v a l ,
head
for
material
rich
on
the
directly
for
(2)
the
the
poverty,
direct
quite
"necessities"
the
surplus
is
the
out
group
less
income
their
the
that
fall
(1)
indirect
case w i t h
substantial
the
have
the
that
the
is
it
of
social
relatively
Another
is
the
child
share
meeting
fact
a lower
some
poor
of
child
the h o u s e h o l d ,
or o t h e r
the
person
(possibly
proportion
also
As
rates),
the
poor
burden
if:
have
reciprocal
the
di r e c t
be met
not
the
o ver
while
will
the
of
household
of
on
costs
interest
form
the
For
control
household,
costs
the
difference
T he
the
time.
the
the
of
(3)
early
of
of
a continuous
finance
capacity
of
"proprietary"
part
proportion
largest
that
maintain
lump-sum
food,
fees
305
which are sometimes required for schooling beyond the primary
level.
Attempts to spread the burden of these costs are again
difficult because of the high cost of credit and the limited
opportunities for increasing the regular production of the
household to provide for extra savings.
As a result it is
often more likely that the child would leave school and
accept different lifestyle potentials than continue in school
to the limits of his academic potential,
and in the process
his dependence on his parents will be more established.
Given the wide variety of patterns of cost associated
with different lifestyles and the various relations between
costs which must be met directly and those which can be
financed over different time spans, one of the issues which
must arise regarding the parents'
perceptions of probable
patterns of future costs is the degree to which the variations
can be either predicted or controlled.
For
example, the
parent might be able to predict the chance of a child dying
before age 21, but feel powerless to control the situation
completely, and thus might reasonably think of the total cost
of raising a child to age 21 as including that portion of the
cost of a child who died which the parent might think he would
be ar .^
1
Obviously people do not work out precisely the expected
"Why do poor slum mothers buy more coffins than do the same
number of rich women?" was the question Marie Stopes asked
of her readers in 1920.
Her answer at that time was that
poor women have more children on average than the rich, and
the rate at which their children died in the first year of
life was almost twice as high.
Of course the coffins for these poor little babies are
very small, and do not require much wood to make them.
But let us think in what other ways they cost:
To the
mother they cost not only all the little the baby had
eaten, and used in the way of clothes before its death,
but all the wastage of her own vitality while she was
bearing it; she could not work so well, at any rate
towards the end of the time.
Home duties had to be
somewhat neglected; the older children had to go to
school dirtier and less cared for; the husband had
less comfort and fewer smiles; every one in the family
was poorer, not only in material things, but in
happiness and buoyancy. (1920: 202-203).
Conditions in Java today are very different from those in
London during the time of Stopes' writing, but many of the
principles she outlined concerning the costs of infant deaths
are similar.
value of the cost of rearing x. number of children subject to
certain mortality constraints - rather they are anxious, afraid
or resigned and have vague feelings about the amount of
material cost which is likely to be entailed before a child
dies.
They have had the experience of seeing how their
neighbours handled the death of a child, and they are aware
of the material (as well as emotional)
the whole process.
Likewise,
investment which underlay
they might regard the difference
of 8% to 10% between the cost of raising a boy or a girl
as being something which they can predict but not control.
It
is doubtful that they take any account of this difference.
More likely they imagine that a son will be born and then
think vaguely about the material costs involved there, and then
pull up abruptly and consider the possibility of a daughter,
and this leads them through another bout of imagination and
reflection.
Within broad ranges parents have some idea of the incidence
of infant mortality in their society (though their personal
fears may be highly coloured from experience or anxiety)
and
they know the chance of any baby being of a particular sex.
They are probably less certain about the wide variety of
psychological and social factors which determine the time a
child leaves home or how far it will progress in school.
Great changes have taken place in the school system, the
institution of the family, and the occupational structure in
Java, and parents most often have only cloudy ideas as to
1
The findings of Rutstein using data from Taiwan are relevant
here.
"The hypotheses that high levels of child mortality
lead to additional births is supported by the foregoing
analysis.
However, the idea that couples who experience a
child death may have more children overall as a form of
insurance against additional deaths is not substantiated by
the data". (1970: 352).
It would seem that the impact of *
infant mortality is the creation of an atmosphere of
anxiety which works through the process of value formation
rather than the direct cause of attempts to manipulate
fertility behaviour so as to achieve precise fertility
goals.
Whatever the action, though, it is hard to substantiate
the idea that infant mortality has little effect on people
though it may be true that it has little impact on the net
rates of population growth.
307
what applies in their lives and what can be expected from
children.
New generations of parents hear their older
neighbours talk about the unhappiness of having your children
go to the city and forgetting you, or the disappointment of
schooling a girl to the Lower Primary level only to have her
turn out as a trader just like her illiterate mother.
Were a parent making the claculations contained in Table 7.31
he might be interested that the difference in total cost
attributable to the sex of the child is only a third of the
difference brought about if the child leaves home at 15 rather
than 21.
This effect is much stronger for the poor family
than for the rich, and because the rich make a commitment to
schooling which the poor cannot afford (and thus make more
certain the fact that the child will stay dependent on the
household for a longer time) the poor can be seen to face an
even more indeterminant and uncontrollable situation - their
children will,
themselves, determine to a large degree whether
they remain at home or leave, when they shall marry, and thus
the structure of material costs in late adolescence.
In general, then, it can be said that the material costs
of childbearing are more direct and less predictable for
the poor than they are for the rich.
The cost of childrearing
for families at higher levels of income involve higher
proportions of reciprocal costs which spread the burden of
payment over long time periods and involve a variety of quid pro
qu o , and the social group at large is more involved in meeting
many of the simple costs of food,
goods.
clothing and other material
If consideration is given only to the material costs
of childrearing it might even be asserted that it is in the
poor families’ interest to push their children out of the
household as soon as possible to avoid the long-term direct
strain on the families'
finances, but this is obviously quite the
opposite of what happens.
To understand this we must examine the
way material costs and benefits interact over the lifecycle of
the child.
7.3.4
The Balance of Material Costs and Benefits
Almost everything we have seen in the preceding sections
points to the fact that it is almost impossible for parents to
308
evaluate the material aspects of childbearing in the absence
of any consideration of non-material factors.
However,
it
is still important for the purposes of analysis to consider
whether the probable net material flow of goods and services
from a child to a parent over the lifetime of a child is
positive or negative for people of the different income
levels found in Maguwoharjo.
This can be done in a very
straightforward way by accepting the calculations of the
brief exercise in the preceding section as setting a bare
minimum cost of childbearing for the parents of the two social
groups and then comparing them with the material value of
the labour and security the child offers the parent.
Taking the upper income family first we might presume
that a child being raised to attend the Higher Secondary
level of school would be engaged in tasks around the house
from about age ten.
At graduation the child might get a
job in the village, but more likely his job would be outside
and he would either commute from home or take lodgings near
his place of employment.
At this time the child’s earnings
would go mainly to his own maintenance or savings and the
parents
needy.
would get little unless they were sick or very
If the child helped periodically at a family
enterprise he might increase the income.
In our experience
though, upper income parents were more likely to give their
children who lived independently a share of the return from
the enterprise which was greater than the amount it would
cost to get labour from the neighbourhood.
They did this
because the children were usually at the family-building
stage of the life cycle while the parents’ needs were
declining at this point.
Because upper income people are likely
to have pensions they are less likely to rely on their children
for material support in old age, and when they do as when they
accept cash remittances,
it is often reciprocated by presentation
to the child of food at the time of the harvest.
Because of
these reciprocal arrangements and the early and fairly strict
independence of children it would be difficult to imagine
regular and substantial net flows of material goods and
services to the parents until they reached old age,
By that
time the chances of mortality and the probability that any
309
burden would be shared among many offspring would mean that
any one child would be expected to contribute relatively
little.
With these speculations and qualifications in mind it
should not be difficult to accept the general validity of
the calculations presented in Table 7.32 as representing a
liberal estimate of the amount of material benefit which an
upper income parent could expect to receive from a male
child who was successful in getting a government job.
When
this figure is compared with the estimated total material cost
of the upper income child calculated in Table 7.31 it can be
seen that the material benefit:cost ratio would be in the
range of 1:2, thus indicating a substantial gap.
If
adjustments were made to the calculation to integrate the
suppositions
successful,
that,
for example,
the child was only moderately
or unsuccessful in getting a job, or that the
child called on the parent for assistance in building a house
or meeting school expenses,
the benefit:cost ratio would
be even more unfavourable.
The same implication would result
from the consideration of the child being a girl.
In fact,
it is hard to imagine circumstances under which the child of
an upper income parent would attain a positive benefit:cost
ratio over its lifetime,
remembering, of course, that in this
we mean only benefits and costs borne by the parent.
In an
absolute sense the benefit:cost ratio of the child would be
positive, but the benefits would accrue to his own independent
household rather than his parents'.
In the case of the poor the situation is somewhat different.
First, as we have seen,
and at harder jobs.
of the rich.
the children of the poor work earlier
They also cost much less than the children
Because poor people are not likely to be in
salary work, but involve themselves in wage labour of
enterprises organized on a family basis, such as gathering
sand and rock from rivers,
farming small plots of land, and
making and selling food, drink or handicrafts,
an additional
child can often begin to aid in the household’s production on
a substantial scale at relatively young ages (eg. 13-15 years
old).
The wide variety of ways in which a child might
contribute makes it difficult to specify a "typical" example
TABLE
7.32
OF MATERI AL
OF
U
BENEFITS
CHILDBEARING
TO PARENTS
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W h i l e t h e v a l u e s u s e d i n t h i s e x e r c i s e a r e h y p o t h e t i c a l t h e y a r e b a s e d on c a l c u l a t i o n s
of wage r a t e s i n c l u d e d in t h e e c o n o m ic s u r v e y , f i n d i n g s by W
Th i t e ( 19 7 3 ) i n K a l i L o r o a n d
a s s u m p tio n s about work p r a c t i c e of c h i l d r e n f o r m u la te d from in f o r m a t i o n c o n ta in e d in the
f i r s t ta b le s of th is c h a p te r.
u
o
o
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Note:
AN E X E R C I S E SHOWING HY P O T H E T I C A L FLOWS
I N U P P E R AND LOWER INCOME HOUSEHOLDS
3 10
311
of the flows of the material benefits of a child, but for
illustrative purposes we can take the case of one of our
neighbours who operated a bullock cart.
(They were technically
in the "middle income" category because of their ownership of the
bullocks, but their general situation is similar to that
of many lower income people).
The father and his young son
went out nearly every day on some sort of haulage job, and
worked together to care for the animals in the morning and
the evening.
The boy was about fourteen and had been helping his
father for about two years.
The father told me that he expected
that his son would do some other sort of work in a few years
time, in which case he would work alone or occasionally with a
helper.
If he hired a helper the wage would vary according to
whether the man was given food, and how well he was known around
the neighbourhood, but it would not be unusual to pay someone
30-50 Rp or more in these days of rising prices.
It was obvious
from the conversation that the father preferred to have his
son working because the boy was reliable and took good care
of the animals.
Thus, if the labour of the child is valued
at 50 Rp per day over a year of 300 working days then his
annual material benefit is 15,000 Rp .
In this case a child
starting work at age 12 would only have to work at this rate
until he was 20 before the benefits he earned equalled the
total amount of material cost his parents had paid over his
entire lifetime.
The extent to which a poor family might expect a child
to begin work earlier, or remain longer in the family would
only serve to increase the value of the child's labour, while
the fact that girls can often participate in trading and
harvest labour means that the value of their labour relative
to boys'
is not much diminished.
In any case, it may be seen
by way of comparison with Table 7.31 that the material benefits
which might reasonably be expected to arise from the work of
a child in a poor household are very close to the material
costs entailed in their birth and upkeep.
1
Benjamin White's findings in Kali Loro show that a child
who collects fodder for sale can expect to earn 30-50 Rp
per day, which accords very closely with the values being
proposed in this example. (1973)
312
It might be possible from the information presented here
to presume that the chance of a rich parent finding a child
to be a net material benefit is very remote, while for a poor
family it is relatively easy to imagine a situation under which
a child might earn its own keep, and account for sufficient
extra production in the household economy to make its existence
a source of material benefit for the parents.
qualifications
Two major
to these generalizations are the impact of the
rice allowance paid to government workers, which can make a
child a net material benefit for the upper income parent,
and
the indirect costs and benefits of childbearing which may
affect families in different circumstances in different ways.
i.
Rice Allowances.
Until recently, government employees
were given an allowance of 10 kg of rice for each child in
the family, regardless of family size.
Thus, over twenty years
a child might be expected to bring in the equivalent of
120,000 Rp according to the 1972 price of rice.
This is not
enough to swing the benefit:cost ratio of our example of the
upper income child into the positive values, but it does bring
it much closer to unity, and implies that under certain
conditions the parent from an upper income family might expect
to break even on the material costs of childbearing.
Most
importantly, since these allowances were paid at the same
rate no matter what the age of the child, the parent was
virtually assured of a substantial subsidy for non-food costs
of childrearing during the first few years of the infant’s
life (when it could not eat the equivalent of 10 kg of rice)
and thus the problems of financing the costs of childrearing
in this period were eased.
Recent changes have put a limit on the number of children
in a family who could be aided by these allowances.
As of
March 31, 1973, children of the fourth or higher parity were
not eligible to receive rice.
This measure was adopted as an
integral part of the nation's Family Planning Campaign, though
it was facilitated by the fact that the period during which
the order was issued and advertised (1971-1972) was one of
stable rice prices,
thus minimizing some of the potential
opposition to the modification of a programme which stands as
313
a hedge against inflation for many public servants.
At about
this same time numerous speeches by administrators and
military officers stressed that the nation's government
employees should heed the lessons of the government's Family
Planning Programme by restricting the size of their families.
It is too early to assess the impact of these measures on
the behaviour of people in Maguwoharjo, but it should probably
be noted that for
many government servants such measures
are already too late.
As one official who had seven children
told me, "I never worried much about the rice allowance
anyway;
the children came, and I provided for them.
Anyway,
the rice the government gave wasn't very gocd, so I usually sold
it and bought another brand.
In the end I suppose I got
seven kilos of good rice for every ten I sold".
This comment
should indicate that for many people the issue of the direct
material costs and benefits of childbearing is not particularly
important.
Their behaviour is directed to goals which are
much more complex,
and often more abstract than the minimization
of the material cost of raising a child and thus, while
manipulation of the direct material cost or benefit of
childbearing may have an impact on fertility,
that effect would
not be brought about through any sort of simple causal relation.
ii.
Externalities.
Consideration of indirect costs and
benefits may change the calculations substantially, most
probably in the direction of raising the costs of childbearing
substantially while also raising the benefits, but in lesser
proportions.
One of the most well-known of the indirect costs
of child-rearing is the loss of the mother's time to other,
and possibly more materially rewarding, pursuits.
This
opportunity cost is probably more relevant to upper income
families.
Women in that group take the role of being ct housewife
and mother very seriously,
and tend not lt> work between the time
of the birth of the first child and when the mother reaches
age 40 or so.
They say they do not "want" to work outside the
home, but as their work experience before and after the
childrearing period shows, this is not the case.
They rather
prefer the tasks of childrearing to working, and thus the
loss of income mus t be regarded as an indirect cost of h avin g
314
made that choice.
Among poor women this is less relevant since
they generally continue to work right up to the birth of the
child, and resume their jobs within a few days or weeks after
the event.
Thus,
the loss of income, while substantial in terms
of the family's total income for that short period is minor
when compared with the cost of raising the child to age 20 or
so.
Other material opportunity costs involving goals related
to investment are also more relevant to the upper income
families.
This is natural, since the basic principle underlying
the concept of an opportunity cost is that the child interfers
with the attainment of a competing goal.
The poor are restricted
in the achievement of other goals by their general poverty, so
the birth of a child, while demanding a wide range of direct
costs, represents relatively few opportunity costs.
A wider
variety of goals is within the potential grasp of upper income
parents, so the acceptance of childbearing as a goal involves
a greater indirect material sacrifice.
In Chapter 2 we saw that Spengler's discussion of the
characteristics of goals included a description of what might
be called an indirect benefits situation.
This occurs when the
satisfaction of one goal leads to the simultaneous satisfaction
of a complementary goal with no extra cost.
In the case of
childbearing we might identify the satisfactions derived
from having a family of a particular size as having been
indirectly produced by the achievement of the birth of each
individual child, but particularly the later children.
To the
degree that the family is the unit of material production as
well as consumption in a peasant economy,
the achievement of a
large family may, under certain conditions, be regarded as
involving more than the sum of the material values of the labour
of each individual child.
Cases of this type would be most
likely to occur where the family was exercising joint control
over capital assets such as a shop, or land or a bullock cart,
or needed the strength of numbers to carry out production
involving primarily a labour input, such as hauling heavy loads.
As might be expected from this description, such tasks are
more often done by poor or middle income families, and thus
indirect benefits of childrearing would presumably be more
important among these groups.
315
Thusfar in the discussion the issue of the parity of the
child has been glossed over.
It deserves more investigation
because it is only when we come to an understanding of the
relative indirect costs and benefits of high order births that
we can begin to speak of the impact of material values on
family size.
There are many reasons for thinking that
first born children are more costly from both the material and
non-material point of view than the later births.
Parents
are usually inclined to spend more on the ceremonies surrounding
their birth,^ circumcision or marriage,
of schooling.
and on the provision
In addition the mother will be more likely to
stop working for long periods of time to take care of the
first or second born child, both because the experience of
the first births would be unusual and worrying for her and
because when later births occur (parity 3 and over)
the older
siblings are often mature enough to offer substantial help with
childcare.
In general then, low parity children involve more
indirect costs, but they also offer direct benefits later when
help in childcare is needed for the high parity births.
The
same principle applies in the costs of schooling, securing
employment and aiding in the establishment of a household.
The eldest children generally take more of the parent’s
resources in these activities, but reciprocate when the time
comes for the younger siblings to pass through the same stages.
It is possible to view this process as showing how each
successive birth satisfies,
in an indirect way, the goal of
having a family organization which faces the task of providing
for an adequate material life as an organic whole.
It has
already been mentioned that one aspect of the marriage bond is
the material cooperation which is supposed to exist between
husband and wife.
Among the poor this generally involves a
partnership, with both working to maintain the household,
regarding additional assistance,
births,
1
and
in the form of lower order
as being a way of achieving a larger and more effective
Part of the reason for the increased material cost is the
attempt to demonstrate more forcefully the non-material
benefits of the first few births.
Thus expenditure on birth
ceremonies provides symbolic expression of the parent’s
progression to a new life cycle stage, etc.
This will be
discussed in more detail below; for the time being we will
only consider the balance of material costs and benefits.
316
organization.
as symbiotic,
Upper income marriages can be better described
from the point of view of organization of
material production, since there is generally a situation where
the husband makes money in a government service job and the
wife manages the household in the role of housewife and mother.
In this scheme the family unit is of material benefit not
so much as a directly productive entity, but as a developing
system of influence and power within an organization (eg. the
government or large firm) which promises the possibility of
occupational, hence material,
"strong" family.
Java,
advantage to members of a
Hildred Geertz refers to the fact that in
"Firmly entrenched peasant families with sufficient
landholdings may maintain close relationships with a wide number
of kinsmen ... In most cases, however,
the small size of the
portions of land and the practice of equal inheritance among
siblings diffuses the property, making it necessary for at
least some of the relatives
26).
to leave the village..."
From this point of view,
(1961: 25-
then, it might be seen that
higher order births among substantial landowners
(who have
entrenched interest in their land) or government servants
(whose interests lie in an organization) may have more material
value from the point of view of strengthening the family.
The
landless and powerless may gain a material advantage from having
a large family but it would only be substantial when compared
with the situation of poverty in isolation,
of having a higher income.
and not the situation
To repeat an earlier generalization;
the poor may gain from sharing their poverty, but never as much
as the rich gain from sharing their wealth.^
1
Two major qualifications might be raised at this point.
First, the generally nucleated structure of Javanese households
gives rise to barriers which hamper the degree to which
relatives can take advantage of the kin network to increase
their material position.
Also, the fact that the parent
would be making fertility decisions on higher order births
at a time when even the eldest child is probably still in
adolescence or in the first (expensive) stages of family
formation means that motives based on the organizational
strength of the nuclear family would be hypothetical at best.
It is more probable that the parent’s behaviour is conditioned
by the experience of help from his own ascending siblings
and other relatives rather than a desire to provide a tight
knit organization in the next generation as such.
317
7.4
Non-Material Costs and Benefits
of Childbeari=ng
If economic factors were decisive, no one
in modern societies would have any children.
Kingsley Davis
(In Espenshade
1973:
vi)
Davis may be overstating the case since it is clear that
economic
(material)
factors may have a decisive
albeit not
exclusive impact on the fertility behaviour of people in
modern societies.
His major point,
though,
is valid.
Material
factors can account for only part of the goals which are
connected with
childbearing in a society,
and the substantial
material costs of childbearing under conditions where the
preference system dictates
well-fed,
that
children should be schooled,
and w e 11-c1o t h e d , means
that
there must be a
substantial number of non-material goals which can either be
satisfied only by the bearing of children,
means
or where alternative
of satisfaction are extremely expensive,
thus making
the expensive practice of childbearing seem worthwhile.
In Maguwoharjo considerations
relevance when examining
material disadvantages
is possible
such as these are of most
the situation of the rich, where the
of childbearing are so obvious.
to imagine situations where
children as having a material advantage,
fact that material benefits
means
It
the poor might see
but even there,
the
are put off for at least a decade
that there probably exist substantial non-material benefits
in the interim which supported
fertility decisions made by lower
income people.
As a result the question might be asked: What are the
values which account
disadvantages,
for the fact that,
parents
faced with such material
in Maguwoharjo continue to have
substantial numbers of children?
In most societies
in the
world the very wording of this question would be humourous,
and possibly unfathomable,
for virtually all human groups
are characterized by a subtle and intricate set of norms
which sustain the
To even question
reproductive behaviour of their members.
such norms would be tantamount
to a violation
of a social taboo and would indicate that the individual was
318
either an outsider or improperly socialized.
7.4.1
Application of the Hoffman and Hoffman Conceptual Scheme
to the Situation in Maguwoharjo
In Chapter 2 (section 2.2.4)
scheme Hoffman and Hoffman
the kinds
(1973:
a brief review was made of the
46ff) have devised to categorize
of benefits which are associated with childbearing.
We have already outlined the impact of two sorts of benefits,
economic utility
and effectance
(number 9 in their scheme)
(number
7), in our discussion of the direct
and indirect material benefits
categories
and power influence
of childbearing.
The other
in the scheme refer primarily to non-material values and
can all be found to a greater or lesser degree to be relevant in
the understanding of the behaviour of parents
In general,
the degree of relevance of each class of values
related to the extent
that is,
to which
they are
the satisfaction of the value is accomplished mainly
since the structure of families
and at different stages
(3)
is
(1) parity specific,
one the birth of a child of a specific parity,
centred,
in Maguwoharjo.
(2)
family
in the various
of modernization is different,
occupation or education specific,
satisfied by childbearing,
classes
and
because some goals
the urge for creativity for example,
will be more or less important
to the parent depending on the
amount of similar satisfaction
can be gained from his occupation.
1
The problems which face the survey researcher are substantial.
Questions posed to members of the society in the form "Is such
and such a value important in your life?" will produce answers,
but the problems which arise in attempting to interpret
frequency distributions of such replies are daunting.
In
Maguwoharjo we tested many questions which tried to get at
such values, but the best result of the effort was that the
questions opened discussions which revealed the complex
nature of people's values.
The answers to the questions
themselves were generally misleading.
The efforts by Fawcett
and his associates in the Value of Children Project have been
directed toward the development of more effective measures of
the value of children, and may produce better results than we
were able to obtain.
However, as one of the participants
in the project expressed it: "We must be careful about how a
study of the value of children is presented to Asian parents.
There may be some resistance to the idea that children are
"worth" something in measureable terms.
Some moral and ethical
issues are involved here". (Sung Jin Lee 1972: 309)
It is
precisely because of the resistance of parents to consider the
non-material values of their children as a valid "topic" of
conversation that we will rely on our own analysis of the
footnote
continued next page
319
Some general rules about the manner in which non-material
benefits might be found to act in Javanese society are:
1.
Adult status and social identity is assured on the
birth of the first or second child.
As Jay says,
"The arrival of the first child introduces a marked
change in the parents' mutual relations ... the birth
of the first child gains the parents much attention
and increased respect from kin and village mates,
for the attainment of parenthood in village society
clinches a person's position as a fully mature adult".
(1969: 68).
2.
The idea of membership in a larger identity, and the
role of children in a great chain of being assures
the parent's "serial immortality" has particular appeal
to the mystically oriented ab an gan and p riy ayi of all
classes, while the value of children as fulfillment
of religious teachings about continuing the faith
appeals to strict Muslims and Christians.
3.
The non-material values of the expansion of primary
group ties and the attainment of power or influence
tend to relate most strongly to high order births,
and be most relevant to families where the group has
entrenched interests in land or in the bureaucracy.
4.
Values related to the fun of raising children, the
feelings of creativity associated with it, and the
opportunity it offers in terms of social comparison
are not parity specific in any general sense, but in
particular families individual children of different
parities may be conspicuous in fulfilling the goals
of parents in this regard.
These opportunities tend
to be related to the life-cycle stage, personal status,
and various other situational influences on the parent,
rather than any general rule applying in the society.
To see how these values arise in the context of people's lives
in Maguwoharjo we should examine the role of children over
the course of a parent's life cycle, with particular emphasis
on the reactions which people have to the birth of the first
child of a couple,
the death of a child,
and the condition of
sterility.
i.
The First Birth.
The neighbours and family of a
recently married girl are glad to see the first signs of
pregnancy appearing in the months following the marriage because
1 (con tinued)
meaning of information derived from conversations, impressions,
and stories collected over the course of the study for many of
our conclusions about the non-material value of children.
320
it is an indication that the couple is somehow "meant" for
each other.
It doesn’t matter if she was pregnant at the
time of the wedding (this is rare but not as unheard of as
many people would have you believe; we calculate that about
5 to 10 percent of girls in Maguwo were prernaritally pregnant)
so long as the legalization procedure takes place before it is
too evident.
This minimizes the family's shame and allows the
proper course of ceremonies to be conducted to protect the child.
These ceremonies are particularly important, both for their
expressed function,
and for the fact that they demonstrate
the support given to the young mother by her neighbours and
kinspeople.
To a certain extent they reveal the fear
associated with such a dangerous period as pregnancy, but in
their form and substance they make one thing clear.
No matter
what dangers are associated with bearing children, they are
small compared to the disadvantages of being childless.
There are a number of good descriptions of the traditional
Javanese pattern of ceremonies surrounding the birth of a child
which can give the reader an idea of exactly what is involved
in the preparation for the entrance of a new community member.^
What is interesting for our purposes is not the exact manner in
which the neighbours and family conduct such procedures but the
implications of this behaviour in reflecting both an attitude
toward the meaning of childbirth in the community and an
expression of social relations.
clear.
One aspect of the meaning is
Pregnancy is an event which requires the support of
many people to minister to the needs of the young mother and
perform the rituals necessary to avoid the interference of bad
spirits.
The dukun bayi who is called in to massage the mother,
give her the necessary bathings and eventually assist in the
birth of the child performs both a spiritual and a physical
service.
The father, who ceremoniously buries the placenta
after the birth,
thus properly disposing of the child’s
spiritual "sibling", may be seen to also have a dual role, but
the greatest concern in his activity is with the spirit world.
1
See especially Geertz, 1961: Chapter 3, Geertz, 1960:
Chapter 4, Jay, 1969: 30-31.
Valerie Hull presents more
detailed descriptions of the birth ceremonies in her
forthcoming thesis.
321
On the other hand the men who gather nightly after the birth
of a child and maintain a "guard" on the house are quite
definitely responding to the need to take protective measures
against any of the possible spiritual misfortunes which can
arise in the first days of the child’s life.
They do not
really help the family, except perhaps in the case of some
unusual needs, and in fact they are often a burden in the
sense that the young father has to provide them with some
food and t e a / but their presence confirms the solidarity of
the community with the parents in the face of an uncertain
time of life.
And for this they are appreciated.
For a young man the birth of the first child means the full
recognition of adulthood.
The neighbours at the various ceremonies
and people who visit the house in a constant stream at this
time share with him his newly found pride of parenthood as
they joke about the fruitfulness of the marriage,
and appearance of the baby.
(Father)
and the size
Though he may have been called Pak
as a term of respect full address previously
(more
likely most people would have called him Mas , meaning elder
brother) now it is said with a different meaning and the new
connotation is not wasted on the man or the audience.
In one
of the first birth selametans which I attended this was
exemplified when a group of village leaders I was sitting with
called for the young father to come in from where he had been
arranging tea for the group.
Asking him to sit down near them
they talked at length to and about him in tones of magnified
respect,
commenting on his luck, his new family and his skill
as an artisan.
They even asked him about his opinion of recent
business activities to which he made earnest replies that were
received with great interest.
After about five minutes he was
called away to continue the preparations for serving the meal
and the men went back to the conversation they had interrupted.
1
Actually it should not be taken that the neighbours are not
contributing anything more than their presence.
Early after
the birth the women come around and give some money to the
new parents which is then used to purchase food for the
s elame tan later that evening and for the j agon gan which follows
The women prepare the food which is served to the men by
neighbourhood teenagers.
The main burden on the father is
usually his state of almost helpless nervousness which
attends the whole proceedings.
322
This ritual recognition had served its purpose though, for not
only was the young man flattered, he was also dramatically
transformed in the eyes of his friends and neighbours into a
new classification of social being who would require different
attentions, and who would be expected to bear different
responsibilities.
As an additional lesson it served to remind
me of how much such small rituals were a part of my own cultural
upbringing.
There was not much difference in the essential
part of the interaction between the village elders and the
young father from that which can be observed between people in
similar situations in America or Australia.^
Similar transformations take place in the new mother’s
life, though the dramatic physical changes occuring in the
pregnancy and after overshadow the social effects to some
degree.
A girl is much more bound by the constraints of
following a particular set of ritual observances and is more
immediately aware of the development of the child than a man
could be, and because of this is possibly more aware of the
physical status of motherhood as opposed to the status of
adulthood which she is approaching.
In this she is constantly
aided by the women of her family and the neighbourhood who
come especially in the last months of pregnancy to talk with
her and help her.
They participate in the ceremonies, and as
people of experience in these matters give her the reassurance
2
which she needs in the sometimes stressful situation.
1
In this context it is clear that the act of childbearing
is a facilitating factor in the passage of the parent from one
life cycle stage to another, and implicitly from one status
to another, and from one self-image to another.
The act
thus has a sy mb o1ic component which enables a revision of
the society’s definition of the person (see van Gennep,
1960: 41-49) and a real component in that the physical demands
of the care and upbringing of an infant require numerous
adjustments in the parents' life styles.
2
It was hard for me to develop
a high degree of empathy for
the changes which occur in the life of a woman having her
first birth, first because as a man I was naturally not
invited to attend many of the ceremonies but also because
I found it difficult to carry on lengthy conversations with
the young women of theneighbourhood. As such I must rely
almost exclusively on the perceptions of Valerie Hull in this
matter, supplemented by the ethnographic accounts of Geertz
(1960: 83-92).
323
While the ma n ’s moment of recognition is concentrated at the
time of the birth and the few days following,^" the woman's
evolves over the long period of preparations for the birth
and in the months following when she is demonstrating her
competance to care for the child.
The neighbourhood women play
an important role in supporting her in the development of her
new status, and then serve as the final judges to acknowledge
her accomplishments.
If things go well the young "apprentice"
is eventually also acknowledged by the men as having reached
a new status.
In the case of the wife of the young artisan
this occured at the s e1ame t an given 35 days after the birth of
the child.
The hamlet leaders called for the young mother to
come in with the baby, and spoke to her for a few minutes about
the child's health before she hastily withdrew at the start
of the formal ceremonies.
In short,
the intensity of interest and activity surrounding
the first birth of a child to a family cannot be underestimated
in attaching a value to the act of childbearing.
Within the
neighbourhood this event signals a number of important changes
in the status of the young couple, and these are changes which
they have been raised to value, sometimes to the point of awe.
1
There is no set pattern for the recognition of the
adulthood and parenthood of the young parents because they
arise out of the interaction of the variety of personalities
in the. neighbourhood and. the circumstances surrounding the
birth.
In the case of the young artisan things were slightly
complicated by competing demands of the ceremonies surrounding
a death which occured on the other side of the hamlet.
In
one evening he had to go to that along with the other men and
play his role as a community member, and then quickly return
home to see that preparations for his own s elame t an were in
order and greet his neighbours in the role of a new father.
There was naturally overlapping and some conflict in this
juggling of roles, but everyone, including the young father,
handled the transitions smoothly.
After all, much of the
training of the young Javanese revolves around the smooth
maintenance of polite and respectful relations between
neighbours, so the manipulation of subtle cues and responses
associated with the recognition of adulthood is not difficult
to enact in the days around the birth of the child.
The
ceremonies are natural frameworks for such interplay, and
with so many of them around the time of the birth it is
virtually impossible for neighbours not to gain the opportunity
for such interaction.
324
As succeeding babies come, similar procedures are followed,
though the interest of the neighbours in the individual
character of the event declines somewhat with each birth
following the first.
Jay noted,
there is
It never disappears altogether,
a high value placed on
new child into the world.
for as
the entrance of a
Also the motherstill has to
go
through the rituals protecting the child, though with each
successful birth even these become somewhat less elaborate.
As a healthy family grows the parents become more secure in
their adulthood,
and more self assured, chough even as a
large family size is reached there is still great concern for
the health of the infant and the observance of the
neighbourhood
ce renonies .^
However,
the strongest evidence of the power of the changes
occurring in the lives of young parents as they develop their
families lies in the cases where the opposite occurs.
The
pride of the father
of a healthy child must be measured against
the emotional upset
of the man whose child
died,
has sickened and
or more dramatically, against the man who has no child at
all.
ii.
The Death of a Child.
It is often assumed that the
reason people are fatalistic is that they see the probability
of a hostile environment intruding in their lives.
In this
way it might be assumed that the people of Maguwoharjo perceive
that babies born before the war had a one-in-ei.ght chance of
dying before their first birthday while today these chances
have fallen to one-in-ten or twelve.
Such a cool judgement
denies the most essential elements of people’s
death.
perceptions of
While there is a general realization that present health
conditions are better than those which prevailed before or
during the revolution,
there is an uneasy translation of these
probabilities into expressions of the imagined possibility of a
particular parent’s child dying.
1
The uncertainty inherent in
One father of five children who lived near us was almost as
nervous at the selametan of the sixth, and as proud and
concerned over the health of the baby, as his artisan
neighbour had appeared to be at the birth of his first.
In
part this was a result of the social pressure of the situation,
but it also highlighted the relatively high value he
attached to the birth of a healthy high order baby.
such a determination is very great, and gives rise to the
anxiety felt by the parent forced to deal with the powers
which are known to be threatening to a child.
It is for this
reason that the assistance of the neighbours and family is so
important no matter what the position of the family in the
village.
Sometimes,
though,
the defenses fail and the child dies.
This is always a traumatic experience for the parents, but
all the more so when it is their first-born infant who dies
before walking.
In such a case the emotional attachment of
the parents to the infant has not had time to develop greatly,
so their concern is not primarily with the infant as an individual
being.
Rather, much of the accumulated recognition which attended
the birth of the child is diluted by the questions and rumours
which arise concerning their prowess as parents and the state
of their "luck".
Such an occurrence was brought very
dramatically to my attention when the child of the artisan
neighbour whose seiame t an I described earlier died under strange
circumstances.
The child had been somewhat sickly for a few
days, with the symptoms of a slight cough and fever, but
appeared to be making good progress in its recovery.
Its
mother had begun going back to her job selling at the marketplace
and a young neighbourhood girl was taking care of the child
in the morning;
carrying it around the area in the traditional
slendan g (a cloth which ties around the wearers neck and fastens
the child to the wearer's left chest)
and delivering it at around
ten every morning to the mother's market stall for feeding.
One morning we arose to hear that the child had died during
the night following a short and violent turn.
The preparations for the funeral proceeded much as for
other funerals we had attended.
The neighbourhood women arrived
early to put a bit of money in a pot placed near the door of the
house and join in the preparation for
the burial.
The mother,
who had been crying loudly earlier, was by this time composed
and busy in the various preparations which had to be made
before the men arrived for the final public stages of the
funeral.
Around noon people had gathered in the front yard
and the women sat together in a group near the front door.
After the burial was over and we had all returned home for lunch
326
we discovered that most of the women at the funeral had been
very concerned over the circumstances
had offered very positive assertions
died.
surrounding the death and
as to the reason the baby
The two which seemed plausible,
had more supporters
if only because they
than the rest, were that the young neighbour
had dropped the baby because she did not know how to use the
slendang properly,
or that the mother had begun to feed the
baby bubur (a rice pudding)
food.
before it was able to accept
Both of these explanations,
the
and the bulk of the others,
boiled down to the charge that the mother had been neglectful.
There was no suggestion
that anything be done about this, but
then there did not have to be for the public discussion of
such rumours had already
m o t h e r ’s reputation.
done irreparable harm to the young
Likewise,
was regarded as unlucky,
among the men the young father
and additionally,
somewhat
but the men avoided discussing these matters
incompetent,
in detail or too
pub 1 icly .
I attended many other funerals
for children,
and was
impressed by the common factor of rumours of parental neglect
in the case of children who died of sickness.
say that the community d o e s n ’t often identify
This
is not to
the parent's
bad luck for what
it is and avoid laying responsibility
the events
feet - this frequently happens,
at his
when the parent has a number of healthy
is a person of some substance.
for
especially
children already and
In one such example a village
official to whom we were particularly close had a seven-year
old child who died very suddenly.
He was very despondent,
and
both he and his neighbours were shocked by the fate which had
brought such misfortune
to his house.
by the fact that it was
the only
favourite wife,
a great
and it was
His sadness was deepened
child of his second and
a child in whom he had invested
deal of his affection.
His loss was not that of
prestige or respect but of an individual whom he loved.
In this context we can identify
two quite distinct
of the value parents place on their children.
aspects
On the one
hand it is most important for a young married couple to have
a few children quickly so that their position in the community
can be easily re-defined to that of parents and adults.
are tested in many ways by the hostile elements of the
They
32 7
e n v i r onment which
they
pass
these
enhanced.
threaten
tests
Failure,
intervention
individuals
parents.
either
through
forces
quickly
with
take
on
consequently
The ties between
lives,
duplicated
Because
in any
of both
on children
simple
rite of passage
constantly
community
and in their
is merely
understate
iii.
who
In
Maguwo
never
had
a live
w ere
the
o ften
have
been
placed
in
they
are not
or social
of a child
analogous
but
is not a
rather
parents
to them is
place
to the
is
To say
easily
relationship.
of the value parents
of marriage
As
by
which
th e s e
extreme
attempts
attempts
further
for
estimates
a very
are
their
that
success
in
to seriously
and
of
family
about
and
to
formation
of
achieve
It is obvious
social
some
physical
aged
45
and
percent
rumours
the
infecund
a c hange
(see
of
who
had
in his
to
sterility
there would be some
borne
people
is
they w e r e
of
the
c hildren.
led
situation,
6.18,
into
and
dissappointment
page
212,
in M a g u w o h a r j o ) .
can be
of time.
above
they w e r e
when
dan g e r ,
T able
problem.
these
a nd
person
people
had never
societies
situations
to p e r s o n s
infecundity
long periods
that
in many
h i m or h e r
extent
that
some
ei g h t
scornful
ostracism.
the
of
are
or imp l i c a t i o n ^ f r o m some
gi v e n
expose
there
the w o m e n
common
indignities
may
relatively
is
society
because
while
design
was
social
it is natural
children
uncomfortable
of
over
children may
the w o r k i n g out of their
family.
every
of jo k e s
either
and
In
pregnant
Because
these
the
the
and relations within
growing
six percent
birth.
recognition
and
during which
"important"
any
objects
excluded,
relations with
children
society.
about
had
of unique
the birth
roles
Sterility.
c annot
characteristics
of an individual,
the vital nature
N in Javanese
the
their quality
spanning years
assuming new
field
the
for the parent
or marriage
complex process
the other hand,
during
that
the
On
elements
obvious
community will be
own neglect or
form of personal
of these
it is
circumcision
this
other
child and providing
to obtain a further
unique
but w h a tever
the
their
the parents
be strained or even broken
separate
in
serves
of their status.
they bear very
of the
their standing
of outside
r e - d e finition
the health
discovered only
Following
the marriage
delay before
conception
328
would occur, and consequently there are no jibes made about a
persons fecundity if they have not conceived within a few
months of cohabitation.
As time drags on, and it is suspected
that there might be some problem,
the very close family of the
girl may approach her to see that she is healthy and is really
trying to get pregnant.
be any overt jokes,
At this point there would still not
though if the couple suddenly conceive there
might be some relief expressed by the family and neighbours in
the form of jokes about how there was a long wait involved
in the whole process.
Should the couple not conceive, though,
the pressure will build for them to take some sort of action.
In most cases they will be very worried, but will not act
immediately, and then, after some period of time will take
some precipitous course, such as visiting a healer to get a
herbal remedy, going into town to see a doctor, or in some
cases the husband may divorce the wife.
It should be recognised
that divorce, while a dramatic resolution to the problem, is
not the solution chosen by the majority of couples who find
trouble conceiving.
In most cases they try a different course
of action first and choose divorce only as the final possibility,
and even they may remarry each other almost immediately.^
This uncertainty about the proper course of action to
take in the event of sterility is evident from the responses
we received to a hypothetical question on what a man should
do if after five years his wife had not produced children.
In such a question it was natural for people to assume that
the relations between the husband and wife were stable and
that they sincerely wanted to work out the problem together.
Thus over half the men asked this question,
replied that both
the individuals should go to a clinic or a doctor for advice.
(See Table 7.3-3)
Another quarter, including many of the poorer
people in the community, said that the couple should go together
to a traditional healer.
In contrast only five percent, again
heavily concentrated among the poorer people, declared outright
1
One of the common explanations for sterility is that the
couple do not cokcok - they are incompatable. Sometimes this
is assumed to have a supernatural cause and a traditional
healer will tell them to divorce and remarry in order to
"fool" the spirits who had been acting against them.
329
TABLE 7.33
RESPONSES
FOR ABOUT
CHILDREN,
SHOULD HE
TO THE QUESTION "IF A MAN IS MARRIED
FIVE YEARS OR MORE AND HASN'T HAD ANY
BUT HE WANTS TO HAVE CHILDREN, WHAT
DO?"
(COLUMN PERCENTAGES)
Generation
Younger
N =
Older
Men
Women
Men
Women
331
457
609
49 4
Send wife to dukun
2
4
2
10
24
31
Send wife to clinic/doc tor
18
*
1
1
33
*
Both go to clinic/doc tor
71
61
49
36
2
7
Adopt children
3
*
0
1
7
*
Pray to
2
5
4
9
3
3
5
5
100
100
100
100
Both go to dukun
Marry again
God
Other/don't know
Total
Note:
*
Source:
Less than 0.5%.
Attitude Survey.
that the couple should divorce and the man take a different
wife.
This emphasis on the couple working out the problem
together fits the assumptions involved in a hypothetical
question nicely, but it does not correspond with the pressures
faced by couples who actually find themselves unable to bear
children.
In this cases the attitude of
equanimity
which
urges the hypothetical couple to go together to the doctor or
the dukun is counterbalanced by the mirthmaking and the innuendo
which shames the couple into quite different behaviour.
In
many cases they react by turning on one another and the complete
breakdown of the marriage occurs.
wide range of "cures",
healers, or masseurs,
Other couples attempt a
going in succession to doctors, traditional
and possibly even borrowing the child of
a relative in order to promote the suggestion to the spirits that
they desire children of their own.
The fact that such
approaches sometimes work encourages other couples to follow
them.
For the unfortunate couple who find that there is no easy
"cure" the situation can become difficult.
We encountered
a few cases where the man had taken a second, and invariably
younger, wife to provide him with children,
and the two women
were housed under the same roof in a kind of extended family.
In some cases this worked out very successfully, and the two
women became good friends, with the older woman obtaining
vicariously through the junior wife some of the benefits of
motherhood which she could not get for herself.
In one such
successful case the two women were sisters and they and the
husband enjoyed a smoothly running and very happy household.
In other cases the result is not as good, as when the older
wife becomes jealous of the younger or maintains very firm
status barriers between herself and the interloper.^-
Not
infrequently the clashes between the two can burn on for years
at a level just short of a major eruption which would force
the husband to divorce one or the other of his wives.
7.4.2
Values Attached to Families of Specific Sizes
The values Javanese society places upon a family
full of children can scarcely be exaggerated.
In much of Javanese popular literature the boy gets
the girl, and the two are wed, but the tale does not
end there.
Only with the first birth or first
pregnancy do they begin to live happily ever after,
and the story is brought to an end ... Across the
entire social spectrum in rural Modjokuto children
are desired in abundance.
(Jay, 1969 : 9 7)
This quotation from J a y ’s description of social norms
regarding marriage and family building points up the contrasts
between the attainment of one or two children for the
attainment of "happiness" and the. building of a large family
for its own sake.
It is hard to define what might be meant
by Jay's term "abundance".
In Maguwoharjo people attempting
to explain why "many" children might be desired often reply
1
One unfortunate case involved a middle-aged woman who had
forced her husband to take a younger wife who was abused
by the senior wife for months until she got pregnant.
The
young girl gave birth to a son and the baby was shared by
the two women until the time came for weaning.
The older
woman, now having the baby she always desired, then forced
her husband to divorce the girl and drove her out of the
village .
331
"because God gives
them to us".
This sentiment
is often
expressed even to the point of saying that any interference
with
the acceptance of children sent by the Divine would be
sinful.
At the same time, many people,
or default have only
either by design
three or four children, while
the eighth, ninth or tenth with equanimity.
it is interesting to speculate on the sorts
might be associated with a "large" versus
Respondents
others accept
Because of this
of values which
a "small"
family.
to the Attitude Survey were all asked to tell
us what number of children they considered to be "a lot"
and "a few",
and then to describe the advantages
disadvantages
of families of each type.
presented in Tables
7.34 through
asked directly about
likely
7.37.
the advantages
The responses
issue.
are
When a person is
of a large family he is
to give an answer based on a fairly
or a quite obvious
and
For example,
common social value,
over half of people
asked that question on the Attitude Survey said "there are
enough to be sure of support in old age".
Another quarter
said that there would be enough children to help around the house
and participate
in a co-operative atmosphere of mutual
interdependence.
carry
When
these questions
became obvious
the interviewers
or I had the chance to
into fairly extended discussion it
that the answers were
deceptively simple -
actually people had very unusual interpretations
these answers meant,
answers which
to the ones
and had aswide variety of alternative
they sometimes
regarded as equal or superior
they offered at first.
Robert Jay has called "high levels
(1969:
20-29)
that is,
and did not
might personally
They were
caught at what
of conceptualization",
they were giving answers which dealt
only with the most generally
problem,
as to what
accepted statements as to the
reveal the types of values
that they
feel to be important.
During the interviews,
in the conversations which
followed
and in the many informal meetings we had with individuals
this problem was often overcome and we were told
levels
of conceptualization")
(at "low
some of the reasons people
felt
it was either good or bad to have a large number of children
or a small number.
the responses
Thus while
the literal interpretation of
to these questions
often revolved around material
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factors, when the person explained his feelings in detail the
impression was often left that the value involved was not the
material goods as such, but the sense of security; not the
material expense, but the feeling of inadequacy to provide for
children at what was perceived as a "proper” standard.
Also,
while the high levels of conceptualization had a large degree
of symmetry (ie. a person who said that the advantage of a few
children was that there were few general expenses would
say that the disadvantage of a lot was that they were very
expensive)
rambling,
the informal expressions of values tended to be
complex and often self-contradictory.
In general,
the same sorts of ideas were expressed
as came up in the replies to the formal questions, but they
were given a different order and emphasis, and at times were
wrapped in the same cocoon of vague feelings that surrounds
values in so many areas of life.
Thus, men who would never
speak of children as sources of pleasure and amusement in
response to a formal question would talk for a long time about
the specific qualities of a particular child which were funny
or endearing.
If I asked, "Do you think that is one of the
reasons people have children?" they would reply, "O h , ... yes,
I suppose so, but nobody would think about it that way".
In
fact, some people come very close to thinking about it in just
that fashion.
A rich woman who had four children was sitting
talking to us one afternoon following the nap period and her
youngest child, a three-year old son, was playing with a toy
at her feet.
Half-consciously she bent down to pick him up
and cuddle him, but he fought her.
She was startled and
tried to persuade him to be nice to ibu (mother) , and give
her a hug, but he continued to resist until she let him down,
then he picked up his toy and ran off.
"Well", she said,
"when they get that big i t ’s time to have another one.
At
least a baby will let you give it a cuddle."
While the specific instances of a parent expressing some
feeling which can be seen to involve a value attached either
to having children as individuals, or as part of large
families are innumerable, some very general values which came
up repeatedly can be outlined here.
Some of these were
mentioned by a few people in answers to the advantages and
337
disadvantages of a large or small family, but are relatively
subtle, albeit important,
feelings which would not generally
be brought up as higher level expressions of opinion.
One of
the more obvious instances of this deals with the concept of
11rama i" which means crowded as well as bustling,
vital.
active and
It is a general term of approval in Java, and my
friends often spoke of large gatherings of people in terms of
the excitement and activity involved, while I was more often
disconcerted by the pushing and noise.
This contrast emerged
constantly in the relations of the student assistants and
my wife and me.
We prepared the house where we lived so that
each of the students had a separate bed in a room shared with
one other person, but when the female assistants arrived they
took out the bamboo room partitions, moved the beds together,
and put all their belongings in shared cupboards.
When I
discussed this with some of my neighbours they only laughed
and said that I would have to learn to appreciate "togetherness".
After all, a household which is ramai is happy, while a
household which is sepi (having few or isolated members) is
sad.
The same kinds of statements were made about specific
large families in the neighbourhood.
Also, part of the
perceived disadvantages of old age is that the person so often
lives "alone", in the sense that a separate household is
maintained.
Despite the numerous occasions when this concept
emerges as being valuable to people,
it seldom arises
spontaneously as an answer to the question "Why is a large
family a good thing".
Another of the important values which is expressed in
complicated and sometimes vague terms is that of continuing
the family line, meneruskan generasi.
Sometimes a respondent
would describe in almost mystical terms the fascination he
had with the long chain of human generations which stretched
back for centuries and would be continued through his children
into the future.
Others were more prosaic in their description
of the simple joys of having a family with good relations
between the various age groups, so that the young children
could know their grandparents, and the latter could be happy with
338
the sight of their grandchildren.
Interestingly this type
of discussion was not prominent as a motive for having many
children, but was used to justify having a good n u mb e r ,
that is three,
four or five.
One man told me that as long
as you had a good number of children who would be close to the
family it was best to avoid having anymore.
Too many children
would only put a strain on the relations between the various
family members.
There is a definite concept of balance in
these values; while children might make the household ramai
or pr.ovide the next link in a chain of existance, or be
companions for old people,
too many children could bring up
pressure which might negate these positive values.
For many
men the condition of childlessness was more than they could
accept and they divorced their wives.
For some women this was
repeated a number of times, and because of this women with
multiple marriages are heavily over-represented among those
who are sterile.
In time,
though, most people who are sterile
come to accept their condition and make provision for it in
2
some way, either by borrowing or adopting a child or by
divorcing and remarrying until a relationship is found which
can provide children.
1
3
Consider the Macapat verse:
Once upon an evening
Abraham was sorrowful
Thinking about life
Because he had no offspring
Who could in the future
Carry on his work.
In Kartomi (1973: 230)
2
The practice of borrowing children is fairly common.
This
involves taking in a child of some relative or close friend
or neighbour who will be raised as part of the household
even though no formal adoption procedures are followed.
The anak an gkat, as the borrowed child is called, is usually
not eligible to inherit any of the property of the parent.
While the procedure is most often thought of in terms of
giving the suggestion of fertility to the infertile couple,
it can also occur when widows take in teenagers to help
them or when a couple’s children have died or moved away.
It essentially gives the parent the benefits of having
children to work around the house and for this reason the
anak angkat are seen as useful, but it also involves some
extra expense, as when the child goes to school or needs
clothing.
3
The provision of children in later unions can occur because
one partner of the infertile couple later finds it possible to
conceive, or when they marry someone who already has children
but who has been widowed or divorced.
339
The difficulties
faced by sterile people and the measures
they take to overcome these are testimony to the value which
individuals and society at large place on childbearing.
The
childless woman can gain status and recognition of her adult
hood over time, but it is a long process which may involve
tremendous strain.
One of our neighbours had faced such a
situation in her early thirties and as a result went completely
insane,
to the point of being unable to work and virtually made
prisoner in her house.
At the time we were in Maguwo she
had been in this condition for over a decade.
In the more usual
case, though, the couple turn their energies to achieving
marital harmony and social standing in other ways; by working
hard, pursuing a religion seriously,
taking in children or
going through the process of adoption or polygamy.
their response to their plight,
neighbours is clear:
Whatever
the lesson for their younger
there is no satisfactory substitute for
having children of your own.
It is no wonder that the birth of
a child is greeted with such joy.
With some relatively insignificant variations people
regarded two or fewer children to be the maximum number in a
family which they would say had "few" children, while seven
to eight would indicate that the family had "a lot".
Older
people tend to give larger numbers to both these questions
than younger people would venture, but this could be that
their own experience of fertility has pushed the limits up as
they became older rather than any difference in the way the
limits were set in different eras.
However, when people were
asked whether they would prefer 3 or 6 children in their family
the responses showed quite definite generational differences
(see Table 7.38).
Given that 3 came very close to what most
people considered "few" and 6 was near the figure they would
find "a lot" of children,
the differences in response to this
question can be seen to have implications concerning the
responses as to advantages and disadvantages of large versus
small families.
One way of interpreting all these tables is to
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similar ideas as to what types of things can be considered
advantageous and disadvantageous about various family sizes,
but they perceive these as having quite different meanings
TABLE 7.38
RESPONSES TO THE QUESTION "IF YOU WERE ASKED TO CHOOSE WHICH WOULD BE THE BETTER NUMBER
OF CHILDREN TO HAVE - 3 OR 6 - WHICH WOULD YOU CHOOSE?"
(COLUMN PERCENTAGES)
340
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341
in their lives.
Thus the young couple are more concerned in
a practical sense with the expense and trouble of a lot of
children,
and are less concerned about the uncertainties
associated with chances of mortality or unsuccessful socialization
An older couple who already have a fairly large family size
is to a certain extent justifying their position by pointing
out the bad things from having too few children, and are also
that much closer to the time of old age when the children can
be expected to be quite comforting.
While questions such as these tell us much about the limits
of acceptability which people put on families of various
sizes, they do not get at what might be considered a "good"
or an "ideal" family size.
Questions attempting to determine
these concepts have been used frequently on the many KAP
(Knowledge, Attitude and Practice of birth control)
around the world.
surveys
There are many objections to these questions,
most of which may be grouped under the rubric that we are not
sure what we are measuring with the question,
and whatever
it is, we are not sure how well we are measuring it.
reviews in Mauldin (1965)
[See
and more recently by Ware (1974)]
Many of the criticisms of these questions are probably
quite valid, but as Ware contends they should probably serve
more to caution us to be circumspect in our interpretations
of the data rather than lead us to abandon it entirely.
Consider the results of the ideal family size question from
Maguwoharjo (Table 7.39).
On no grounds could it be contended
that these results indicated intentions to have families of,
on average,
four to five children.
Rather it indicates a
range of differences between people of various types which
might be related to their experience and perceptions.
Older
people answer the question with larger numbers than younger
people, women give larger numbers than men, the poor give
larger numbers
than the rich.
Poor old women have, on
average, an ideal family size of 4.9, rich young men, one of
4.1.
These results are confounded by the fact that
children
are indivisible, so you can not say 2.5 as an ideal size.
As a result any lucky or unlucky numbers are likely to be
preferred or avoided, with serious implications for the eventual
calculation of the mean size and the implied sex ratios.
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Survey
<u
A ttitude
TABLE 7 . 3 9
SUMMARY OF RESPONSES TO THE QUESTION " I F YOU AND YOUR HUSBAND/WIFE COULD SOMEHOW BEGIN
YOUR MARRIED LI FE ANEW, AND GOD GAVE YOU EXACTLY THE NUMBER OF CHILDREN YOU WANTED,
HOW MANY SONS AND DAUGHTERS WOULD THAT BE?"
a>
r—I
XJ
a)
<u
o
M
p
o
CO
343
this
data
a lucky
Once
there
number
five
and
where
an
almost
interesting
it
would
concerns.
older
higher
the
point
time
attained
their
ideas
society
where
schooling
no
are
They
in
the
have
been
have
that
In
contrast
almost
a quarter
than
Table
responses
similar
of
7.40
of
in
whether
the
but
boys,
all
child
on
more.
reveals
to
only
third
7.39
the
may
family
say
would
chance
yes
of
as
the
of
an
of
to
that
to
give
because
they
and b e c a u s e
of
the
with
a
of
out
was
them
go
of
a girl,
were
to
say
that
to
say
changes
always
be
5 children.
parent's
and
size
different
an
me n w e r e
no.
On t h e
would
ways
asked
number
for
say
basically
the
they
their
family
Whe n
on
express
desirable,
quite
ma n y
that
of
or
ideal
encourage
in
generation,
their
to
of
childbearing,
4,
in
seen
of
is
social
3,
the
were
infant
insist
almost
people
that
it
rising
great
total
w o me n
note
than
the
"ideal"
they
present
ma n s h o u l d
childbearing.
having
our
proportion
children
arise
asking
interdependence
and
the
one
which
and
both
Revolution,
evidence
a n d women,
attainment
the
likely
a
5 or
are
problems
of
of
say
beyond
likely
greater
be
more
me n
at
would
6 or
Table
looking
with
a
insights
questions
pervasive
members
that
a half
detailed
to
economic
more
the
size
course,
themselves,
God a l o n e
for
family
of
on e x p e r i e n c e s
more
The
a good
more
was
n o n - e x i s t a n t , where
the
mu c h
since
the
far
sizes
influences
Java
of
generation,
based
by
would,
likely
concerned
manifest
said
ratio
people
is
almost
also
exposed
swept
generation
sex
to
mu c h
issue.
a n d wh o
which
was
determined
closely
the
the
sufficient
s till
are
more
to
cases
respond
family
was
are
lives
In
it
and where
children
desires
wh o
large
high,
is
daughters.
go
younger
of
size
biased,
two-three,
data
Maguwoharjo
the
ma n y
family
be
would
being
of
than
today.
significance.
to
view
it
often
cases
of
but
have
and
must
is
a breakdown
total
these
answers,
figures
parents
of
people
the
was
as
wa y
generation
mortality
chosen
which
supernatural
preference
three
the
For
and
five,
balanced.
into
numerical
sex
over
was
from
give
choose
involved
interpretation
be
the
the
preferred
invariably
A full
for
chosen
number
to
mythological
invariably
sons
even
tendency
has
been
almost
three
s ome
and
has
this
with
is
have
of
about
children
additional
about
other
an
equally
hand,
additional
344
TABLE 7.40
CONTRASTS* IN RESPONSES TO THE QUESTION "IF
YOU WERE ABLE TO GET JUST THE RIGHT TOTAL NUMBER
OF CHILDREN YOU WANTED, BUT THEY WERE ALL BOYS,
WOULD YOU HAVE AN ADDITIONAL CHILD/CHILDREN IN
ORDER TO GET A GIRL?"
Generation
Y oun ge r
Income Level
Men
N =
Yes
No
Up to God
Don't know
Women
Yes
No
Up to God
Don't know
Note:
+
Source:
child.
Lower
Upper
Lower
Upper
101
134
19 5
244
48
50
3
0
N =
Older
136
36
60
4
1
47
52
1
0
188
37
63
1
0
41
53
5
2
49
45
5
1
164
194
27
64
9
0
34
64
2
1
Because the differences are .small between income
groups the middle level respondents have been
omitted from this table.
Attitude Survey.
The more immediate burden which pregnancy places on
a woman may be at the source of these differences.
Because there are relatively similar patterns of response
among people of the various income groups to the questions on
ideal family size, the implications for the comparison of
completed family sizes and ideal family sizes are predictable.
The poor have fewer children than the rich, so we would
assume that the proportion of poor women having fewer children
than their "ideal" would be higher than for the rich.
is borne out by the results presented in Table 7.41.
This
While
two-thirds of the poor women aged 45-54 have an ideal family
size which exceeds their actual family size (children still
living)
only one in four of the upper income women are in
the same predicament.
Even accepting the difficulties of
interpretation associated with a question on family size ideals,
it is hard to escape the conclusion that the society does have
345
TABLE 7.41
COMPARISON OF RESPONSES TO IDEAL FAMILY SIZE
QUESTION (IFS) WITH CHILDREN EVER BORN (CEB)
AND CHILDREN STILL LIVING (CSL) . FOR CURRENTLY
MARRIED WOMEN AGE 45 - 54 BY INCOME LEVEL
(COLUMN PERCENTAGES)
Income Level
N
=
IFS
IFS
IFS
IFS
exceeds CEB
less than CEB
equals CEB
"up to God"
Total
IFS
IFS
IFS
IFS
exceeds CSL
less than CSL
equals CSL
"up to God"
Total
Source:
Lower
Middle
Upper
61
43
71
39
33
20
7
37
44
9
9
19
65
11
4
99
99
99
64
8
20
7
51
16
23
9
24
48
24
4
99
99
100
Attitude survey and pregnancy history.
some concept of what constitutes a "good" sized family, and the
poor are much less likely than the rich to achieve that goal,
abstract as it is.
The frustration of the poor is not merely
a question of inability to bear sufficient numbers of children many of them are physically able to have additional children but their inability to attain the "ideal" economic conditions
which are seen to be necessary to support a good sized family.
7.5
Summary: Risk and Uncertainty in the Valuation of Children
The nature of man
After birth from the womb
Is that Fate will make difficulties
in his life
The world's contents
Have already been condemned
This applies to all men
Who live in the world.
A Javanese Macapat verse
(In Kartomi, 1973: 231)
It is no surprise to find that Javanese culture would have
produced an expression of fatalism as unqualified as that
presented above.
Three hundred years of colonial experience,
346
periodic famines and plagues, and a few decades of political
turmoil have given rise to uncertainties which offer ample
justification for such a view of the world, and when we consider
the extreme poverty many people in Java face, and the
difficulties of obtaining land, work,
and a place to live, we
begin to think that the author of the verse may even be
guilty of understatement in some ways.
Life is indeed difficult
for the average Javanese peasant.
In this context it is possible to see that the calculations
made in this chapter concerning the material costs and benefits
of childbearing,
and the descriptions of the non-material values
which offer some support for the fertility of each succeeding
generation, have all just skirted around the most essential
aspect of the value of children.
That is, children offer the
promise of security in a world of extreme uncertainty.
may seem contradictory.
This
After all, when note is taken of the
high (though falling) infant mortality rates and of the
difficulties of raising children to be strong,
trustworthy members of the family,
it might be said that the
practice of childrearing is very uncertain.
hand, what are the alternatives?
gone.
But on the other
Governments have come and
Conquerers have ravished the land, but now they have
vanished.
calamities,
The land remains, and while there are sometimes
there is great comfort in the regular cycle
of planting and harvesting,
wet.
obedient and
of the dry season followed by the
A mark of the Javanese culture is its characteristic sense
of order and direction,
and its recognition of the complex
cycles of existence which govern life.
In this there is great
respect given to the idea of security and certainty; not so
much in the sense of peacefulness,
of cycles.
as in the sense of regularity
In the way an g the characters fight and then they
laugh, right through a full night’s entertainment which seems
to end not so much because the story is finished as because
the dawn violates the spell of darkness.
Thus, for most people in Maguwoharjo there is a
realization of the great changes which can occur in the world
which is matched by an appreciation of the abiding certainties.
Sickness and hunger are among the risks, and are rightfully
feared for what they can do.
Against these the progression of
347
generations
and the continuation of the intricate culture of
the Javanese past hold out a promise of security.
are certainly
Children
the major source of material support in old
age for most people, but they are also symbols
of humanity in the face of adversity.
of the tenacity
The family is powerful
as an institution at least in part because it binds people
together in a cooperative effort to maintain a sense of
security.
because of this the Javanese
proverb "What
matter
if we eat as long as we are together?" is seen to be less
flippant
than it at
inconsistent
first appears.
it is not
that poor men should maintain links with their
villages when flight
to the cities or other islands might be
more materially rewarding,
wealth might
Likewise,
or that someone with little
give it up to follow some mystical
live in a religious
school.
teacher or
This behaviour is all part of
a Javanese culture which has developed many cushions
poverty.
to
Childbearing is another - and very important - part
of this same culture.
We have discussed how the Javanese society
is under
increasing pressure which is leading to a change in some of
these behaviour patterns.
To some extent this is coming about
because of the deterioration of economic relations which
had sustained the village social system for so many decades.
As new rice varieties,
and new labour utilization patterns,
spread there will be increasing strain on the poor of the
villages
and this may lead to a growing breakdown of the
cultural patterns which have been a major source of security.
Perhaps
some of these influences
are already reflected in the
attitudes of young Maguwoharjo men who see less value to
having a lot of children than their parents
their attitudes
are much more the product
health conditions
did.
But maybe
of the improved
and increased availability of schooling.
I
would think that there is a little of both - for the poor the
uncertainty of life is increasing and there is a growing
ambivalence as to whether more
children will be a help or a
hindrance, while for the well-to-do
the material values of
children are becoming less important as the offspring set up
their own households
more substantial
further from their parents,
costs
and entail
for their upbringing and maintenance.
348
In both cases the risk of infant mortality is falling, but the
poor continue to be more in need of a hedge against the
potential loss of certain support in old age.
It is impossible to imagine that the parents of Maguwoharjo
would redefine the value they place on children in such a way
as to lead to a prevalence of 0, 1, or 2-child families without
massive changes in the whole social and economic structure.
At present children serve too many functions, and have too
important a role to play in the context of the parent's
lifecycle and the formation of effective family units to imagine
a rapid voluntary decline in the size of family regarded as
"ideal".
In addition the memories of times of very high infant
mortality are still fresh, and the moderate infant mortality
of the present still involves too many "simple" causes for
any parent to have full confidence that all of his children
could survive to adulthood.
However this does not mean that
parents would always want to have the levels of fertility they
have today, or that they will not voluntarily restrict the
sizes of their families.
There is ample evidence in this and
previous chapters that both of these propositions are incorrect,
but to varying degrees among different social classes.
It is
to these questions that we will now turn our attention before
finally discussing the implications that the sorts of
valuations of childbearing which we found in Maguwoharjo might
have in the context of the future promotion of the family
planning programme.
CHAPTER 8
THE VOLUNTARY CONTROL OF FERTILITY IN MAGUWOHARJ0
8.1
Introduction
It may appear,
at first, as a contradiction that while
the material value of children has a much greater chance of
being positive for poor people than it does for their rich
neighbours,
average completed family size is smaller among
the poor than among the rich.
The explanation for the
smaller family size among the poor lies in the fact that the
fertility of the poor is depressed by a series of involuntary
factors such as more secondary sterility and higher divorce
rates, while in addition the differential patterns of infant
mortality serve to exacerbate the differences in terms of
surviving family size.
We also find that poor women abstain
from sex for longer periods following the birth of a child, but
this involves a mixture of motives only part of which are
concerned with the limitation of spacing of children.
The
concern for net material values of children are obviously
not the only, or even the most important, elements of the
parent's motives for childbearing, so any consideration of the
relative levels of fertility of two income groups cannot
be limited to the perceived lifetime material profit of
childbearing, but must include the wide range of factors
surrounding the role of children in the family and the society
as well.
Thus the superficial contradiction can be found,
on closer analysis,
to have a quite reasonable explanation.
This apparent contradiction and its explanation are
primarily relevant to a time in the past when life in
Maguwoharjo was substantially different to the situation
developing today.
Among other things, the clinic facilities
in the early 1950's were not as good, schools were less
common and many of the more traditional practices and ideas had
a firmer grip on the society.
Today,
changes are coming about
which are exposing the younger generations of parents to new
information and values and giving them better health and
education facilities.
Among the most important of these
changes is the complete turn-about which has occured with
349
350
respect
to
the
availability
contraceptive
t wo h u n d r e d
says
that
m illion,
"two
appropriate
speculate
in
methods.
to
voluntary
we
8.2
to
use
in
of
the
pill
or
conception
that
these
methods
all,
the
rates
based
on
been
an
techniques
people
mass
wh o
of
and,
by
expertise
Our
information
the
is,
on
Indigenous
was
to
recording
control
conception
massage
of
eaten.
could
the
or
Each
affect
a mixture
for
of
medical
of
the
to
do
family
use
of
dukuns
is
the
bulk
money
from
know w o u l d
often
knew
conception,
Herbs
would
herb
the
variety
promotion
daily
be
the
and
with
or
a mo n g
the
probably
governments,
fewer
patients.
being
based,
officials
courts,
but
as
to
that
of
would
source
of
the
people.
to
herbs
the
be
of
of
attention
attempts
and
little
prevention
and
little
lives
boiled
a
the
population.
taking
itself
could
or
the
from
was
though,
the
that
reputations
European
of
the
the
and
lost
more
indicate
involved
of
to
have
doubt
measures
trade,
the
no
will
after
support
would
be
and
about
and
the
gave
scanty,
a mong
written
and
available
had
early
facts
society
the
the
the
do
so
probable
high
can
gained
and
is
of
-
these
and
promoting
methods
practitioner
of
sometimes
the
order
It
secrecy
There
matters
uterus.
dukun
In
infrequently
which
used
conditions
were
of
we
and
widespread
fieldworkers
universally
Th e
life
kept
little
were
methods,
histories
were
swallowed,
role
accounts
of
is
differences
w o me n h a d
were
institutions
they
such
or
relatively
virtually
the
the
accounts
Wh a t
of
the
on
of
abortion.
mortality
certain
in
conditions
paid
effecting
used
economic
presumably,
it
I UD J a v a n e s e
were
were
for
as
the
population.
influenced
it
Planning
consideration.
filled
the
Family
billboards
when
important
feeding
Programme
class
progress
any
and
a series
fertility-and
the
of
infant
high
modern
control,
spacing.
the
of
context
social
and
of
Maguwoharjo.
preventing
was
this
condition
detail
talk
fertility
of
a
to
Planning
In
of
size
in
were
of
era
under
Methods
there
used
Family
patterns
family
examine
Traditional
the
a new
of
acceptability
Sukarno
enough".
emerge
campaign
Before
of
of
social
National
is
kind
control
planning
the
speak
might
have
Where
three
on w h a t
fertility
this
or
and
the
or
liquid
boiled
the
and
herbs
notice
which
prepare
pregnancy
351
depending on the desires of the client.
A massage involved
the retroflexion of the uterus, a procedure which is alleged
to be painful and possibly dangerous.
The d ukun performing
the massage could invert the uterus in a variety of ways, and
would call on spiritual aids to help in the process.
Because
of this any desire to have a return of fecundity would entail
the same dukun reversing the procedure.
the meantime,
If she had died in
the client was doomed to sterility.
Massage
was also used for problems of infertility, but the principles
involved in such a procedure are obscure.
There was probably
a reliance on the idea that the impairment of fertility
involved a blockage of the uterine canal which could be
removed by straightening it.
Dukuns also had herbs and methods
of massage which were meant to procure abortions, and sometimes
used pointed pieces of bamboo to burst the amniotic sac
for the same effect.
Beyond the herbal and massage methods of contraception and
abortion, mo thers often practiced various forms of abstinence.
There was a social prescription that a couple should abstain
following the birth of a child in order to ensure that siblings
were not born too close together, but in addition there is
a strong norm for self-control in Javanese culture which has
fostered a wide range of practices designed to increase spiritual
strength.
Abstinence from eating or sleeping and long periods
of meditation are suggested by some religious teachers as ways
of increasing the individual's powers, and sexual abstinence
is often involved in this.
This tradition of abstinence for
religious purposes does not involve a motive for smaller family
size, but the atmosphere of admiration for feats of abstinence
which prevails in the society acts as an important support
for those who attempt it in order to maintain a smaller family
size or space births over longer intervals.
To a greater or lesser extent all these forms of birth
control which developed in the context of the traditional
society are maintained today and are practiced by a wide
range of people throughout Java.
In Maguwoharjo it is not
unknown to find a highly educated well-off woman using herbs
in the manner of her grandmother,
or to hear of someone having
the pij e t walik, the massage used to invert the uterus.
The
352
current extent of these practices compared with the use of
modern methods of contraception will be discussed after a
brief description of the growth of the Family Planning
Programme in the area.
8.3
The Advent of Modern Methods of Family Planning
It is safe to say that there were virtually no modern
me thods of contraception available to the bulk of the
population of Maguwoharjo before the Depok Model Clinic
was set up in the region in 1969.
The clinic was set up by
the Indonesian Family Planning Association
(P.K.B.I.)
as part
of a series of pilot projects which would serve to test
procedures for the promotion of contraception and which later
were used as training bases for fieldworkers.
In the early
days of the clinic's operation mass meetings were held in
widely scattered hamlets to inform people of the existence
of the service and answer any questions which arose concerning
the methods which were employed.
By mid-1970 the clinic
staff had been increased to over twenty,
about half of whom
were fieldworkers assigned to contact each of the approximately
5000 fertile women living in the Depok sub-district and
encourage them to attend the clinic and use modern forms of
birth control.
The problems of implementing the programme began to
mount as it became clear that the sub-district was too large
to expect women to attend the clinic regularly.
a sub-clinic was opened in July,
of Maguwoharjo,
As a result
1970 in the Southern part
and a plan to carry out periodic special
clinics in the more distant hamlets instituted.
By April,
1972 when the Maguwoharjo Fertility study got under way, the
women of the village had been exposed to over three years of
relatively intensive education and promotion of birth control
techniques,
and had had within their reach the services of a
wide range of specialists skilled in the safest and most
certain methods of pregnancy prevention that modern science
could provide.
Their response to these opportunities
indicates once more the degree to w h ich social class and
the standard of living influence behaviour in the village.
353
8.4
Voluntary Birth Control in Maguwoharjo
The Attitude Survey w h ich was conducted as the last phase
of the study contained a large section of questions concerning
knowledge of, opinions about,
of birth control methods
and practice of a wide range
(see the questionnaire).
The data
from this section of the questionnaire are contained in a
series of tables appended to this thesis.^
The major
findings which shed light on the issues under discussion
are as f ollows:
8.4.1
People's Orientation Toward Family Planning
Among the people of Maguwoharjo there is almost universal
acceptance of some concept of family planning, with over 98%
of men and women saying that it is good to space the births of
children (menjarangkan anak) and 85% of the men and 80% of the
women agreeing that it is good to limit the number of children
in the family
S.8.2.)
(membatasi jumlah anak)
In general,
(See Table S .8.1-
the younger a person, or the higher the
income of their household the more likely they are to agree
with the concept of family limitation.
likely than women to be in agreement.
Also men are more
For example, nearly a
third of older lower income women think it is against God's
will to limit the number of children in a family while only
13% of young lower income women,
income men would say this.
and only 3% of the young upper
With attitudes such as these it
would not be overstating the case to claim that there is
substantial support for the concept of family limitation and
universal support for family spacing and thus there would
presumably be substantial support for the spread of techniques
o f birth cont ro1.
1
These tables were distributed in October, 1974 to a wide
range of individuals and organizations concerned with the
progress of the family planning programme.
In the discussion
which follows generalizations will be based on the data of
these tables and the reader will be referred to the
particular table which is the source of the information.
It might be helpful to the reader at this point to look at
the questionnaire (pages 4 and 5 of the Attitude Survey
in the Appendix) and briefly review the tables (Tables S.8.1S.8.33) to gain familiarity with the information before the
argument proceeds much further.
354
When it comes to decisions about the practice of spacing
or limiting births it is clear from the responses to a number
of questions,
and many lengthy discussions with people of
the area, that the majority of couples think it best to reach
a decision jointly,
following some discussion and compromise.
There are no strong differences between generations or
social classes on this point,
and in cases where one member
is said to make the decisions unilaterally there is no strong
tendency for that person to be the husband rather than the
wife (See Tables S .8.3-S .8.4).
People think that their
neighbours reach such decisions in much the same way as they
do themselves
(though there is a tendency among people in the
lower class to say that they do not know how their neighbours
go about making such decisions).
All this makes a great deal
of sense when considered in the light of the well-known
Indonesian value for mutual consideration of problems
(mufakat
and musj awarat) which stands as an ideal form of interaction
from the level of family matters,
right up to the running of
the national People’s Representative Congress.
However,
this ideal is not always honoured in practice.
Less than half
the people in the lower income group claim to have ever had a
discussion with their spouse about modern forms of birth control
(Keluarga Berencana) thus making it likely that any decisions
reached by a majority of poor people about family spacing
or limitation was done mainly in very general terms or with
regard to traditional methods.
(See Table S.8.8).
There is
a higher likelihood of a discussion about birth control having
occurred among the younger generation (81% of males and 77%
of females)
and among upper income people in the older
generation (74% of males and 65% of females).
These responses
conform fairly closely with those about family spacing or
limitation decision making.
on income,
Thus, ignoring differences based
the majority of people in Maguwoharjo, and
especially young people, claim to have had discussions about
birth control,
and say that any decisions made concerning family
planning in general will be made jointly by the husband and
wife.
Virtually everyone in the village has been exposed to the
Family Planning Programme’s propaganda though the exact form
355
of exposure varies.
Fieldworkers have
covered the area well
and have visited all those women who have had at least one
child and are not known to be sterile.
Nearly
four-fifths
of the women questioned could remember the fieldworker's
visit
and,
among these,
could remember a
visit
8 4% of the younger generation women
(Table S.8.5).
There was very little
difference in this according to the social class of the woman,
and if anything,
likely to visit
it seems
that the fieldworkers were more
lower income women,
or at least their visits
tc these women were more memorable.
Propaganda broadcast
the radio has a quite different impact.
if they had ever heard about
the proportions
on
When people were asked
family p 1anning from the radio
answering "yes" varied substantially, with over
90% of upper income men having heard it compared to less than
75% of the upper income women.
(Table S.8.7).
Just on half
the lower income men had heard some form of announcement.
The group least
from a radio was
likely to have heard any news of family planning
the lower income women, where only a fifth
of them answered the question in the affirmative.
are related
tc the great inequalities
receivers, but they also reflect
listening.
which
These results
in ownership of radio
the social patterns
of radio
Men often listen to the radio during the j agon gan
last
far into the night.
Because of this even the
poorest men sometimes have the chance to hear the family
planning propaganda which takes the form of popular
formats
as well as spot announcements.
soap opera
Men working in offices
of one sort or another often listen to the radio there,
the opportunity of hearing
men of the middle income
receivers.
thus
the propaganda is available to many
groups who might not own their own
Women generally lack these opportunities,
and are
usually only able to .listen to the radio sets in their own
homes.
As such poor women hear the propaganda less than any
other group in the community.
People of different socioeconomic groups treat communications
related to bi.rt-b control in different ways
greatest
(See Table 8.1)
The
contrast exists between young lower or middle income
males, who are much more likely to discuss topics related to
birth control with their spouses
the older women in all economic
than with
groups,
their friends,
and
for whom the opposite
356
TABLE 8.1
DIFFERENCES IN PROPORTIONS CLAIMING TO HAVE DISCUSSED
FAMILY PLANNING WITH THEIR (1) SPOUSE OR (2)
NEIGHBOURS
(PERCENTAGE)
Males
F emales
Lower
Middle
Upper
20
20
8
9
13
9
Lower
Middle
Upper
3
3
6
-7
0
-1
Generation and Income Group
Y ounger
Older
Note:
Calculation: (% who have discussed with spouse)rainus
(% who have discussed with neighbours)
Source:
is true.
Attitude Survey,
(See Tables S.8.8 and S.8.10).
An explanation of these contrasts, which is based on
observation as well as on data from the questionnaire might
go as follows:
1.
Young men are likely to be concerned about birth
control for both spacing and limitation, and are
thus likely to discuss it with their wives.
The lower
income men of this group, who work at jobs concerned
with labouring or farming are not likely to start up
conversations on these topics with their friends or
workmates.
Upper income men of the same age group
are likely to be government workers, and hence to
have been exposed to a great amount of birth control
propaganda in their offices, and, because of the
nature of the office situation, talk to their workmates
about it.
2.
Older women are less concerned with the topic of birth
control from a personal viewpoint, but are interested
in the stories about the devices used and the harm they
can cause.
They thus participate in discussions on
the subject at the marketplace, but do not have
discussions with their husbands.
3.
Younger women, being both personally concerned about
birth control, and exposed to the rumour networks of
the marketplace, tend to have discussed family planning
with both their husbands and their friends.
Transcending these tendencies are the substantial differences in
exposure to information according to income level.
The more
substantial differences in behaviour related to income level
occur between older generation people of both sexes, who show
great differences in propensity to discuss birth control with
either their spouse or their neighbours, depending on their
income, and the strong relation between income and propensity
to discuss birth control with neighbours which is evidenced
among young men.
Some additional support for this explanation comes from
the information on what the person thinks his or her spouse's
and neighbour's opinions are concerning birth control.
in the older generation, especially women,
People
are likely to say
that their neighbours disagree with birth control - only a
little over half of the lower income women say that their
neighbours agree with it - while about a fifth of younger
generation women say their friends disagree with the practice.
Statements concerning fear of specific methods occur much
more frequently among the older than among the younger
generation women.
Men are more likely than women to say that
their friends are in agreement with birth control,
and even
more so that their spouses agree.
Thus in terms of a general orientation toward family
planning as a concept and birth control in general, there is
a remarkably consistent pattern of responses.
The one
group that stands out as skeptical and disapproving is the
older women.
In general the younger a person is, and the
higher his or her household income,
the more approving he is
likely to be of both the concept of and the techniques for
family limitation.
This accords quite well with our earlier
findings on fertility and family size desires since it is precisely
among the richer parents that there was found to be a perception
of excess fertility.
Also,
the receptivity of younger people
would seem to be an encouraging sign for promoters of family
planning,
since it is among that group that the fertility
decisions are currently being made.
For many of the older
generation the questions are much less immediate.
But before
reaching any firm conclusions on the subject, we should look
more closely at the patterns of use of various methods.
358
8.4.2
The Use of Traditional Methods of Birth Control
Traditional methods were
found to be divided by people
in Maguwoharjo into two general groups.
First,
the more
acceptable traditional methods were those which are associated
with the practice of spacing births,
and abstinence.
terms
There were high rates of usage, both in
of ever-use
of current use
agreement
that is, prolonged lactation
(See Table S.8.29)^ and various measures
(Tables S.8.26
that the methods
not uncomfortable
to use
through S.8.28),
and general
are both healthy and "pleasant" or
(Tables
indication of their acceptability
S.8.30 and S.8.31).
Another
is the fact that they
are often taught to the person by members of his or her family
and a third to a half of the women are willing
to say that they
know someone personally who has used the method.
(Table S.8.25).
On all these counts it is clear that these measures
widespread,
are
and if account is taken of the natural tendency
of respondents to understate knowledge on questions of this
nature,
it could almost be said that both abstinence
spacing and the prolonged breastfeeding of infants
for
for the
explicit purpose of delaying conception are firmly established
family planning practices
in Maguwoharjo.
The second group of traditional practices
are those which
might be called "less acceptable" because they are mainly
associated with the limitation of family size, and because they
involved complex and often costly procedures which require the
participation of third person other than the married couple.
In this the practice of massage is a good example.
women
admit to having ever had a massage,
and those who do are
concentrated among the middle income group.
afford the practice,
1
Information about the procedure
to come from diffuse sources;
friends
The poor cannot
and the rich are adverse to following
such "old-fashioned" ways.
tends
Very few
and neighbours,
including dukuns and
and to a lesser extent
family members.
The reader should notice that Table S.8.29 uses different
generational breakdowns than do all the other tables in
this section, so that the substantial differences in
experience of birth control use, between the 35-44 year
old generation and the 45 and over group might be shown.
359
The low rates of usage are matched by relatively low numbers
of women who say that they know someone who has ever had a
massage,
and while most women who had ever heard of the
practice say that it is probably healthy and not uncomfortable,
their opinions on this point are fairly ambivalent.
set of attitudes is taken about the use of herbs.'*'
A similar
Abstinence
for purposes of limiting the number of children born into a
family is regarded in the same way as these other "unacceptable"
methods, though it is interesting to note that more young
women would question the safety,
of this method than would,
and especially the "pleasantness"
for example, question these
characteristics in massage.
Because abstinence for this purpose
is by definition resorted to only at the completion of
childbearing it is found most frequently among the oldest
generation (45+) where upwards of nine percent of men of various
income levels claim to have ever-used it.
Nearly one-seventh
of the lower income men of the 35 and over generation claim to have
been abstaining in the last month for purposes of limiting the
size of their families.
Much lower proportions of women
in any category claim that they have practiced this form of
birth control, but it is possible that this is a difference of
definition of motive rather than behaviour.
Abortion stands at the extreme of the "less acceptable"
group of traditional methods.
It is almost universally
condemned and virtually nobody admitted to every having
an abortion.
As might be expected after seeing the trends
outlined above,
this method is regarded as harmful (because
of danger to the life of the mother)
and very unpleasant in
addition to being sinful and murderous.
about abortion from their
1
had
friends
Most people learn
and neighbours,
though some
Questions about the use of herbs for birth control were not
asked on the survey because of lack of time during the
interview, but the results of questions asked on the pretest,
and discussions with herbalists indicated that the taking of
herbs was probably more frequent than massage, and that it was
also concentrated among the middle income levels.
It
might be noted that herbs are also frequently taken by
people to overcome sterility.
The generic term for herbal
treatments (j amu) covers as well preparations for all forms
of sickness, and for the promotion of strength and beauty.
360
said
or
that
in
the
younger
wo me n
the
they
course
say
they
a tenth
and
the
in
Finally,
it
should
birth
control,
of
the
takes
or
fam ilies,
be
the
more
family
and
an
massage
to
and
a mo n g
upper
income
8.4.3
The
Us e
of
There
are
t wo
regarded
as
in
Modern
methods
context
Among
the
indications
of
they
level,
family
planning
People
of
these
about
wh o
their
income
level
their
regarded
that
of
both
the
traditional
relation
between
as
the
price
where
of
the
the
lower
to
of
poorest
income
people
achieve
would
be
their
the
case
are
often
of
on
by
and
birth
the
of
the
workers,
neighbours.
heard
of
seldom
and
they
are
know
often
However,
a mong
relatively
well
is
little
They
and
husband
unsure
upper
known,
reservation
are
also
sim plicity,
and
is
upper
medical
rarely
comfort.
planning.
society
they
"modernity"
both
this
or
be
rhythm.
have
are
there
must
modern.
and
people
have
them,
or
which
being
in
friends
they
methods
health
their
involve
for
and
of
which
but
as
"pleasantness".
both
Control
from b o o k s,
levels
either
or
Birth
modernity
and when
practiced,
effect
responsibility
stands
of
interruptus)
mainly
workers
all,
people
they
America
relation
methods,
them
income
used
because
that
South
and
for
contraception
their
learn
safety
frequently
about
fact
has
under
the
than
of
coitus
used
field
at
of
a mo n g
Although
Maguwoharjo
are
lower
methods
anybody
and
wh o
the
to
suggests
metiiods
means
goals
of
of
(or
income
that
reach
for
traditional
withdrawal,
that
is
Methods
are
fact
of
traditional
These
the
and
people.
being
the
out
lim itation
fall
negative
U shape,
pattern
use
out
level.
them
of
abortion.
generally
inverted
places
prone
of
a
a tenth
generation
societies
acceptable"
income
general
spacing
thought
is
Quran
abortion,
abortion,
pointed
"less
there
method
sometimes
herbs
the
be
Holy
over
evidence
the
of
an
figures
little
concept
the
younger
had
this
to
very
the
has
of
contrast
to
in
Just
of
comparable
has
to
lectures.
wh o
All
opposed
and
referred
a quarter
someone
Europe,
"acceptable"
to
know
and
a seventh.
Eastern
use
me n
society,
it
religious
generation
Javanese
quite
heard
of
generation
older
and
first
wife
in
highly
and
the
the
361
Usually,
though, "moderri' methods of contraception are
thought of in terms of the various chemical and mechnaical
measures which have been developed over the last century
for the suppression of ovulation or prevention of implantation
of the fertilized egg.
In Maguwoharjo,
these measures
could more appropriately be called contemporary, for it is
only with the establishment of the Family Planning Clinic that
they have become available.
This is reflected in the fact
that these methods; including the IUD, oral pill,
foaming
tablets, condom and injection; were generally brought to
people’s attention first through family planning field
workers, medical workers,
friends, books or the radio all
of which are symbols of "modernization" in Maguwoharjo.
The
impact that these new techniques had on the awareness of the
community of contraceptive technology is reflected in the fact
that over naif the lower income men and women knew someone who
was using an IUD.
But by many measures,
- from knowledge of
the method, source of knowledge, acquaintance with someone
using the method, and own use - it is clear that all of these
methods are having a more significant impact on people of higher
income than on those at lower income levels.
Thus while
there is a negative relation between income and usage of
traditional methods,
there is a positive relation between
income and usage of modern methods.
The reasons for this relationship can be seen more clearly
with reference to the most well-known of the modern methods,
the IUD.
While a majority of people from both generations
and all income levels had heard of the IUD, differences in the
proportions of each group who had heard of it were sometimes
substantial.
Thus, while over 90% of upper income men had
heard of the method, only 67% of lower income men had; and
this pattern was true of both generations of men.
Lower income
women were more likely than their husbands to be aware of the
method, but even they, whether of younger or older generation,
were less likely than the upper income women of the same age
group to know of it.
information.
Partly,
this is a result of sources of
The upper income people were likely to have
heard about the method from a medical worker, booklet or radio
because they are the ones with greatest access to these forms
362
of communication, while lower income people relied more
exclusively on family planning fieldworkers, or their neighbours.
Lower income people are also less likely to know someone who
has used an IUD.
If they do know of the method,
and if they
know of someone who has used it, they are more likely than
the upper income people to think that the method is unhealthful
and unpleasant,
though fear over the possible side-effects of
the IUD is a fairly general feeling in the community.
All of
these influences are reflected in the statistics on proportions
who have ever attended the family planning clinic.
While a
third of the well-to-do of the younger generation have attended
the clinic, and three-quarters of these are still attending
regularly,
only 17% of the lower income women of the same
generation have attended - although the proportion (70%) still
going regularly is ab out as high as with those ever attending
among the upper income group.
The same patterns
surround the oral pill, though it is
regarded as being more healthful and pleasant than the IUD.
Although
fieldworkers are the major source of information
for both the pill and the IUD, the pill is less well known
of the two.
chapters,
This is because,
as was mentioned in previous
the IUD was the subject of a major campaign early
in the history of the Family Planning Programme.
Field workers
received larger incentives for encouraging people to use the
IUD, and, not surprisingly,
this led to them pushing that
method to the virtual exclusion of all others.
this,
Because of
the programme became strongly identified in many people's
minds with the side-effects which can result from the use of
the IUD, and stories spread of the cramps, bleeding and nausea
which could result from the use of "KB" Keluarga Berencana
(family planning).
All these rumours were more vivid in the
minds of the lower income people who had less experience of
clinics and who associated these disabilities with symptoms
of fatal maladies,
and as possible interruptions to the
women's work loads.
The factors involved in the relation between income
level and the use of modern forms of birth control can be
s ummarized with reference to the ma terial differences between
people, and these in turn relate to sub-cultural differences
363
in attitudes
beh a v i o u r
less
toward
sickness,
in a highly
about
institutions
clinics
and modern medicine
that
for examinations
to being
are very
anxious
about
more
strongly
to rumours
prior
sickness
about
to the
contrary which
the
of the
rumours
at the mark etplace
access
or in
to alternative
poverty
in that
illiterate,
they
are
cannot
in
the
Indonesian
Javanese which
Theirs
neat white
language,
finds
about
the poverty
uneasy.
their
speech
old
dukun
are more
In short
and behaviour,
are much
sets
suited
it was
set
the
them apart
rank.
The
hostile,
but
is more
the
the
like
fieldworkers
families,
which
itinerant
so they are
is defined both
and in the manner
of their
communicational
of the Family Planning Programme,
to the people
of middle
traditional
down
relation
that
and Schooling
reasons why
either
cannot be put
mentioned
(k a s a r ) , approach
and upper
level.
all
of the
polite
understanding.
and sometimes
them outside
The Influence of Religion
of Birth Control
discussion
is often
and their own ignorance
from rich
8.4.4
control
of
or extremely
the next hamlet
and social
use or to reject
content
and mounted on bicycles
of'high
income
Of couse,
the
to their
of field workers wearing
ashamed,
goods,
on their
frequently
and booklets
"crude"
their poverty,
attempts
more
in
and are
that
comfortable,
and
lack of material
and motiv a t i o n a l
which
feel
friends
related
difficulty
say
of their houses
often w e l l - s c h o o l e d
made
by
They
to their
courtly
and brown skirts
or the
them and so they
are
some would
of greeting strangers
herbalist,
fact
have
the approach
blouses
and suspect.
the
absence
will believe
limitations
radios
or uses
they sometimes
alien
of ways
afford
and the newspapers
is an earthy,
to life which
respect,
The
contraceptives.
respond
of information,
i ntensified by
the radio programmes
given
and in the
them on
the fields.
and so are
enter these
and thus
they
and pass
sources
they
side-effect,
of evidence
of
Poor people have
f i e l d w o r k e r 's requests
They
content
and standards
stratif ied society.
experience with
uneasy
education,
people
status
of income with
the schooling
from the women
of the
of poor
the Use
are encouraged
or modern
to material
on
forms
alone.
to
of birth
In
contraceptive
the
use
fieldworkers
families,
and from what
we learned in the description of the social and economic life
of the village,
it would be expected
that religious
differences would also make a difference.
These things are
all bound together, of course, as the rich are more likely
to include people who have gone to school for long periods.
Also, Christians and members of other non-Islamic religions
are likely to be in the upper income categories.
It is
nonetheless interesting to look at the proportions of people
of various religions and levels of completed schooling who
use the major methods of birth control to see how some of
the patterns which we have identified above are further
clarified.
Table 8.2 presents this information for women
according to ten year age-groups.
The general positive relation between income level and
the use of modern methods and negative relation with the use
of traditional methods,
is repeated with regard to education
level, but that it is to be expected considering the strong
positive relation between income and schooling.
What is more
interesting is the comparison of the behaviour of the first
and second age groups according to level of schooling.
There
the patterns of use of traditional methods are very similar,
both with regard to the levels and shapes of the distributions.
This is an indication of the early acceptance of some concept
of family planning for purposes of spacing.
The modern
methods are more likely to be used by the 25-34 age group and
among them by the women who have higher education.
This would
seem to indicate rhythm and the IUD would come to be used only
after a number of children had been born,
and that the idea
of using these methods for spacing is less firmly established
in the minds of all women, but especially those with less
education.
Religion, whether defined in terms of stated religious
affiliation or in terms of se1f-estimation of the strictness of
their practice, is not clearly related to patterns of use of
abstinence for spacing among the younger women (15-34),
although among women of all ages it is notable that persons
of "other" religions are very unlikely to have used abstinence.
For older women the practice of prolonged lactation with
the purpose of spacing births is more common among the strict
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Note:
8.2
USE OF MAJOR CONTRACEPTI VE METHODS ACCORDING TO EDUCATION AND R E L I G I O N .
CURRENTLY
MARRIED WOMEN BY AGE GROUP.
( PROPORTI ONS OF EACH GROUP WHO HAVE EVER USED EACH METHOD)
•H
TABLE
CO)
h
,G
CJ p
B) fN
Z Z
P
Z
Muslims than among either the non-strict Muslims or people of
other religions, while in the younger ages it is the non-strict
Muslims who use the method most frequently.
The most important influence of religion on the use of
a method of birth control occurs with rhythm, where people of
other religions, meaning mainly Christians, and especially
Catholics, show very high rates of usage of the method.
Over
a third of the women of these religions in the age group 25-44
have used the rhythm method at some time in their lives.
group also shows fairly high rates of usage of the IUD.
among those aged 25-34,
This
Only
is the rate of use of the IUD higher
among the non-strict Muslims than those of other religions.
The strict Muslims have low rates of usage of the IUD in all
age groups, and the rates fall continuously with increasing
age.
This is partially the result of the fact that many of the
older women who are strict Muslims adhere to a branch of the
religion which questioned the morality of the IUD, and even
charged that it caused abortions, whereas the younger women
adhere to a more modernist sect which has been working hard
to promote family planning in the area.
For the most part,
then,
the patterns of use of methods of
birth control related to the level of schooling and religion
of women are subject to influences similar tc those which
have already been discussed, namely, social class and income.
The major impact of religion on the spread of new methods of
birth control seems to be the encouragement Christians receive
in the practice of rhythm.
The Catholic church has been very
active in promoting this method as a preferred, but not exclusive,
answer to the desire for family spacing and limitation, and
it has distributed booklets to its members explaining the
basic principles involved in calculating the woman’s safe
periods.
A negative reaction from a religious group is
exemplified in the case of the strict Muslims who disapprove
strongly of the IUD.
Both of these examples affect relatively
small numbers of women in Maguwoharjo directly.
For the bulk
of the population the problems of family planning remain
essentially the problems of ignorance and fear which were
discussed in the previous section.
367
8.5
Indications for the Future Development of Family
Planning in Kaguwoharjo! ^
The description of voluntary birth control in Maguwoharjo
presented in the previous section is really only a snapshot
of a very complex process.
have been very different.
Conditions both before and since
We have already gained some feeling
for the conditions prior to this description in our realization
that traditional methods have been handed down for centuries,
and have only recently begun to be replaced by more modern
methods brought in through clinics, books,
trained personnel.
was completed,
and
specially
But what has happened since the survey
and more importantly, what lessons does this
set of data hold for the future of family planning in the area?
One indication of the possible future direction of birth
control use in the community is contained in the set of
responses to the questions;
Family Planning",
"Would you like to know more about
and "If so, which method(s)
in particular?"
2
There was a very strong relation between the responses to these
questions and income level with people of the upper income
level showing much more interest in learning more about a
variety of methods.
(See Tables S.8.32 and S.8.33)
Men were
also more interested in learning more about birth control
than were women, and the people in the younger generation more
interested than people of the older generation.
For example
while 76% of upper income young men wanted to know more about
methods, only 47% of their lower income counterparts expressed
the same interest.
Among older generation men 49% of the
upper income and 17% of the lower income expressed interest.
One of the most significant groups from the point of view of
1
Many of the issues being discussed here have appeared in
Hull, (1974).
2
These questions followed the battery of questions on attitudes
and practice of birth control (See Appendix).
If the
respondent answered "yes" he or she was given a copy of
Dr Masri Singarimbun's booklet on the rhythm method or on
modern methods during the last week of the research project.
368
population control is the younger women.
In this group only
a third of the women wanted to learn more about birth control,
with 43% of those in the upper income expressing interest
compared with only a fifth of those in the lower income group.
The most disinterested group was the older generation (ages
35+) women,
only 8% of whom expressed interest in getting more
information about any form of birth control, though, of course,
for them the personal need is probably not great.
The majority of people who desire more information want
to learn about all methods.
They are extremely interested
about the exact nature of contraception in general,
and at
any gathering of men in the evening or of women in the market
where the talk turns to KB there are bound to be questions
about what an IUD does and what the effect of the pill is
on health.
There is also great curiousity about injections
and sterilization operations because these are only vaguely
understood and still rare enough to be mysterious.
are many theories, both positive and negative,
There
about the action
of the IUD, but few people know anything at all about
vasectomies - except for the anxious feeling that it might
have something to do with castration.
It may be wondered why,
after three years intensive experience with fieldworkers,
lectures and radio broadcasts, there is still such a reservoir
of curiosity^ anxiety and misunderstanding.
The answer lies
in the simplicity of most advertisements about family planning
which are often more concerned with explaining what economic
or social advantages
the family will presumably gain from
controlling the number of children they have, or telling people
about the health benefits of spacing births widely,
than with
communicating any knowledge about the methods themselves.
The situation is thus created where the stimulated curiosity of
potential acceptors of birth control is left open to all manner
of rumours and horror stories.
IUDs are said to float up
to the head and cause headaches, pills shrivel the uterus,
condoms are used improperly, people think that they are
supposed to swallow the big foaming tablets,
put in fear for their lives and health.
and women are
The rumours of the
village are thus matters of concern for the clinic officials,
but as they are repeated up the line of the bureaucracy they
369
become humourous
prejudices
anecdotes which serve
that peasants
are too ignorant
volunt arily and thus policies
to the anecdote
in learning more
the great majority of people interested
about birth control want
to know in detail
of the various methods and they are not interested
"ideal"
families or
plans.
Many people also want
to know more about methods which
are not promoted by the clinics,
method.
control
are considered which relate more
in talk of population problems,
development
to use birth
than to the situation of the mass of people.
In Maguwoharjo at least,
the workings
to confirm established
in particular
the rhythm
Over one in five of the people desiring more
information wanted to know specifically how to calculate the
safe period and thus how to make
the traditional method of
abstinence into a more acceptable
form of family limitation.
From conversations with people in this group it became
that
they were uneasy about the dangers
methods
themselves.
confined to members
Interestingly,
booklets
request
group,
of the research we gave out
on the rhythm method written in Indonesian there
cases of people who were illiterate,
Javanese,
this
of any particular social
and when during the last stages
were
of all the clinic
and wanted to have a method which they knew they
could regulate
was not
clear
asking for a booklet.
or who knew only
They explained that they
would have their children or their neighbours
But most important
read it to them.
for the future of the programme in
Maguwoharjo is the fact that many of the people who said that
they wanted no more information about "Keluarga Berencana"
in the course of the interview later expressed interest in
the techniques
of birth control.
They often said that they
were bored with the continuous visits
of the "KB" fieldworkers,
and somewhat ill at ease about agreeing with their requests but
it was nonetheless
of interest
to them to find out more about
these new things.'*'
1
It is particularly important to note here that the fieldworkers were not the only ones who were unwelcome to
these women.
Other types of extension workers, and members
of our research team also provoked their suspicion.
They
cooperated with us mainly because they were told that we
didn't want anything but their talk, and this they were
footnote continued next page
370
They were also somewhat resentful of the type of work the
fieldworker was doing.
One cynical view expresed it: "All
she gives us is talk - we still have to go to the clinic for
the tools - then she gets money for it!"
A village official
commented to me that in his view "The failure of the Family
Planning Programme in the village
by the fieldworkers
... is the poor service given
... (they) often give better treatment to
rich people whom they regard as clean and acceptable than they
do to the poor, whom they see as dirty".
The fieldworkers
would not deny the truth of this statement, but they point
out that the rich people are always more attentive than the poor,
and it is frustrating to try to talk to a woman who just
stands
there staring silently at you.
to sit
on, and the people are not
service be expected or given?
There are seldom chairs
hospitable,
so how can good
Sadly, these two perspectives
are both correct, but they turn not on the issue of the
cleanliness or hospitality of the
values
peasant or the upper class
of the fieldworker, but on the fact that, by and large,
there is no service being given, or at least the service
offered is not the one most relevant to the people who are
being encouraged to accept it.
Mothers,
as we have seen, are very concerned with the
health of their children and themselves, but the fieldworker
is neither trained nor equipped to give even the simplest
aid in this regard.
One of the most successful fieldworkers
we met had collected her own "kit" of supplies to supplement
that given out by the service.
She gave sweets to young children,
put band-aids on cuts and had aspirin for the mothers' headaches.
She sat on the ground when necessary and spoke to the
mother on an equal footing (with the level of language
determined by the mother's ability to speak freely).
wonder that the response she received was better.
It is no
There are many
1 continued
usually happy to give freely.
Sometimes they ran out of the
back of their houses on the approach of a stranger, and it
was only after some detailed explanations that we were
welcomed.
This is another factor which made the stage
approach to the research particularly helpful.
By the time of
the attitude survey the women knew the interviewers on a first
name basis, and were generally very comfortable with the visits
371
fieldworkers
in the programme who have similarly
"innovations"
developed
to improve their relations with their "clients"
but what has been lacking is a similar response on the part
of the Programme
as a whole.
Clinic hours
for family planning
are held on a different day to those for baby care.
special
clinics
The
at remote corners of the village are relatively
infrequent because of the shortage of doctors, but rather than
training paramedical personnel
greater emphasis
capabilities
to conduct these sessions,
is placed on the improvement
of the fieldworkers.
Finally,
of "motivational"
until fairly
recently, women who wanted to renew their supply of pills had
to go back to the clinic.
difficulty
In a very
good response to this
the programme has been encouraging fieldworkers
to deliver supplies to people in their a r e a s .^
The future course of family planning thus offers a wide
range of potential paths.
detailed knowledge
spread perhaps
wrappings
of the particular birth control techniques,
in small,
of medicines.
traditional methods
There is certainly a need for more
as
inexpensive booklets
and the
There is also the need to recognize
being valuable techniques
transition to more modern methods,
during the
and perhaps promote them
more directly in the context of the National Programme.
There are also indications
that services
integrated with
maternal and infant health clinics would find a more receptive
audience,
and the upgrading of fieldworkers
to fulfill roles
of paramedical staff would be a way of meeting many of the
most relevant
demands
of people at the lower income levels.
These are all measures which
of the present
clinic-based
can be promoted within the context
(or clinic-biased)
there is a wide range of things which
system, but
can promote the practice
of birth control, which do not involve clinics, for example
such things as the programme's
1
recent experiments with marketing
Rogers (1973: 131-138) outlines the history of the
fieldworker system in Indonesia, pointing out that the
system has led to a decline in the cost of obtaining
acceptors for the Programme, and additionally has expanded
the effective area covered by the clinic.
These arguments
are very persuasive:
clinics with fieldworkers are much
more effective than clinics without.
But the question must be
asked of whether fieldworkers could be more effective than
they seem to be at present.
372
contraceptives through private channels.
The commercial
distribution system of one of the nation's largest
manufacturers of traditional herbal treatments in powdered
formulations has been included in this scheme and is now
promoting condoms through many of its outlets.
Initial
indications are that this will be a very successful project.
In Maguwoharjo the voluntary control of fertility is
widespread with large proportions of the women of the village
having used traditional methods for the spacing of their
families or modern methods to avoid larger numbers of
children than they desire.
As in the case of fertility,
childbearing practices, schooling,
and so many other things,
the great differences in family planning behaviour relate to
the income level and social class of the people.
In the next
chapter we will try to bring the various threads linking all
these attitudes and practices to show how the different
perceptions of the value of children by people of the various
classes is related to these patterns of fertility and
fertility control.
PART
V
CONCLUSIONS
CHAPTER 9
SOCIOECONOMIC CLASS, FERTILITY, AND FAMILY PLANNING
IN MAGUWOHARJO
9.1
Introduc tion
The poor and the well-to-do in Maguwoharjo live in what
are essentially different worlds.
which
The geographic proximity
throws them into daily contact masks
gulfs which set them apart
in nutrition,
education,
and philosophy.
work,
language,
the substantial
material possessions,
Predictably,
they
have ideas about the role of children in their lives which
stress different
aspects of a child's potential;
for some
the possibility that a child might work in a family business
and carry on the family organization is important, while for
others
there is more concern with the pride of being socially
recognised as an adult.
Because of this the whole
structure
of the goals involved in the childbearing process —
including
the goals surrounding sexual behaviour as well as those
specifically and consciously related
of a child —
is strongly related
of the individual.
to a particular quality
to the socioeconomic position
Our discussion to this point in the thesis
has revealed some of the basic differences
in these goals and
has shown the way economic and social factors act as constraints
on attempts by the parent
to attain his or her goals.
In
this chapter we will analyse some of the information presented
above in the light of the analytical framework discussed in
Chapter 2.
Two questions will guide our thinking.
are many children really valuable
In asking
First,
to parents in Maguwoharjo?
this question we explicitly want
to know the types
of goals children satisfy for parents of each social group.
The second question,
which is based on the concern shown by
many people over the potential success of policies to control
population growth,
is:
If many children are valuable,
there anything that can be done
values
to change
is
the structure of
so that parents will be satisfied with only two or
three children?
373
374
9. 2
The Nature of Childbearing Goals
The notion of goals as formulations
pursuit
related to the
of pleasure is much stronger in an affluent world
than it could ever be in a society like Java where
threats
the
of general scarcity and periodic catastrophe
combine to make the avoidance of pain a more basic con
dition for the setting of goals.
the use of scarce resources
The need to economize
in this situation
in
is all the
more important because the choices being made are seldom
thoseinvolving a difference of a few quanta of happiness
depending on the purchase of some frivolous object,
rather the quite vital
but
issues of subsistence and survival.
This being the case, we must consider how childbearing,
rather
than any other behaviour,
could be a preferred path
for goal satisfaction.
We have seen how Spengler1s analytical
2, Section 2.2)
and how,
the decision maker must necessarily face
a situation where any attempt
goals.
on other,
to attain one goal may have
and sometimes only remotely related,
The interrelation between goals may be one of com -
p lernentarity
(so the expenditure of scarce resources
the attainment
sought)
(Chapter
stresses the idea that goals are interrelated
as a result,
consequences
framework
of more goals than the one which was actively
or supplementär ity
the basic need,
involves
(attainment of one goal satisfies
and thus other goals derived from that need
are no longer desired),
both of which cases might be charac
terized as involving windfall benefits.
goals may be in conflict,
(so that
the attempt to attain one
goal necessarily precludes any attempt
or they may demand
On the other hand
to attain other goals)
the use of the same, very limited resources
(thus the attainment
of one goal leaves insufficient
for the attainment of others)
resources
and the notion of opportunity
cost may be applied to describe how the cost of goal attain
ment involves not only the direct use of scarce resources,
but also the loss of the opportunity
to attempt
the satisfac
tion of alternative needs.
These principles are particularly relevant
to an exam
ination of the behaviour of the poor people in Maguwoharjo.
The comparative lack of material and social resources
at
375
their disposal
implies
that any action which they take in
attempting to attain their material,
social and psychological
goals may face them immediately with the problems of goal
conflict and exhaustion of resources.
In this context the
fact that a child is a multi-functional
thus involving
source of satisfaction,
the attainment of many complementary and supple
mentary goals at once, makes childbearing a preferred activity.
We might even suggest
that lower order births involve so much
immediate satisfaction that a poor person might
tend to under
value the relatively distant and long term costs of childbearing.
Only as the satisfaction related
to each successive birth falls
and the costs of the earlier births become more immediately
apparent
goals
is the parent
likely to perceive that attainment of
through childbearing may be unworthy of the cost.
at that point the non-material
deflect any attempt
But
costs of birth prevention may
to control family size.
The situation faced by a well-to-do family is quite
different.
In the first place,
the existence of alternative
forms of goal attainment competes with childbearing more effect
ively than is the case among the poor.
with regard
to material needs.
This is especially true
Rich people are able to hire
workers
to do the onerous tasks around their house or in their
fields,
but poor people seldom have enough cash to make similar
arrangements.
The children of the rich,
then, are not the keys
to the attainment of material household welfare that the children
of the poor represent and they involve much greater investments
in schooling, material objects and clothing.
For this reason
the perceptions of the value of children among rich parents are
centred on the costs of childbearing rather than the potential
material benefits.
A partial exception to this generalization arises with
regard
to the value of a family unit over and above the value
of the individual members of the family.
see their ability
to achieve better positions
power structure as being related
extended family,
in the social
to the strength of their
and as such a family full of children is
regarded as being stronger
children.
Rich people sometimes
than one with only two or three
A son who does well in school and secures a good
position in the government brings prestige
to the family,
and
376
a dditionally
for younger
tion
may be
siblings
is virtually
seldom have
such
c h i l d bearing
9.2.1
The
instrumental
and cousins.
u n a t tainable
disposal.
"ideal"
goals
perceptions
This
poor
type
they presently
size.
of
The
position.
The
setting
face
in terms
of
right,
poor
are also
related
have
ideas
about
on an assumption
of
income
to these
feel
their
or else
too large
see a good
family
their
contain
a substantial
economy.
They also
children
family
are meant
Both groups
and
the poor
shelter,
are
ing are not
way
but
difficulties
The Emergence
The
frustrated
fact
that
by the
than
the
the
goals
attempts
their
goals
of
"enough"
are
family
and
size
economic
involv
they have
family
an "ideal"
they
"ideal".
as involving
of living,
related
related
but
goals
to children,
to achieve
basic
needs
to c h i l d b e a r
produce
supposed
sickness
see their
the most basic
They may physically
the risks
of getting
As a result
to satisfy
the satisfactions which
by
about
to the standard
as
ideal
the potential material value
smaller
in their
that many of
satisfied.
are diluted
9.2.2
as well
Their
than
see childbearing motives
related
struggling
the result
ren,
as being
thus
of goals
to bring.
size
constraints
an "ideal"
of speculation
to idealize
the rich have been able
food
with
tend
sizes
statements
amount
of an
size as n ecessarily
about
their
the
constraints,
and
thus
the
actual
for
only
at his
and prices.
fertility
that
by
a good
of
at present,
of
their
to the concept
is higher
while
they
are not
of means
of material w e lfare which
a hierarchy
situa
conditioned
ing a level
current
of
and Means.
the scarcity
rich
they generally
just
but
are based
the adjustment
is either
which
position
families
set by an individual
is p articularly
for a family which
as a result
this
in mind when
of Goals
of basic values,
family
involves
a good
goals.
The childbearing
individual's
Since
for most
possibilities
I nterrelation
reflections
in securing
the c h i l d
to be met
and mortality
in this
and
the
to eat.
of New Goals with
the c hildbearing
lack of resources
Rising
Income
goals of poor people
has
led
some people
to
are
377
speculate that an increase in real income in this section
of the community would lead to higher fertility,
to an increased desire for children.
or at least
This was part of the
argument advanced by Leibenstein in his discussion of the
impact of modernization on the value of children.
In
Maguwoharjo we can see two influences which might negate this
effect.
First,
since many of the childbearing goals of poor
people are related
and insecurity
to their attempts
in their lives,
to minimize uncertainty
an increase in income which
brings with it greater security might be seen to eliminate one
of the motives
for having a large family.
The increase in
income will have this effect only if it is not tied to a
strengthening of the family as an economic organization,
through,
uction,
for example,
familial ownership of the means of prod
or the influence of a family unit in the distribution
of the access
to social power,
would exist grounds
remembered
in both of which cases there
for high fertility.
It might also be
that an increase in income would have an impact
only if it involved an improvement
in the health and material
welfare conditions
for it is unlikely other
wise to change
is concentrated
in the society,
the attitudes of people whose basis
in those areas.
Of course,
health and material welfare can be expected
and produce pressures
for higher
for insecurity
an improvement
in
to decrease mortality
fertility and larger family size,
but as we will see later these are likely to be circumvented by
other social changes currently taking place in Maguwoharjo.
The second influence
is the increasing variety of goals
which are emerging g s part of the institutional changes occuring in the society.
Thirty years ago,
those who are today at
the end of their childbearing lives made their first child
bearing decisions
in a community which had only one school,
-
a school which catered almost exclusively for the children of
well-to-do families.
Today,
virtually all children get some
schooling and poor parents often have to cope with the demands
of children who want
inability
to meet
to stay in school despite
the fees.
As a result,
their p a r e n t s ’
parents are coming
378
to see their children
less as objects capable of satisfying
the family's material needs,
a growing
but as individuals which involve
investment of resources.
The impact of increased
income would undoubtedly have the partial effect of encouraging
parents
to invest more resources
increasing
in each child rather than
the total family size.
An additional dimension may
be seen in the fact that if poor children go to school the
parent must bear the opportunity cost of the loss of the child's
potential earnings,
and this will further diminish the material
value of childbearing.
From these arguments we might conclude
that although the
immediate effect of rising income on childbearing behaviour
would be a rise both in fertility and in the survivorship of
children as a result of improved health conditions,
the eventual
effect would be a fall in fertility as parents find that they
are able to afford the costs of sending their children to
school and thus become more deeply committed
to goals of higher
education for each child in a relatively small family.
important point in Maguwoharjo
is that these goals can be seen
to be emerging even though income is not rising,
parents are formulating,
The
and having frustrated,
and hence
an increasing
variety of goals despite their static or falling incomes.
basis
for this anomolous condition
structure of Maguwoharjo,
is the changing institutional
which is putting a wide variety of
health and educational facilities within
but not the material reach,
9.3
The
the field of perception,
of poor parents.
The Problem of Finance in Childbearing
The particular difficulty faced by the poor in arranging
the finance to send their children to school is characteristic
of the more general situation they face in attempting to
provide a good life for their families.
The scarcity of
resources available to them is so severe that only the most
basic needs of physical and psychological survival can be
satisfied -- and even in these areas
which demand compromise.
regard to the problems
there are often situations
There are three points to be made with
faced by poor people
in their attempts
to finance the attainment of childbearing goals.
First,
the
379
absolute amount of the resources
they can spend on any
activity is small in comparison
people.
to
the spending of rich
Thus the quality of the means
attainment
they have for goal
is lower -- their food is poorer,
are more austere,
periods of time —
and their children go to school for shorter
as
such the satisfaction they achieve is
generally attenuated.
directed toward
their iceremonies
Second,
the proportion of their income
the attainment of goals through childbearing
is relatively large,
because they have so few alternative
of goal attainment available to them.
forms
Thus their commitment
to childbearing as an activity which provides material and non
material satisfactions
is relatively amplified.
Third,
as
the resources which poor people expend on childbearing are
concentrated on the basic needs of food and shelter,
the
proportion of the total cost which they must meet directly
through the personal expenditure of cash,
or increase in house
hold income is high.
One implication of these propositions
for childbearing provided
schools,
is that the subsidy
through such social
institutions as
health clinics and social arrangements
cost of ceremonies
is relatively more
important
for sharing the
in the total
cost of rich children than it is for poor children.
the fees exclude poor children from schools,
subsidy of the school buildings,
the central government
health clinic
important
teachers,
is denied them.
facilities,
the additional
etc,
provided by
The same is true of
but there the fees are often less
than the difficulty of transport,
the cost of medicine.
Because
social barriers and
It is sometimes assumed
of sharing the finance of social ceremonies
for the poor than the rich.
that the systems
is more important
Certainly this is true if we take
regard of what the material contributions from neighbours mean
with regard
to the total income of the parents.
However,
it
can be seen that rich people are more likely to spend large
amounts of resources on ceremonies,
contributions
and bring in substantial
from other community members,
importance of these activities
relatively great compared
the total costs of their children.
likely to hold the ceremonies,
thus making
the
to
The poor, who are less
and able to devote only small
380
amounts
on the ceremony when
of
such
expenditures
of
feeding and
poverty
and
for
low social
from many
sidies
for
9.4
is minor
caring
people
of
the child.
status
the pattern of
can only be an impact
occur
in the age at ma r r i a g e
conception.
In the past,
poor women was
and
diminished
and
by both
the various
forms
the
time
of these
the ability
spent
substantial
parti c u l a r l y
numbers
among
of birth control
a limitation
these
rates
costs.
the avoidance
fertility.
intervals
involved
They
thus
important
competing
and
as a result
of
changing
economic
expect
the number
that
be even
greater.
it is the rich women who
c ontrolling
their
lagging behind.
This
of methods
operation
of the Family
and n o n - m aterial
d ramatically
control,
while
of
costs
fertility
Planning
efficient,
and has,
as a result
of
of
and
have
of
displacement
case,
fertility
but,
ent h u s i a s t i c a l l y
a substantial
occasioned
Programme.
are
change
by
in
the
Both the ma t e r i a l
control have
fallen
Programme has provided
safe modern
the
methods
to satisfy
to control
are more
as the
relatively
but
family.
times
goal
is the
control
of fertility
for rich mothers,
the
it is the poor who
is the result
the range
classes,
conditions we would
this
peculiarly,
fertility,
we also saw
that parents
In these
attempting
In fact,
However,
into
substantial
of women
Pres
substantial m a t erial
goals.
of goals
the
1950's.
to be necessary
increasing variety
the
between births
indicate
of childbearing
by
traditional
of children born
have
sig
improvement
social
long used
The
altered
the early
to achieve wide
of
of secondary
unions.
since
have
if changes
disruption which
the general
in all
that
fertility
and
of women
the poor,
attempts
we know
onset
is currently being
to the number
and n o n - m aterial
them with
sub
to control
the
of marital
in childbearing
factors
result
seen,
the early
in higher
would
offer
on fertility behaviour
depressed
this would
some more
cost
material
fertility motives,
umably
felt
cost
Control
as we have
declining divorce
times
total
institutions which
about
At
to the
the
to exclude many poor
in health which has come
that
that
In sum,
of Fertility
there
rapidly
act
the social
Patterns
Whatever
n i f i cance
compared
find
childbearing.
Changing
sterility
it is held,
forms
of birth
types of personnel
381
employed,
This,
catered for their feelings and cultural sensitivities.
combined with the changing age at marriage and the
changing structure of their fertility goals,
their fertility
implies
that
is falling and will continue to fall in the
foreseeable future.
Why has a similar response not been forthcoming among the
poor?
The answer to this question is mixed.
extent poor mothers have responded
methods of birth control,
To a certain
to the availability of new
and have adopted them as inexpensive
means of family limitation.
But for the bulk of poor women
the fear of particular methods,
the lack of empathy on the part
of the people who promote them,
and their general feeling of
insecurity combine to make the non-material costs of accepting
these methods prohibitively high.
As a result,
some women
continue to risk the dangers of massage by the dukun with whom
they are familiar and whom they trust,
rather
than accept
the
"risks" associated with an encounter with the staff of a
clinic and the acceptance of an IUD.
The fact that their eval
uation of the relative risks might be shown to be objectively
wrong is not as important as their perceptions of the reality
of the situation.
So long as they continue to mistrust
Family Planning Programme it is unlikely
the
that poor women will
use effective modern methods of fertility control to achieve
the numbers and spacing of children which will most appropriately
accord with their fertility desires.
In short,
there is still
a long way to go before the potential market for fertility
control
9.5
can be satiated in Maguwoharjo.
How Much Do We Really Understand Ab out the Fertility Motivations
of People in Maguwoharjo?
At the beginning of this thesis we set a number of goals,
one of which was the satisfaction of curiosity about
the fert
ility behaviour of people living in a poor community
in central
Java.
It is appropriate to consider whether
satisfied by the material presented
If we accept some of the broad
summarized
that goal has been
in the interim.
trends which have been
in the conclusions presented
in this chapter,
it
might be agreed that progress has been made in understanding
382
a number of the basic reasons why people have the sizes
of family they do in Maguwoharjo.
The depiction of a
positive relation between fertility and income level,
and
of a negative relation emerging between income level and
the voluntary use of modern forms of birth control indicate
a potential reversal of fertility
modernization.
in the face of
Should the mortality levels affecting poor
families continue to fall,
more dramatic,
patterns
this reversal could be all the
and eventually we might
see a time when the
poor have more living children on average than will be the
case for well-to-do families.
precludes
However,
such an outcome
the possibility that the non-material costs of
birth control will fall for poor mothers or that there will
be a continued emergence of goals that compete
presumably served by large family sizes.
this
thesis would place substantial
impact of these two factors,
with those
The evidence from
emphasis on the potential
and would thus support a contention
that the fertility of all Maguwoharjo women will be falling in
f u tu re .
How far can fertility reasonably be expected to fall?
The answer to this question lies in the interaction of the
variety of costs and benefits we have analysed
chapters.
Certainly,
there are no signs that later marriage
will lead to rising rates of non-marriage,
indications
in previous
that "no-child"
nor are there
families will become acceptable
among the young people of Ma g uw oh ar jo .Children fulfil too
many social functions
to be avoided altogether.
time the non-material value of the first
few children is
substantially higher than those which follow,
no reason to believe
and there is
that many parents would not accept the
size of family indicated by their ideals,
or five.
At the same
i.e.
a maximum of four
Some might voluntarily choose to have three children.
All of this speculation is subject
mortality continues
to the provision that infant
to decline so that the childbearing goals
of parents can be met directly through their actual fertility
without making substantial provision
rather than consciously)
(albeit subconsciously
for a low survivorship ratio.
383
The factor which plays the most
the differences
important role in explaining
in fertility and the practice of birth control
according to income level is uncertainty.
The goals which
condition the fertility of poor people are characterized by
a basic need to ensure againstcalamity.
There is virtually
no present form of satisfaction other than childbearing which
serves
this need.
As such,
it is hardly "irrational"
precious resources on the production of children for,
as the parent's
to spend
so long
livelihood depends on activities with extremely
low material reward and the threat of sickness or incapacity
places
the spectre of falling below the subsistence level of
life prominently in his mind,
so the idea that investment on
the admittedly risky business of childbearing will seem to him
to be ratio na l.
Nor can we say that this behaviour is "irresponsible",
at least not when it is compared with
well-to-do.
The social investment
the behaviour of the
in children —
from the
provision of health facilities and schools to the achievement
of social and political power -- is biased in favour of rich
families.
The poor gain a relatively smaller subsidy for their
childbearing
contended
from other members of the society.
It might be
that they are irresponsible with respect to the
interests of potential
children,
since,
it is said,
they are
bearing more offspring than they can care for "properly".
However,
from a different perspective,
it might be countered
that the absoluteness of their own poverty implies that they
are causing no more suffering for the children than they them
selves have suffered.
Because of this,
the Javanese proverb
"what matter if we eat so long as we are together" has less
the spirit of flippancy than of pathos.
We can also appreciate
that fatalism in a condition of such great uncertainty might
be a rational attitude while seemingly tenacious ignorance
of modern forms of contraception and techniques of production
may be a mark of the mistrust by individuals of the potential
effects of change
in their lives.
The poor have very little,
and they do not want to lose it.
This much understanding of the motivations underlying
fertility behaviour might seem substantial at first, but it
raises many questions which we are not able to answer within
384
the scope of this thesis.
In particular,
we would
like to
look deeper into the whole nature of parent-child relation
ships and into how these are changing in the face of changing
ideas about
the role of children in the family.
There is
also more work to be done on how specific forms of non-material
benefits relate to institutional
a large family helps
how,
for example,
in the achievement of goals within the
social power structure,
may affect
structures,
or how declining infant mortality
the emotional reaction to infant death.
our curiousity may have been more stimulated
But while
than satisfied,
the information collected in the small village of Maguwoharjo
has been instrumental
in improving our understanding of the
motivational bases of human fertility behaviour.
can help us to answer
the questions
As such it
contained in the two other
goals of the thesis which we specified
in Chapter 1.
First,
what is the impact of the Family Planning Programme on the
fertility behaviour of the community,
need to go "beyond
measures could
ing fertility ?
family planning",
and second
is there a
and if so, what sort of
provide potentially effective means of controll
CHAPTER 10
INCENTIVES,
COMPENSATIONS
AND THE SUCCESS
A PROBLEM OF THE VALUE
10.1
"Will Current
With
the vast
characterizes
of
the Third
World,
success
Nations
around
for
of
family
it is often
less
programmes,
have
have
set
rate
from 3.2 percent
to Indonesia's
million
acceptors
themselves
births,
of family
24-35).
two
and
for reducing
for
the
"success"
goals which
In discussions
the achievement
attainment
implies
been
family
taken
achieved
changes
in a set way
ulation.
which
patterns
sizes
planning
to the
birth
contends,
institutional
structures
the
set
for spacing
no
specific
Obviously,
depends
it is generally
assumed
degree
and
which
335
the
the
it is presumed,
this
in turn
of control
of births.
goals
is
has
also
Such
to be related
structure
it is possible
toward
involves
also presumed
control may achieve
progress
success
programmes
and
spacing
are
of use of c o ntraception
without making much
have
as such.
control,
to the social and economic
Davis
while
first,
necessarily
some
behaviour
1975
thinking
size - with
rates
limited,
that
6
set.
goals
are
was
the world,
family
Population
with regard
But,
promote
family
to imply
in fertility
are
to 1
the potential
for any of these
of some
of others.
that
generally
the
of
(1967)
techniques
growth
aim to
1971 and
near Maguwoharjo
providing
to population
ambitious
between
Davis
around
of goals
aim of achieving
considered
clinic workers
second
the potential
that
Kingsley
programmes
goals:
attention paid
greatly on
planning
control when he
family planning
formulated
Iran's
20 years"
planning
it is p o s s i b l e .
from
over
family
to agree
ranging
percent
of
the nations
a wide variety
growth
of population
in
impossible
recently
the p opulation
1974:
planning
almost
"reduce
(Nortman
OF CHILDREN
of goals which
on whether
the world which
policies
PLANNING:
S u c c e e d ?"
complex mixture
ijs, much
poulation
their
and
the promotion
on what
specific
Programmes
OF FAMILY
that
of the p op
the programmes
of changing
the
timing of births
population
support
high
control,
because
fertility
remain
386
untouched
by the programme.
tradiction,
and
he says,
continued
One of
to evaluate
the
high
tendency
favouring
Mamdani
shows
for
planning.
Individuals
problem
in a different
know."
The
same
sort
way:
social
the
led
the study's
outside
crops
"are
the people
still
are phrases
do not
10.2
which
respond
"Beyond
to the
Family
Partially
economic
through
to go beyond
in many
feasibility,
presumed
success
implementation
alone,
Berelson
readiness,
economic
the programmes
that
educational
(1969)
has
political
to extend
campaigns
family
criteria,
social
at marriage),
increase
research efforts,
on nations
implemented
a c c e p tability
concludes
planning
the
institutions
to promote
of these,
that
and
potential
designed
(such as the
fertility
and
services
schemes
or apply
accord
a d m i n i strative
relatively high
while
designed
of schemes
viability,
Berelson
are of
of schemes
types
ethical
11)
and
control
summarized many
specific
pressure
-
"underdeveloped"
developed and
the major
(1969:
to his
the social
of population
to m a n i pulate
political
masih b o d o h " -
a wide variety
capability,
designed
according
field workers
of unenlightened)
of societies w h ich are
effectiveness.
intensify
to concerns
an evaluation of
to scientific
you
programme.
family planning have been
and attempted
ing
family planning
planning
countries.
ignorant,
the
P l a n n i n g "?
successful
family
to promote
to explain why particular villages
in response
structure
precludes
are used
(in the sense
searched
expressed
up among
"Prang t a n i b o d o h " or "Rakyat
stupid
Study
to the villagers'
attempts
in Indonesia.
are
control
institutions
Khanna
the study
the peasants
of reaction
to see
"consci e n t i o u s l y
have
is
in the society.
critique of
and rejecting
programmes
to accept birth
strong
of the study
on attempts
a d ministrators
to exist
factors J" that might
misunderstanding
as this
planning
that
in his
con
for contr a c e p t i o n
such
of peasants
continue
144-148)
how the directors
family
family
indicative
inherent
733).
of programme
fertility
(1972:
'cultural
of
on the part
high
(1967:
of reasoning
"success"
as being
is no
the desire
fertility
on the part
any reluctance
"services"
between
the effects
the
There
age
specific
control
are
387
of mo d e r a t e
to high
effectiveness.
children"
capability,
Schemes
to parents
or c o n s tructing
designed
of sometimes
to m a n i pulate
by restr u c t u r i n g
incentive
fertility
control
potential
effectiveness
Raulet
but
are
is even more
programmes
the "value
severe
for the acceptance
of
of
"uncertain"
low a d ministrative
in his
of
tax and welfare benefits
seen by Berelson as being
and of
uncertain
feasibility.
criticism of these
proposals:
The a pplication of social security measures and n e g ative
economic sanctions for specifically anti-natalist p u r
poses would probably be deleterious to overall economic
development in the least developed countries;
these
measures are so far beyond the present economic capacities
of these countries, and would raise such difficult
admini s t r a t i v e and economic problems, that they are
probably not worth serious mention.
However, the interest
sometimes shown in such proposals could distract from a
more fruitful approach to population policy.
(1970: 23)
In spite
some
sort
of
tax systems
of such c r i ticism proponents
incentive payment
continue
und e r d e v e l o p e d
about
to push
countries.
may be expected,
As Pohlman
seem to stand
intermediate between
laissez-faire
approaches"
the Jakarta
ulation
social
other
will
are
control
small
such devices.
understand."
the peasants
makers
of
This
of Java,
family
question
arises
potential
conflict
of
do
regarding
these
families?
part
their
they merely
of programme
stated
goals
to
Incentives
as a report
in
a pop
such as
pension
funds
"come-on" w h ich
August
30,
1972:
3)
or
they
"They"
the people whom Pohlman
desperate
programmes
interests
relate
of
as to whether
the promotion
programmes
Are
Times,
planning
to resort
incentives
institutions,
while
of desp e r a t i o n
compulsion and complete
Or,
include
for
"If concern
"To be effective,
increasingly
The
makers
such
is the sort
(Jakarta
as becoming
the
saving
of d i f f e rential
sterilization.
119).
said:
programme must
security,
identifies
(1971:
Times newspaper
contends,
w illingness
as compulsory
involving
such programmes
an increasing mood
and an increasing
such extreme measures
schemes
or the application
the idea of
o v e r p o p u l a t i o n mounts,
of
between
of
the product
a d m i n i strators
the world.
peasants
of
not be a
and
policy
programmes.
of children
who have
in any other way?
the policy
there might
of incentive
to the value
are
in peasant
frustration
failed
To answer
How
on
the
to achieve
these questions
388
we might divide
the various proposals
into two groups.
The first group includes
which seek to provide alternative,
goals
those proposals
specifically
to compete with childbearing.
assumed,
relating to "incentives"
financial
In this way,
it is
goal displacement will occur in the parents'
functions,
preference
and fewer children will be desired, with the result
that fertility will fall.
What
is characteristic of the alter
native goals is that they are incompatable with fertility goals if the parent wishes to take advantage of an incentive,
saving scheme,
or the payment of educational
do so only if he controls his family size.
expenses,
or a
he can
The second group
of schemes which are sometimes mentioned as providing an "incen
tive"
(in a motivational sense)
those which seek to manipulate
to the parent,
for smaller family size,
are
the amount of resources available
or the prices of achieving childbearing goals.
An example would be where a parent
has to pay additional
taxes
following
the birth of each child.
Such schemes are not designed
to change
the parents'
but rather to frustrate
attempts
preferences,
to satisfy childbearing goals.
Consider,
for the moment,
the potential impact of these
kinds of schemes on the people of Maguwoharjo.
Among poor
families the lure of the receipt of a potential incentive provided
that they avoid having more than two or three children may be
very strong,
especially since these families are very close to
the subsistence
level of income
to take the incentive,
in any case.
If they decide
they are still subject to the real un
certainty of income and problem of infant mortality which is
inherent
in their economic condition.
They may thus be tempted
to break the conditions of the incentive
in order to provide
greater security through further childbearing,
where they have been sterilized,
or,
in the case
they may undergo substantial
suffering because of the visitation of one of the calamities
which they feared.
tive might cause
The point of the exercise
them to reduce
tion could be an "irrational"
is that the incen
their fertility,
but this reduc
response on their part when viewed
in the light of their long term interests.
3 89
If the p o o r
that
by
they
do
people
not
have
policymakers
the
programme
Even
if
near
ren
would
not
serve
to
-
appropriate
reason
to
society
act
obviously
of
basic
proves
to
to
personal
or
since
people
their
or
is
that
basic
of
and
fertility
would
serve
scarce
by
mainly
and
to
inappropriate
to
the
a
any
have
sort
an
material
family
believe
that
to
in
immediately
fall
in
the
level
introduced
of
rich
have
been
following
available.
introduce
an
of
the
as
new
goals
people
the
easier
such
expensive,
harmful
accomplish
As
fertility.
fact
substan
satisfaction
suit
methods
administratively
which
‘'"It m u s t be n o t e d h e r e t h a t I a m n o t a r g u i n g
s c h e m e s or p r o g r a m m e s for old a g e s e c u r i t y
a g a i n s t r e l y i n g on t h e s e as a m e a n s to t h e
t i l i t y o v e r a s h o r t p e r i o d of t i m e .
These
v a l u a b l e in t h e m s e l v e s , and if t h e y b e c o m e
of
incentives
element
of
of
goals.
the
of
social
impact
to
already
(derived,
behaviour
fertility
were
so
the
the
the
on
are
attributable
is
a
of
impact
large
sources
of
upset.
more
become
lives
values
be
alternative
to
the
there
childbearing
responding
potentially
resources
little
circumventing
scheme
could
among
to
at
witness
behaviour
control
inefficient,
use
goals
challenged
needs,
still
would
decline
fertility
tially
we
reason
source
is
indirectly
a
a
also
that
at
of
practice
would
as
nu
an
village
might
best
it
a
of
child
is
for
directed
incentive
an
the
the
"fatalism"
motives
influence
there
be
in
disincentive
the
would
th a t
that
much
so
Certainly,
However,
peasant
causes
him
Such
children
to
from
village
for
regard
while
the
motive
families
level
wellbeing
with
the"incentives"
in
their
compulsion.
that
the
decline.
the
poor
mean
and
"responsibly"
non-material,
if
would
against
that
many
would
adults,
the
his
so
and
but
rich
the
"necessary"
substantial
that
anyway
to
deemed
ensure
reaction
environment
structure,
the
the
is
to
inconceivable
fact
health
well-to-do
example,
as
taxed
tremendous
without
level
injurious
incentive
behaviour,
power
and
be
it
which
material
the
well
response
Among
for
as
reinforce
security
a
were
than
virtually
subsistence
only
be
administered
schooling
would
is
"succeed",
suffer
children
would
it
be
did
the
trition,
of
could
it
are
and
Maguwoharjo
more
there
programme,
of
that
are
would
entirely
Maguwoharjo.
against savings
per s e , but o nly
r e d u c t i o n of f e r
p r o g r a m m e s are
t i e d to v i r t u a l l y
(continued
on
p a g e 390 )
390
Thus we might conclude that while attitudinal
behavioural changes similar
demographic
and
to those which accompanied
transition might be necessary
the
to provide the
base for fertility reduction these cannot be provided by
programmes which merely simulate certain aspects of institu
tional change.
In order to be effective,
functional reactions,
by peasant
and avoid dys
the value of children must be perceived
families as really changing.
This means
that the
institutions which are supposed to compete with childbearing
in the satisfaction of the parents'
of the trust of the parents.
and particularly difficult
like Indonesia,
where
This
in a very poor country
the necessary infrastructure to promote
is lacking.
to imagine the attempt being made,
throughout
is particularly necessary,
to achieve,
such institutional changes
have,
needs must be fully worthy
It is not impossible
though.
Indonesian people
the period of their independence,
shown
creativity and enthusiasm in developing programmes despite a
paucity of financial resources.
other nations are relevant.
the changes being wrought
In addition,
the lessons from
One observer found that in China
in the countryside have meant that
"productive labour has become the major capital asset and
major determinant of income,
has been reduced
and the economic role of the family
to one of a consumptive
(sic.) unit
(as opposed
to the traditional family which was at once a productive and
consumptive unit)."
(Chen 1973:
16).
10.3 "The Myth of Population Control"?
To say that there are institutional
fertility as Davis'
necessarily
article and this thesis do, is not
to imply that activities
"family planning" are useless.
does in his recent book,
1
(Continued
supports for high
included under the rubric
Nor does it argue,
as Mamdani
that the control of population growth
from page 389)
unattainable goals they may suffer irreparable damage.
The
key to their success is trust.
As such they must work in a
way that ensures that the service they provide to people is
of the highest quality possible. This will not be done quickly
in Indonesia, for as we saw in Chapter 5, too many people are
sceptical of banks, government departments and other social
institutions to be persuaded to base their future on these
without substantial evidence of security.
391
involves a "myth" concerning the value of children to
peasants.
From what we have seen in the previous pages it
should not be hard to accept the notion that the fertility
of people in Maguwoharjo, and in other areas of Java, might
be expected to fall if the non-material costs of birth control
decline, even though there is presently a relatively high value
attached to childbearing.
In addition, there are many things
which the government can do "beyond family planning" which
will act to change substantially the importance of children
in peasant families.
One of the most important measures which can be con
templated is the reduction of infant mortality. The strongest
theme underlying the behaviour of poor people is the uncertainty
in their lives, and much of this is linked to the fear of sick
ness and death in a society which makes few extra-familial
provisions for aid in such events.
The problem Mamdani en
countered in Manupur (one of the Khanna Study villages) with
people who puzzled at the enthusiasm of the government in its
programme to control births and its distinterest concerning
problems of sterility or sickness are also evident in Java.
As we saw in Chapter 8 some of the most successful family
planning fieldworkers were those who carried medical supplies
with them. They were identifying their interest as being the
total welfare of the family, and thus they were more likely
to be trusted in their activities.
Changes to the structures of social institutions may
also have a sbustantial influence on fertility if they rein
force the kinds of factors which are presenting the younger
generation with a variety of alternative goals.
In this regard
the spread of schools may play a major role, especially if
these are geared to promotion of practical forms of education
in addition to the traditional skills or reading and arith
metic.
In this endeavour the removal of barriers to the attend
ance of poor children (including the reduction or abolition
of fees) would act less as an encouragement for the parent to
have more children than as a discouragement of large family
sizes in this and future generations.
Parents today appreciate
39 2
that a child in school offers less material
the short run, and parents
have received
in the next
substantial schooling,
advantage
generation,
in
if they
will be even more
likely to have the sorts of "rising aspirations" which will
encourage them to control
their family sizes.
The orientation of education toward goals appropriate
to rural development and the expansion of facilities
to
include substantial numbers of poor children at higher levels
might also be expected
to decrease
the value of a large family
for purposes of attaining and marshalling political and social
power.
This would also tend to remove one of the motivations
to higher fertility among some well-to-do parents as it became
clear that achievement rather than family networks provided
the basis for material success.
These measures,
along with
the announced intentions of the Second Five Year Development
Plan to "create broader and more equal opportunities
whole people,
for the
collectively and individually" and "to raise the
living standards"
(Department of Information,
No date:
7)
describe a wide range of insitutitional changes which can be
made beyond
family planning which will have the indirect effect
of encouraging population control.
The Family Planning Programme has a key role to play
in this effort.
First and foremost,
its current efforts to
reduce the non-material costs of birth control by encouraging
the comm er cial marketing of pills and condoms and the use of
fieldworkers as delivery agents show signs of being beneficial.
If the now substantial
infrastructure of the family planning
bureaucracy can actively promote the control of infant and
childhood mortality in addition to its other duties,
the apparent paradoxes
some of
concerning its role in the service of
increasing social welfare may be resolved.
The coercive methods
and disdainful attitude displayed by some of the people charged
with the responsibility of promoting birth control are counter
productive in an attempt
to encourage a feeling of security
on the part of peasants with regard
to family planning.
It
is also questionable whether such practices as "special drives"
(discussed in Chapter
of new acceptors
3) or the setting of targets
for numbers
serve their intended purpose of making birth
393
control
available
of women.
bridled
in a m e a n ingful
Theories
sexuality
may be amusing
electricity,
on bamboo
policies
of
fertility
to speak
"just
regarding
as
on such anecdotes.
10.4
The End of Either/Or
The data of this
sections
both poverty
to the
meet
and
call
and
for
both
these
the
excess
fertility
p erceptions
proposed
issues
of
family
of parents
be addressed
"first" must
patterns
Molnos
sensitive
to the argument between
to
the people
it recognizes
non- m a t e r i a l
behaviour
carry
they meet
The major
These methods would
so are va l u a b l e
amenable
of
this
integrated
condition,
of what
she
and
field workers
this
programme
in both
influence
calls
to the
and aspirin
to give
suggestion.
is that
its material
on the
creative ways
smaller
at an expansion
and
The
implementing
so as to favour
in themselves,
with
to single
approaches
own bandages
proposes
difficulties
the anti-establishment,
of an integrated
be aimed
"Solutions"
and
as being a real
of that value
in the
forces
are already
and
the
the
the value of children,
forms,
and
linked
family planning.
their
advantage
of parents,
the balance
of more
and
in
one or the other problem
is not
e stablishment
of m o d e r n i z a t i o n
of poverty
parents.
in recognition
problems
seen
and punishments
answers.
the d e v e lopment
as we have
to
of rewards
to fertility moti v a t i o n s
proposes
referring
encounter
respect
(1975)
as involving
designed
inextricably
in
of the
inevitably
the intricate
in Magu w o h a r j o who
for,
either
because
family planning
Programmes
and potential
that
presented
"excess"
the problems
size are
on the assumption
in Java
but
to be
conc e p t u a l i z a t i o n
(with
are needed,
them,"
important
the arguments
of
condoms
showed
too
economic welfare
of Maguwoharjo,
determination
the
are
p a r e n t s ’ own definitions).
the context
must
and
planning
It
effects"
putting
fieldworkers
thesis
on the u n
are also misleading.
of peasants
the
family
based
problem of social
larger numbers
of the "cont r a c e p t i v e
the stupidity
poles,
to ever
behaviour based
of rural people
and
the preceding
way
fertility
of changing
families.
of welfare,
they are also
and
and
predicated
on
394
on the
creation
accords
with
If
effort
this
continue
but
the
not
be
of a prosperous
the stated
saying
is successful
that
importance
in terms
aims
"each
of that
jobs
as much
they will
feel at having
the
child
society,
Indonesian
the poor
parents
brings
"fortune"
of the m i n uscule
labouring
may be
of
and just
its
own
fortune,
to these parents will
as in the pride and
the only development
government.
of Java may
contributions
a healthy
which
and
of the meanest
security which
contented
"goal" worthy
of
family.
the name.
This
APPENDICES
TECHNICAL APPENDICES
3 95
T.l
The Significance of the Ruwatan in Javanese Culture:
A Case Study of the Advantage of a Multi-pronged
Research Methodology.
It is bad to have a small family
(1 or 2 children) because then the
parents have to give a ruwat an which
is expensive and troublesome.
Response of a farmer to the question:
"What are the disadvantages of
having few children?"
One of the difficulties of social research carried out in
the context of a community study is that there are often
tantalizing hints as to new information which could change
the researcher’s perspective about the problems under
consideration, but there is not enough time to follow them
all up.
This is particularly true for the anthropologist
who when confronted with an interesting bit of information
would often like to find out the extent to which it is true
in the society, but because of the limited funds and manpower
at his disposal frequently has to let it pass and go on to
more detailed work among his principle informants.
We found
that the combination of methods used in the Maguwoharjo study
offered us a good opportunity to take advantage of a wider
range of suggestive leads than would have been possible had
we been doing a purely anthropological or a straightforward
s urvey alone.
An example of the benefits gained from this combination
of approaches is the way we were able to follow up the response
to one of the questions which is presented above.
Before the
farmer in one of the northern hamlets of Maguwoharjo had mentioned
the ruwatan ceremony to us we had no idea of its existence.
We
had read most of the major English-language descriptions of
Javanese social and cultural life, but could not remember the
practice having ever been mentioned in any of them,
and though
by that time we had been in the field for a number of months
the subject had never arisen in conversation or fairly intensive
questioning about the family life of the people of Maguwoharjo.
Needless to say, we were somewhat surprised at that point to
learn of a ceremony which apparently had to be carried out
396
in the
this
case
of a family with
ceremony,
concept
and how
of a proper
How had we missed
new
one of
our most
had become
the meaning
planting
to us
of
of cassava,
didn't
find
it a little
sources
the
involved
the
difficult
or so,
that
one
diet
it was
child,
a w ay an g .
taking place
and the
only
Our
One
the
done
children,
the economic
remember had
reliable
sex.
condition
of any
last
ten years
occured
in
the
who had
a talent
for elaboration, told us a story which was
no t h i n g
like
inventiveness.
whether
cases
a ruwatan
of over
or him at
By
well
children,
time
so there was
survey.
decided
in
for figuring
out
sometimes
didn't
included
take much notice
to take
finishing
were
to write
asked
put
The questions
about
the
formal
a case
to the
covered
advantage
exact
conditions
under which
cost,
especially when
the
last
range
of these
quest i o n n a i r e
one
of case
collections
they
of
the interviewers
series
at
is held,
what
of
the time.
them to cover were:
to a supitan
on
of subjects,
they were visiting
a ruwatan
compared
a
ceremonies
up a series
a wide
of both
we especially wanted
and when
ruwatan
study based on a short
respondent
survey was
hope of including
We had been building
data. After
ceremony,
e n tertaining
for the Attitude
little
knowledge
in a card file which
questions
formulas
but we
the inter v i e w i n g
on people's
formal
so we
complex
should be held which
three
under way,
studies
He had
nonetheless
Another neighbour,
that point.
this
question
the
this but which was
if
It
conjunction with
its
c i r cumc i s i on #v
did
old days
of each
the
and
so
they
in the
one
on
surrounding
friend had not heard
could
child's
infants,
of our more
of
they
the harvest
conditions
on
time
However
in Magu w o h a r j o within
one he
this
esoteric questions
a ceremony
or two
By
unusual.
about
by
to the u nderstanding
timing of
to handle.
sure
questions
of new l y - b o r n
a s e 1ame ta n , and depending
family,
ruwatan
the
time?
to these
the
the
two children?
that
the neighbours.
this new enquiry
ruwa t a n , but
just
answers
cycles,
and
said he wasn't
you had
of
find
all
coming around with
calendric
they
for
than
common approaches
asked
What was
it in promoting
larger
it
to find
- we
used
important was
d iscovering
to try
information
1 or 2 children.
family being
We began
using
only
the
does
it
or a marriage
can remember
occured.
As
397
a result of this, over fifty case studies were collected which
gave us some detailed information from a fair
variety of
people concerning their knowledge of ruwatan ceremonies.
We discovered from these detailed coverages
that most
people had only a vague idea about what factors brought
about conditions requiring a ruwatan.
Most knew that it
had something to do with having only 1 or 2 children but were
hard pressed to explain it in any more detail.
They were
agreed that the ceremony would not cost more than a supitan
or a wedding, and commonly they said that the cost would
depend on the economic condition of the family, with the
ceremony ranging anywhere from a simple s elame tan to an
elaborate wayang.
Only a couple of the respondents could
remember anyone having had a ruw a tan within the last decade,
and one of these had given it himself as part of the circumcision
of his son.
It could not have been a very memorable affair,
though, since neighbours who were asked the questions from the
case study had forgotten about it entirely.
At one of the sessions where a case study was collected
the respondent was interrupted in her answers by her grandmother
who had been sitting off to the side.
"If you want to know
about the ruwatan" , the old woman said, "you shouldn't ask the
youngsters because they have forgotten all the old ways".
The interviewer was quick to pick up this cue and began asking
the grandmother about the practice.
the whole character of the interview,
Naturally this changed
a different level of
language was invoked, one connoting great respect, and both
the interviewer and the young respondent sat quietly while the
old woman told them how in
the old days when so many children
died parents had to take good care of those they had.
If a
parent had only one son or one daughter they had to be protected,
and the ruwatan was one way of doing this.
The child was dressed
in white after being bathed in a manner similar to that used in
the preparation of a corpse at a funeral.
A s e1ame tan was given
with mounds of yellow rice and a wayang was held to get slame t,
good relations between men and the spirit world.
Finally, the
old woman said, it was sad that so many people had forgotten
these traditional practices.
Today, if the ceremony is given
at all, it is just a seiame tan, and the parents forget about all
398
the necessary things that make all the difference;
the w ay an g ,
the bathing and the special clothing.
As in so many other things the voice of the older
generation is probably partially correct, but the passage of
time may have made the memory of the ceremony more rigid that
it probably existed in reality.
The ceremony could never
have been very common, since so few people would have had only
one or two children.
Also, just as occurs today, there was
undoubtedly fairly wide variation in the style of the ceremony,
with the rich having more elaborate s elame tans and w ay an gs
than their poor neighbours could have afforded.
decades,
After a few
though, the old grandmother’s recollection would
probably be of the excitement of the rich man's efforts, rather
than of the more modest attempt of the poor man.
The general lessons of this exercise are worth repeating.
First, our initial curiosity about the importance of the ruwatan
was very easily indulged by the fact that we were living in
the study community and could make preliminary inquiries
among our neighbours in the course of our daily contact with
no disruption to the routine.
Second, once we had found that
the ceremony was of rather dubious importance in the community,
it was easy to collect a large amount of detailed information
very quickly as a part of the interviewing efforts already
being carried out.
Finally, when one of the interviewers was
interrupted by a third party to the interview, she was
immediately responsive to the situation.
She, and all members
of the research group, were acutely aware.of the fact that the
project was trying to gather information on the total life of
the community, and that the survey was only one part of the
attempt.
In all surveys like this interviewers are exposed
to a wide range of material which is only tangential to the
questions covered explicitly in the questionnaires, but sometimes
they have no established means of recording this information,
so much revealing data is lost to the researchers.
In Maguwoharjo
this problem was avoided to large extent because the research
group were all living in the village and had a clear idea of
the purpose of the study,
and as a result not only did we
learn much about rather esoteric ceremonies like the ruwat a n ,
but information of a personal or an unusual nature was preserved
as well.
399
T .2
THE ANALYSIS OF AGE MISSTATEMENT IN THE MAGUWOHARJ0
FERTILITY SURVEY.!
T .2.1
In troduction
The problems encountered in attempts
on age in the censuses
countries
and sample surveys
are notorious
in demography.
to gain accurate data
of developing
Societies which have
had little or no tradition of documenting births,
and deaths
and which neither mark birth anniversaries with
ceremonies nor take notice of events
calendar,
marriages
are unlikely
in terms of a Gregorian
to produce individuals who know or
care about their ages in terms of single Gregorian y e a r s .
Demographers
questions
are not surprised to find that responses
to
on age in these countries show a strong preference
for numbers with particular
single ages which
terminal digits,
or heapings
at
are thought by the society t:o represent the
correct age for individuals
at a particular life cycle stage
or level of biological maturity.
The census
and surveys
by problems of this
type.
that ages are impossible
in Indonesia have long been plagued
Some investigators, having concluded
to collect
accurately, have even gone
to the extreme of avoiding the collection of information by
single years
estimate
at all,
asking instead that the interviewers
the respondent’s ages according to five or ten-year
categories.
procedure,
(Soedjadi,
however,
1972).
because it makes
the degree of age misstatement
errors
due
This is an unsatisfactory
and,
in addition,
to interviewer evaluation.
make an effort
to determine
according to single years
according
encourages
If interviewers have
they are probably
to
less likely
to be
cycle stage than if they are
to ten-year age groups.
the collection of age data by age groupings
1
to evaluate
the exact age of the respondent
influenced by the respondent’s life
estimating
it impossible
Aside
from this
severely limits
This Technical Appendix is a revised version of a paper given
to a Seminar of the Demography Department, ANU, on April 7,
1974.
A number of errors in the original paper were pointed
out to me recently by Valerie Hull.
I am also grateful to
Peter McDonald for a number of helpful comments on the original
draft.
400
the range of techniques which can be used to evaluate the
quality of the information.
In an attempt to shed some more light on the problems of
age determination,
the Maguwoharjo
survey was designed to test
a number of alternative methods of data collection.
During the
census of all households in the village, respondents were asked
to give the exact ages of all members of their households.
was designated their "Census Age".
This
The relationship of the
respondent to each member was noted on the census form and the
respondent was then asked if there were any documents available
which gave the various members'
ages.
If there were, both the
age, which was distinguished as the "Document Age", and the type
of document were recorded.
This request for documentary proof
of age did not raise serious objections from the respondents,
probably because the carrying of documents has been a familiar
part of Indonesian life for decades.
Also,
the detailed
explanations of the research project and procedures seemed to
satisfy the respondents that the information from their documents
would be treated confidentially and would not constitute a
possible threat to them or their families.
The data we were collecting on fertility in the survey
required that the ages of mothers and their children be estimated
accurately.
Thus, in the Pregnancy History, interviewers were
instructed to collect information on the dates of birth of the
respondents as rigorously as possible.
For many of the mothers,
this involved the checking of their reported Census Ages with an
historical calendar‘
d which placed their dates of birth, marriage
and childbearing in the time perspective of well-known local and
national events.
This calendar was also used to determine the dates of
births, still-births,
abortions and infant deaths experienced
by the mothers in cases where there were no registration records
of these events and the mother could not readily remember the
dates of occurrence.
In cases where a respondent could give a
date according to the Javanese lunar calendar,
1
this date was
For a numb er of studies giving results of the use of the
historical calendar approach see: Scott and Sabagh 1970,
Caldwell and Igun 1971, Fortes 1954 and Howell 1973.
401
noted and converted to the Gregorian calendar date.
The
system for codes for dates on the Pregnancy History distinguishes
between months estimated by means of lunar calendar, Gregorian
calendar or season of the year, in order to facilitate an
evaluation of the accuracy of these sources.
The determination of the dates of birth of the children
in the village was aided considerably by the fact that we were
allowed access to the birth certificate records kept in the
village office.
These records date back, with some minor
gaps, to 1951, and while there were many children whose births
were not registered, nonetheless over 63% of the children
reported on the pregnancy history had birth certificates in these
files.
The various estimates of the dates of birth collected
for the respondents and their children were converted into current
ages which could then be compared with the other estimates of
the individual's age.
The detailed examination of the results which follows
shows that the application of these methods of estimation resulted
in substantial improvements in the determination of accurate ages
of the individuals surveyed.
T .2.2
Coverage of the Age Estimates
The population pyramids in Figure 6.1 in Chapter 6
demonstrate the distributions of the Census Age, which was
available for everyone in the study area,
and the "Best Age",
which represents a correction of the Census Age based on the
substitution of progressively more accurate estimates of age
for each individual in the study.
The computation of the Best
Age took the following pattern:
1. The individual's Census Age w as taken as the base
for all estimates.
2. If the Document Age was based on a birth certificate
held by the family or an Armed Forces Identification
card, this estimate was regarded as superior to the
Census Age, and, by means of a computer programme,
was substituted for the first estimate.
1
A good almanack giving tables of conversion of dates from
Javanese to Gregorian calendars is essential for social
surveys in Java.
We used Wong Kam Fu's 100 year almanack.
402
3.
A Wo m a n ' s Ag e , t h e e s t i m a t e r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h e u s e o f
the h i s t o r i c a l c a le n d a r during the Pregnancy H isto ry
i n t e r v i e w i n g , was s u b s t i t u t e d f o r t h e r e s u l t o f
s t e p 2, i f t h e r e was a n y d i s c r e p a n c y b e t w e e n t h e m .
4.
A m o t h e r ' s e s t i m a t e of t h e d a t e of b i r t h o f h e r
c h i l d as p a r t o f t h e P r e g n a n c y H i s t o r y was d e s i g n a t e d
C h i l d ' s Ag e , a n d w a s s u b s t i t u t e d f o r t h e r e s u l t s o f
s t e p 3 i f t h e r e was a d i s c r e p a n c y .
5.
F i n a l l y , i f the i n d i v
found in the v i l l a g e
b e f o r e as p a r t of t h e
i m p l i e d from the d a te
and c a l l e d t h e B i r t h
r e g a r d e d as t h e b e s t
took precedence over
The
children
groups
or
by
wo me n
up
to
likely
to
have
remains
their
reason
the
value
and
did
men w i t h
attempts
Age
and
this
the
the
Ages
to
since
by
pregnancy
these
birth
me n
since
Document
Ag e
and
not
we w e r e
of
not
a more
previous
were
the
Severe
they
other
at
method
accurate
interview
young
certificates
convinced,
calendar
for
history.
the
historical
waste
dramatic
of
that
the
most
corrected
determination
only
estimates.
the
would
age
time
were
start
be
of
distribution,
bothering
the
techniques. ^
1 gives
get
an
age
s ome
assumption
was
that
want
to
on
Census
such
presenting
obtained
is
fifty-four,
ages
Best
in
Table
$ge
the
for
not
estimates
in
project,
any
the
age
information
asked
of
of
and
most
heaping
The
change
i d u a l ' s b i r t h c e r t i f i c a t e was
f i l e s , but had not been found
Document Age, t h e c u r r e n t age
o f t h e c e r t i f i c a t e was c a l c u l a t e
C e r t i f i c a t e Age.
T h i s was
p o s s i b l e e s t i m a t e of age and
a ll previous calcu latio n s.
overview
estimates.
documentary
that
of
2
the
With
evidence,
respondents
would
coverage
55% o f
of
age,
of
the
the
various
individuals
it
is
clear
that
cooperate
in
showing
1
In r e t r o s p e c t , i t m ig h t be r e g r e t t e d t h a t t h e s e t e c h n i q u e s
w e r e n o t u s e d w i t h t h e m e n , b u t a t t h e t i m e we w e r e c o n c e r n e d
o v e r t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f t h e E c o n o m i c S u r v e y , w h i c h was a s k e d
o f t h e men a t t h e s a m e t i m e t h e wo me n w e r e b e i n g a s k e d
th e ir Pregnancy H is to r ie s .
In most of our a n a l y s i s t h e age
o f men d o e s n o t f i g u r e p r o m i n e n t l y w h i l e t h e a c c u r a c y o f
t h e a g e s o f wo me n a n d c h i l d r e n i s v i t a l t o t h e f e r t i l i t y
analysis .
2
In t h i s and the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s th e p o p u l a t i o n b e i n g
e xamine d i s th e O r i g i n a l P o p u l a t i o n , d e f i n e d as t h o s e
perm anently r e s i d e n t in the v i l l a g e at the time of the survey
census.
D e a t h s , o u t - m i g r a t i o n and one r e f u s a l p r e v e n t e d
the c o l l e c t i o n of p r e g n a n c y h i s t o r i e s in a s m a l l p r o p o r t i o n
of c a s e s (97 o r
6%) .
B ir th s o c c u r r in g a f t e r the census
w o u l d h a v e a d d e d t o t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f c h i l d r e n wh o h a d a g e s
e s t i m a t e d from b i r t h c e r t i f i c a t e s had they been i n c l u d e d in
these tab les.
T h ese c h a n g e s were n e g l i g i b l e , t h o u g h , and
do n o t
affect
the
analysis
substantially.
403
TABLE
1
COVERAGE OF SURVEY AGE ESTI MATES
( ABSOLUTE NUMBERS)
Es t i m a t e
Male
Female
3162
339 8
6560
1661
1939
3600
Total
Census:
Census
Age
Document
Pregnancy
Age
History:
Wo man ' s
Age
n .a.
1500
1500
C h ild ’s
Age *
165 7
1629
3286
727
815
1542
Birth
Certificate
Notes:
*
C h i l d ’ s Ag e h a s b e e n c a l c u l a t e d o n l y f o r t h o s e
ch ild ren in the O rig in al P opulation.
I t thus
u n d e r e s t i m a t e s th e number of p r e g n a n c y h i s t o r y
e v e n ts which were a c c u r a t e l y d a te d .
(See T ables
4 and 5 b e l o w ) .
+
B i r t h C e r t i f i c a t e Ag e w a s c a l c u l a t e d on t h e b a s i s
of th e c e r t i f i c a t e s in t h e v i l l a g e r e c o r d s .
It
u n d e r s t a t e s t h e n u m b e r o f a g e s v e r i f i e d by b i r t h
c e r t i f i c a t e s , as i n c a s e s of p e r s o n s r e g i s t e r e d
in o t h e r a r e a s , or p e r s o n s whose c e r t i f i c a t e s are
l o s t t o t h e v i l l a g e a r c h i v e s b u t wh o s t i l l c a r r y
t h e i r own c o p y .
Sources:
their
Age+
Study
various
Census,
Pregnancy
identification
the
interviewers
were
too
hard
this
matter
authorities
that
this
activity
forbidden
The
Table
sources
3.
The
of
bias
that
the
census
were
out
working.
family
instructed
to
give
garrulous
everyone
the
in
the
(such
also
sources
households,
Indeed,
warned
Document
a high
those
possible
Thus,
wh o w o u l d
unfounded.
the
during
because
information.
be
Records.
pressing
been
to
Village
respondents
taken
as
not
avoid
had
and
wo me n
is
and
respondents
by
s ome
type
of
Ages
are
local
"political"
researchers.
Census
wherever
neighbours
to
we
foreign
There
was
appear
usually
as
try
might
toward
was
reported
since
both
relationships
spouse)
member
to
cards
instructed
on
History
the
day
the
to
the
when
proportion
involving
have
there
estimate
persons
were
adult
were
the
men
nuclear
a parent
an
in
fact
ma n y
of
interviewers
while
gladly
these
reflects
shown
or
were
household
often
ages
usually
of
ignored.
404
TABLE 2
DISTRIBUTIONS OF SURVEY AGE ESTIMATES FOR THE ORIGINAL
POPULATION
(ABSOLUTE NUMBERS)
Age
Group
Census
Age
Documen t
Age
0-4
5-9
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65-69
70-74
74+
908
1037
970
679
386
366
402
383
349
249
282
143
162
93
90
61
487
480
356
329
218
253
263
238
234
200
187
133
97
59
43
23
Woman's
Age
7
30 3
188
173
189
215
176
159
90
Child’s
Age
Birth
Certificate
Age
880
894
768
514
157
52
18
3
416
410
403
280
33
Sub-Total
Total
6560
Not
Applicable
3600
1500
3286
1542
2960
5060
32 74
5018
6550
6560
6560
6560
6560
Total
Note:
Although the Pregnancy History had 1529 respondents
only 1500 of them were in the "Original" population.
See Chapter 4 Section 5.3.
Source:
Same as Table 1.
Only in cases where the household members appeared senile,
insane,
extremely shy or intellectually handicapped were these
other sources consulted.
The Document Ages are also under
represented because of the fact that men who work away from
the household carry their identification cards, and often those
of other family members, with them and thus this information
was unrecorded.
This was particularly true in the case of
public servants and soldiers.
The use of the historical calendar during the Pregnancy
History interviews seems to have been successful.
We have no
direct means of knowing the proportion of women who revised
their estimate of age as a result of the use of the calendar,
405
TABLE
3
SOURCES
OF ESTI MATES
AClES
OF THE CENSUS AND DOCUMENT
( PERCENTAGES)
(Totals
Subject
to
Rounding)
Male
(N=3162)
Female
(N=3398)
Census
Total
(N=6560)
Ag e
Source
Self
Parent
Spouse
Affinal relation
Consanquinial rela tio n
Non-relation
Do c u m e n t
Total
18
45
16
9
2
2
9
26
41
9
9
3
2
10
22
44
12
9
3
2
9
101
100
101
Document
(N = 1 6 6 1 )
( N=19 3 9 )
(N=3600)
38
40
12
2
1
7
32
53
10
1
4
35
47
11
1
1
6
100
100
101
Birth c e rtific a te
Population card
Family card
M il i t ary card
Marriage c e r t i f i c a t e
Other documents
Total
Note:
*
but
the
on
birth
(see
Less
it
the
basis
is
Table
Only
than
likely
a
perspective
of
third
to
In
ma n y
the
exact
Failing
0.5%.
their
that
estimates
the
claimed
number
offered
In
cases
they
month
and
they
to
the
Javanese
in
this
system
by
would
the
of
the
would
dates
had
the
year
were
their
have
calendar
the
month
be
of
their
substantial
supposed
help
birth
of
able
the
the
to
give
month
their
the
the
important
their
children.
or
Ro ma n
and
birth,
remarkable
certificates
to
of
estimate
of
have
month
on
showed
since
to
relied
wo me n
birth
often
to
exact
the
according
calendar,
is
know
addition,
estimate
this,
to
presumably,
birth.
ability
-
4).
remainder,
year
of
Age
remembered
calendar.
date
day
according
of
mystical
birth
implications.
406
TABLE 4
TYPES OF ESTIMATES OF MONTHS
PREGNANCY HISTORY
OF EVENTS ON THE
(PERCENTAGES)
Type of
Es timate
(h1=1529)
(N = 4 782)
35
3
1
62
76
11
0
13
101
100
Roman months
Javanese months
Seas ons
Don't know
Total
Note:
Month of
Child's Birth
Months of
Woman's Own Birth
See Table 9 for a selection of events on the calendar.
Stillbirths and pregnancy losses had some "season" dates.
Source:
Pregnancy History.
There was some worry
at first that the women would give false
information on the Javanese dates,
either because of ignorance
or out of fear that the information might be used in some
attempt
to cast spells
on the children, but this apprehension
was alleviated when we were able to trace the birth certificates
of 131 of the children whose mothers had given Javanese dates
for their births.
Seventy-five percent of the dates proved
to be exactly correct, while the bulk of the rest were only
one mon th off.
A frequency distribution of the various
sources
of the dates
of live births
history is given in Table 5.
documentary
recorded on the pregnancy
Over two-thirds
of the dates
come from reliable documentary sources, while another 8%
are estimates based on the Javanese
just seen to be quite reliable.
that about
three-quarters
pregnancy histories
While
calendar, which we have
Thus,
it can be contended
of the dates of birth on the
are verifiably accurate.
the tracing of individual birth
certificates in the
local records was rewarding from the point of view of providing
highly
accurate information on ages,
and as a potential means
of checking the accuracy of other sources,
exceedingly
frustrating at times.
their names
in response to sickness
it was also
In Java people often change
or misfortune,
or at a
407
TABLE 5
DOCUMENTARY SOURCES OF DATES OF LIVE BIRTHS REPORTED
ON THE PREGNANCY HISTORY
Source
Birth certificate
Other document
Total live births
*
Percent
30 30
63
229
5
1523
32
4782
100
•k
No document
Note
Number
Including, in order of importance, respondent's own
notation in a notebook or on house walls, military
rice allowance card, school card, death certificates,
and others (all with less than five cases), such
as church cards.
Not controlled for "Original
Population".
Source: Pregnancy History.
life-cycle watershed such as circumcision or marriage.
To
look for the birth certificate of a man named Supardjan,
then,
may lead to the discovery that he was actually born as Senin,
but finding out such a fact may require hours of patient
searching and the cooperation of village officials who have a
thorough knowledge of the personal histories of their
neighbours.
Because of this it may be contended that the
reliance on birth certificates is inappropriate for sample
surveys or anything as massive as the national census.
This objection can be answered in two ways.
First, in
the case of sample surveys using methods based on clusters
the aid of village officials can be enlisted in advance to
search through their records and issue cards with dates of
birth and marriage to individuals still living in the area.
This would greatly simplify the interviewer's task, and since
the officials are very familiar with their neighbours the
task of sorting out the names would be relatively easy for
them.
The second proposal would require a government policy
initiative.
Today many people in Java never receive a copy
of the birth certificates of their children, either because
of the inefficiency of their local government officials,
or because of their own ignorance of the procedure of registering
births.
Even those who do receive the forms find that the
408
paper disintegrates after a few year's exposure to humidity
and insects.
A campaign to promote the distribution of the
certificates,
and an improvement in the quality of the paper
used, especially if initiated a few years before a census or
major survey, would undoubtedly reap benefits in terms of the
estimation of ages of young children.
It is unlikely that
either of these steps would achieve for Java the kind of
coverage found in Maguwohardjo,
since, as was explained in
Chapter 3, we were particularly lucky to find that the
community possessed a very efficient registration system.
Still, any improvement would be welcome.
T .2.3
Consistency of the Age Estimates
Having obtained a variety of age estimates from a
substantial proportion of the people in the community,
mainly women and children,
albeit
the first task of analysis is to
compare the ages reported for each individual.
This has
been done by cross- tabulating the various age estimates for
each case and determining the proportions of people having
the same age for the two estimates.
For ease of analysis this
was done according to five-year age groups.
It should be noted that since the research project took
over a year to complete,
the respondents were actually shifting
age groups quite naturally as we were collecting their ages.
For this reason only the ages recorded on the census stage
of the survey were collected in terms of completed years,
while other information was collected in terms of year and
month of birth, and later converted (initially by hand and
later with the aid of an electronic computer)
to completed
years with the date of the household census as a reference
point.
Thus, a Child's Age from the Pregnancy History and
his Birth Certificate Age are fully comparable with his
Census Age.
The W om an’s Age from the Pregnancy History was
converted only in terms of years, because the high proportion
of don't know responses to the months of birth would have led
to biases depending on the month chosen as surrogate in the
conversion.
As it stands the age might be expected to
over-estimate the ages of the women by as much as one year,
but when we consider that a majority of the ages reported by
409
the women on the census were concentrated on 0 and 5 terminal
digit ages, it is clear that the effect of this bias on
shifting of age groups would be well below 2 or 3% of any
age group.
Table 6 and 7 give data on the shifting of age groups
which occurred between the Census and the other age estimates.
The very high proportion of individuals in the older age
groups whose Document Ages were at significant variance with
their Census Age estimate is to some extent an indication of
both the inaccuracy of the documents, and the tendency of
the respondents to the census to misreport the ages of their
elderly relatives.
In many cases where a young person was
trying to report the age of his decrepit old grandparent
he would insist that his relative must be ninety, while in
fact it could be easily calculated that sixty would be closer
to the truth.
In these cases the documents prepared by the
village officials, who were more often than not in the
grandparent stage of the life cycle themselves, were undoubtedly
better sources.
The opposite also occurred,
though, with
grandmothers sometimes insisting that they were 25.
documents usually resolved the issue.
though,
Again the
It must be remembered,
that many of the large shifts in age group occurring
between the Census Age and Document Age are accounted for by
documents such as Population Cards and Family Cards, which
were not used in the calculation of the Best Age.
The three most important components of the Best Age,
namely the Woman's Age, Child's Age and Birth Certificate Age,
all show substantial age shifting vis a vis the Census Age.
In Table 7 it is particularly interesting to note that for
both the age estimates based on the Pregnancy History persons
were generally found to be older than they were reported to
be on the Census.
For example,
over forty percent of the
women who were reported to be aged 40-44 on the Pregnancy
History were said on the Census
cases in the age group 35-39,
to have been younger,
in most
Those whose Birth Certificate
Age was 15-19 also tended to be reported on the Census
as being younger than that, with over a quarter of them
having been enumerated as being less than 14.
Of course there
are also numerous cases where the shift was in the opposite
direction, with the Census age being older than those
410
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412
of other estimates, but the net impact of most of the revisions
has been to show that the Census Age is generally an
underestimate of the individual’s true age.
Table 8 looks at these same trends, but instead of the
various intermediate estimates uses the Best Age to compare
with the Census Age.
As a general rule people whose Best Age
is less than 20 would have had corrections, if any, made on the
basis of a birth certificate, while people over that age,
now virtually excluding the men, would have had the corrections
made according to an historical calendar and reference to
documents such as marriage certificates.
The table is
designed to show the degree to which the numbers in each age
group according to the Census Age should not, according
to the Best Age, have been there, and the numbers who were
not in the group who should have been.
The difference between
these two figures indicates the degree to which the Census
Age overstated or understated the numbers in each group, again
using the Best Age as the standard.
Accordingly,
the Census
Age has been found to underestimate the numbers of people
in the age group 0-4, by 2% in the case of females and 3%
in the case of males.
It overestimated the numbers .of people
in age groups 5-9 and 10-14, underestimated the number of
15-19 and 20-24 year olds.
There are many reasons
for these substantial, and often
contradictory, shifts in ages.
The Census Age was often based
on factors surrounding the individual’s stage of life cycle,
physical stature, or schooling,
and these were sometimes
substantially at variance with his or her temporal age.
example,
For
in a number of detailed case studies we found that
a person was enumerated in the age group 10-14 although
they were 16 or 17, because they had repeated years in school,
and were claiming the age which was thought to be "ideal" for
their level.
Similarly, when women marry at very young ages
nowadays they often claim to be older to avoid embarrasment
when confronted by an urbane interviewer.
One "20 year old"
married woman with a one-year old child seemed to be giving
her correct age.
Later, when her own mother's pregnancy
history was taken and the information confirmed with the
village records, it was established that she had really just
413
TABLE 8
MEASURES OF THE EXTENT TO WHICH THE "CENSUS AGE"
DIFFERED FROM THE "BEST AGE"
Census
Age Group
Numb e r
in
Group
(1)
Number
Wrongly
in Group
(2)
N umb e r
Wrongly Out
of Group
(3)
Net
Wron gly
Es tima ted
(4) 2
Percent
Wrongly
Estimated
(5)
Females
0-4
5-9
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60-64
65 +
466
549
460
321
195
217
210
213
177
135
143
89
85
138
25
75
93
65
67
96
104
96
89
54
35
9
2
0
34
56
63
83
71
65
85
104
100
103
46
0
0
0
-9
+ 19
+ 30
-18
-4
+ 31
+ 19
-8
-11
-49
-11
+9
+2
0
Total
339 8
810
810
-
24%
-15
+ 35
+ 19
-20
-15
-9
0
+5
-1
+1
-1
0
+1
-3
+7
+4
-6
-8
-6
0
+3
-1
+1
-1
0
+1
-2%
+3
+7
-6
-2
+ 14
+9
-4
-6
-36
-8
+ 10
+2
0
Males
0-4
5-9
10-14
15-19
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
50-54
55-59
60 +
442
488
510
358
191
149
192
170
172
114
139
54
183
26
91
90
53
26
11
8
5
0
1
0
0
1
41
56
71
73
41
20
8
0
1
0
1
0
0
Total
3162
312
312
Note:
Source:
1
2
_
10%
The "Best Age" is taken as the standard of "rightness"
A negative sign in c o 1 u mn (4) means that the number
of people had best age x but were not said to be in
that age group at the time o f the census.
See text for explanation of sources
414
turned 17, and so had been married at 15 and not 18 as she
contended.
Despite this evidence she continued to insist that
she was 20, since to admit otherwise would have only
highlighted her embarrassment over her young age at marriage.
One of the interesting sidelights to the analysis of the
accuracy of the Census Age is the issue of the so-called
"hollow" 10-19 year old age group which was found on the
1961 Census.
The debate over this phenomenon, which centred
on the question of whether it was caused by age misreporting
or smaller cohorts having been born during the late 1940's,
had to contend with the fact that twice as many people were
counted in the age group 5-9 as were in 10-14. Keyfitz (1965)
marshalled considerable evidence in support of the contention
that the hollow was real, resulting from the turbulent conditions
of the 1940’s and early 1950's, while van de Walle (1966)
and later Iskandar (1970) argued the case that in Indonesia,
as in other developing countries,
there was a tendency for
the 10-19 age group to be understated as married persons
are counted as being older,
and school children are counted
as being younger than they really are.
With the results of
the 1971 Census it has come to be accepted that both real
deficits in the birth cohorts of the 1940’s and misreporting
accounted for the hollow,
since the indentation in the
population pyramid bulged out slightly as it rose to fill the
20-29 year old position in the pyramid for 1971.
In Maguwoharjo,
as we have seen,
the 10-14 year age group
was not underestimated by the Census as Iskandar's theory
would have us believe, but quite to the contrary it was
overestimated.
Of course there are many reasons to question
the applicability of these results to a debate dealing with
the whole of Java.
Maguwoharjo is above average economically,
and the techniques used to get estimates of age there might
provoke different reactions to those found in more rural
communities.
Nonetheless, it is of some interest that while
the reasons for age misstatement we have cited for Maguwoharjo
are similar to those mentioned by van de Walle, namely schooling,
marriage and interviewer estimates based on physical
characteristics,
different.
the direction of their action is quite
Too much should not be made of this, though,since
4 ]5
as
we
have
of
the
argued
conditions
stages
have
would
change
the
T .2.4
Accuracy
So
of
the
age
the
the
of
changed
motives
of
the
collection
that
of
far
the
and
of
individual
the
were
while
resulting
of
some
individual
picture
has
significant
seen
been
is
of
characterize
To
test
calculated
substantial
age
the
calculation,
this
ranges
in
procedure
the
based
on
use
women.
on
of
A
shows
the
not
It
the
this
Age
contended
Age
because
the
Best
argued
that
accurate
Age
picture
especially
digit
if
it
preference
Estimates.
and
in
Whipple
Table
even
more
the
remains,
historical
been
a significantly
respectively
are
has
be
to
estimates
a more
be
related
Census
Considering
9.
The
that
as
Indexes
the
then,
for
improvement
indexes
basis
remarkable,
is
with
only
in
of
an
have
improvement
the
influence
calendar
calculation
greater
life
presumably
basis
now
severe
excludes
What
separate
even
on
Myers
23-62
results
Age.
to
gives
the
cases.
many
and
issues
Maguwo.
presented
and
on
various
might
Census
effectively
Certificate
history
both
15-74
Birth
the
are
these
distribution,
proposition
and
use
the
the
and
may
total
effect
to
this
of
distribution
the
marriage
and
centred
It
it
thesis,
Estimates
in
methods,
ages,
this
misstatement.
superior
constructed.
better
no
Age
has
are
19 6 1 ,
age
consistency
estimates
the
for
of
schooling,
since
Best
obtained
rigour
sections
discussion
each
ages
other
surrounding
cycle
the
in
of
since
the
improvement
pregnancy
these
the
women
is
included
and
correction
of
digit
preference.
1
D e t a i l s on the c a l c u l a t i o n of t h e s e i n d e x e s a n d t h e i r
l i m i t a t i o n s c a n be f o u n d in M y e r s ( 1 9 4 0 ) , U n i t e d N a t i o n s
(1955: 40-43) and S h y r o c k and S i e g e l (1973: 2 0 4 - 2 0 9 ) .
The
b a s i c p r o p e r t y of b o t h i n d i c e s is t h a t an i n c r e a s e in the
m a g n i t u d e of the i n d e x r e f l e c t s an i n c r e a s e in w h i c h the
a g e d i s t r i b u t i o n is c h a r a c t e r i z e d by h e a p i n g at p a r t i c u l a r
digits.
A " g o o d " v a l u e for the M y e r s
i n d e x , t h a t is,
one s h o w i n g l i t t l e h e a p i n g , w o u l d be in the r a n g e of 15
or l e s s , t h u s m o s t of the f i g u r e s h e r e c a n be a s s u m e d to
be q u i t e h i g h .
T h e i n d e x f o r the s u r v e y ’s C e n s u s A g e is
h i g h e r t h a n t h a t of the I n d o n e s i a n C e n s u s b e c a u s e the
l a t t e r u s e d a c o m b i n a t i o n of m e t h o d s to d e t e r m i n e a g e , a n d
t h u s p r o d u c e d a d i s t r i b u t i o n s i m i l a r to a c o m b i n a t i o n of
our C e n s u s Age, D o c u m e n t Age and H i s t o r i c a l C a l e n d a r
determinations.
416
TABLE 9
DIGIT PREFERENCE INDEXES
Myers'
Index
Male
F emale
35
40
37
32
16
24
Total
S urvey
Census Age
Best Age
%
Pregnancy History Women
Indonesia:
Note:
*
@
(3
1971 Census Rur a 1
n .a .
30
7
n .a .
33
n .a .
Calculate d for age range 15-74.
Calculated for age range 15-43 due to the age
res trictions on eligibility for the Pregnancy
History. My e rs ' index for female's best age
on this basis = 10 .
Whipple's Index"*"
Male
F emale
Total
Survey
Census Age
294
313
304
Best Age
286
174
225
P re gnan cy History Women^
n .a .
125
n .a .
Indonesia: 1971 Census
245
261
256
Note:
+
Calculated for age ran ge 23 to 62.
Calculated for age range 18 to 52 due to the age
restrictions on eligibility for the Pregnancy
History.
It is possible that the historical calendar only gave
rise to different forms of bias based either on preference
for years with specific terminal digits, or for important
historical dates.
Table 10 shows that for the most part
this is not the case.
There is some heaping at 1942, the
year of the Japanese invasion, which coincidentally would
give a current age of 30 at the time of the interview,
and at
1948 when the second revolutionary clash occurred, but otherwise
there is no clear bias towards important historical events.
Preference for years with a particular terminal digit occurs
only at 1930, but even here it is unclear whether the preference
is for the year digit 0 or the age digit 2.
The overall
spread of ages is on the whole quite good, and certainly much
better than the Census Age estimates.
417
DISTRIBUTION
OF BIRTH
Age in
1972
1921
1922
1923
1924
1925
1926
1927
1928
1929
1930
19 31
1932
1933
1934
1935
1936
1937
1938
1939
1940
1941
1942
1943
1944
1945
1946
1947
1948
1949
1950
1951
1952
54
53
52
51
50
49
48
47
46
45
44
43
42
41
40
39
38
37
36
35
34
33
32
31
30
29
28
27
26
25
24
23
22
21
20
19
18
17
16
15
OF WOMEN ACCO RD ING
Total
Women
Claiming
Birth Year
(x)
15
6
16
24
30
26
26
29
41
38
34
24
44
25
53
25
44
49
45
51
43
31
37
21
60
31
44
41
31
33
49
30
23
37
70
53
70
65
66
49
1529
Pregnancy History.
P e r c e n tage
1.0
.4
1.1
1.6
2.0
1.7
1. 7
1.9
2. 7
2 .5
2 .2
1.6
2.9
1.6
3.5
1.6
2.9
3.2
2.9
3. 3
2.8
2.0
2.4
1.4
3.9
2.0
2.9
2 .7
2.0
2 .2
3.2
2.0
1.5
2.4
4.6
3.5
4.6
4. 3
4.3
.3. 3
TO CLAIMED YEAR
Selected
Significant Historical
Dates
- Influenza epidemic
- Great famine
- Renaming of village
- Mt Merapi
heads
erupts
Begin construction
of airport
- Completion of airport
- Japanese
occupation
Japanese leave,
Independence proc.
- First Independence clash
- Airport bombed
- Second Independence clash
- Mt Kelud
erupts
- National
election
418
The Indexes were also calculated for the Document Age,
but as might have been expected they were very low since
digit preference existing at the time the document was
issued would tend to disappear in the calculation of
current age a few years later.
This factor may have also
been operating in the case of the National Census of 1971,
where interviewers were instructed to ask for documents,
and could account for the fact that the Indexes for the
Rural Population of the National Census show lower values
than do those for the Maguwo Census Age.^
The improvement of the distributions as regards the
reduction of digit preference might seem to justify the use
of the historical calendar technique, but it does not resolve
the question of whether the technique results in a more
accurate estimation of the ages of individuals,
more correct age distribution.
and thus a
Case studies of major age
shifts shows overwhelmingly that it does.
The mere fact of
having returned to a house and sought out individuals
personally seems to have made a big difference for the
estimation of the wo men ’s ages.
Often they were quite amused
by the estimates given by their relatives,
convincing proof of their real ages.
and could offer
For the majority of
the cases though, the original mis-statement was made by the
woman herself,
and was based on her confusion over the
temporal meaning of various ages.
In these cases the use of
the historical calendar was greeted with genuine enthusiasm.
Their sense of history and event aided them where their sense
of Gregorian time had let them down.
Shifts of ten or fifteen
years were not unknown among the older women and the interviewers'
evaluation and wo men ’s pregnancy histories almost unanimously
supported these shifts.
On the basis of these arguments it
is clear that the Best Age estimates give a significantly
better distribution than that based in the Census Age.
Conclusion
I
The issue, then, reduces to one cited early in this paper:
1
So called "Population Cards" began to be issued in 1968 and
continue to the present day.
Persons estimated to be 40
in 1968 would thus have been enumerated as 43 at the Census.
419
societies
which
Gregorian
calendars
know
or care
years.
But
do not
about
as
can still be
are
the above
obtained,
researchers
calendric
systems,
lifetime.
zealous
determine
used by
ages,
government
this becomes
This
gained by
analysis
the use
to estimate
as
recording
take
ages
the men.
the ability
can also have
of women
in the potential
reminder
imposed by
in trying
to
determination
to be improved before
the benefits
It is
pyramid
to be
all the more
used so successfully
children were not
also used
for Best Age
of our own initial
of improved age
during
in Java.
techniques
and
to recall
occurred
of age
will have
demonstrated
that the
the
and marriages.
some value
the techniques
ages
of indigenous
of documentation
source
accurate
of individuals
events which have
The p o p u lation
an e mbarrassing
advantage
Gregorian
in Java,
of births
of these methods.
then,
of single
if,
officials
has
in terms
of
individuals who
especially
a significant
unfortunate,
with
though
to produce
shown,
The masses
b u r e a ucracies
in terms
has
should
and
of events
analysis
the
significant h istorical
their
unlikely
their ages
government has begun
Social
take note
estimation.
remains
lack of faith
420
T.3
The Method of Calculating the Consumption of Food by
Children of Different Ages.
In Chapter
7 estimates
of the food consumption of children
of various
ages were used in an exercise to show the relative
importance
of various
practices
types
of material costs in the childrearing
of people of different social classes.
These
estimates were made by calculating the relative consumption
of calories by children compared to adult males according to
scales
of conversion developed by nutritionists.
used in these calculations
illustrated in Graph 1.
The scales
are presented in Table 1 and
Some words-of
caution should be given
to avoid misleading interpretation of the results because of
confusion over the assumptions
implicit in this procedure.
The scales will have a number of biases according to
whether
they refer to relative actual consumption,
recommendation or expenditure on foods.
nutritional
These three
concepts
are different because of the fact that the type and quality
of food eaten by adults
children.
is usually not the same as that of
An obvious example
of nutritional qualities
is the fact that the comparison
of breastmilk with those of rice show
completely different proportions
than the relative expenditure
by the family on the two items.
Likewise
need more of certain vitamins
nutritional recommendations
would be different
children
than adults means that the
of quantities
of foods consumed
to the expenditure because,
food high in Vitamin A are more expensive
foods supplying mainly calories
be safely
the fact that
(per calorie)
or proteins.
assumed that in most societies
for example,
Also,
than
it may
the actual consumption
of food at each age is not in exact conformity to nutritional
requirements,
and this would be reflected in the scale.
All of these biases
are related in some way to the social
customs surrounding eating habits.
the diet,
the manner of preparation,
The type of food basic to
social rules concerning
the serving of food according to age or rank,
concerning restrictions
of sickness
of certain types of food during times
or pregnancy all affect
consumed by different members
where
and ideas
the quality of the food
of the society.
Thus in societies
the children eat after the adults and essentially pick
over the scraps,
the consumption
of certain types of vitamin-
421
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TABLE 1
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422
Notes
to Table 1:
•
Scales showing the age-specific consumption of food and other
necessities by children have been developed in response to a
wide range of research needs, and thus are not based on a
uniform methodology.
Note must therefore be taken of the
purpose and method of the particular scale under consideration
in order to understand the biases which may be built into the
result.
Useful discussions of the issues involved in the
construction of scales are contained in Woodbury (1944) and
Sydenstricker and King (1921).
This table has been constructed
from the following sources:
Column
1
Comments and Sources
Atwater Scale.
A scale based on caloric consumption
devised by W.O. Atwater and his associates at the
U.S. Department of Agriculture in 1892.
According
to Sydenstricker and King (1920: 844) Atwater used
a combination of feeding experiments and budgetary
studies to derive the scale.
Atwater's scale is
cited by many writers as Farmers' Bulletin N o . 142,
p.33, but the scale in this table has been copied
from Woodbury (1944) .
2
Sydenstricker and King Scale.
In an attempt to refine
the Atwater scale Sydenstricker and King used data
from an expenditure survey of families in twenty
cotton mill villages in south Carolina which was
conducted in 1917.
Graph 1 shows that their result
serves to smooth the results obtained by Atwater,
with the effect of slightly lowering the total
consumption attributable to the child.
Source
Sydenstricker and King (1921).
3
Williams and Hanson.
This scale was computed from
data collected by the Bureau of Home Economics in
the early 1930's.
It is adjusted to take account of
the 1935 price levels, actual consumption and
nutritional requirements according to age, sex and
activity, as well as family composition.
Dublin and
Lotka used this scale in the 1946 revision of their
classic study, The Money Value of a M a n .
4
National Academy of Science Scale.
Using the published
tables of daily dietary allowances recommended by the
Food and Nutrition Board of the National Academy, I
have calculated a scale relating the recommended
calorie consumption for males aged 18-35 to those for
children of various ages.
The source of the data is
Jelliffe (1969: 171).
By comparison with these scales it might be noted that the scales
assumed by Newman and Allen in their study of Nicaragua (1967)
implied a total consumption by boys and girls of 11.50
units by age 21, while Coale and Hoover's calculations used
a highly simplified scale implying a total consumption of
15.0 units by boys and 14.0 units by girls to age 21.
According to Bailey (1961: 224-225) boys in the poverty stricken
region of Gunung Kidul at age 8-12 consume an average 1006
calories per day while adults consume 1620 calories.
This
indicates a ratio of .62, which closely approximates the Atwater
or Sydenstricker and King Scales.
423
z
w
C4
Q
hJ
i-l
re
o
w
s
o
I— I
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&
CO
o
CJ
Q
C
c
u o p diLnsuoo
ai^W
1 1 n PV p a e p u e j s
JO
3 2 e ; U 9 0 1 9 J
Source:
GRAPH
1
See
Table
COMPARI SON
OF
COMMONLY USED
CONVERSI ON
SCALES
OF THE
Pm
424
rich foods can be limited, while
the practice of giving each
household member a portion of each
type of food at the
beginning of the meal means that nutritional requirements
are more likely
Finally,
to be met.
the level of living of the people under
consideration must have an impact on the conversion scales
because
the principles
of division often vary according to the
absolute amount of food available.
For example,
in Maguwoharj o usually encourages
much as they want and provides
of vegetables
a rich family
the children to eat as
them with a fairly wide variety
and meat or fish.
The child thus might eat
less rice than its parents, but the same quantity of side
dishes, with the result that
the relative proportion of
consumption in terms of nutritional requirements
might be relatively high.
and expenditure
Also the child would have money
for snacks which would add both to the quantity and variety of
food consumed.
In contrast
the child of a poor parent would
be sharing from a small amount of rice or cassava,
very
few vegetables
unwittingly,
as a supplement.
the parent would probably
In this
and have
case,
quite
consume a relatively
higher proportion of the total amount of food available.
both cases
the proportionate
consumption of rice by various
family members might be the same,
availability of other foods, which
"supplementary"
to the meal,
but it is the difference in
are anyway regarded as
and snacks which cause the
variation in the division of total food consumption.
these reasons
In
For all
it might be contended that the scale of conversion
for the poor should conform to that of Atwater or Sydenstricker
and King and of the rich to the National Academy
scale.
However,
of Science
the speculative nature of these arguments
and the poor quality of the data in general make such precision
questionable,
so we have decided to use the Williams
scale as a compromise,
though it may bias
consumption slightly upwards
and Hanson
the relative
at all ages.
Once a scale of conversion is selected the matter of
determining the average amount of consumption by an adult
male must be considered.
to deal only in terms
In these exercises we have chosen
of calories
consumed,
even though protein
and vitamin consumption are of no less importance in the
425
pattem
of total
caloric values
available
food
factors.
Levels
the lower^ middle
1500,
this
2000,
reviewed
in Hermana
in Surabaya
while
a study
a figure
finding
1540
of the
cal.
(1961:
found
per
that
Budget
day'*' while
cites
area,
1400
such
from snacks
Taking
was
all
the
2050
these
1971:
cal.
anything
the
for the upper
be
low,
consuming
have
less
while
than
stipulated.
many
do not
lower
the 1500
Remember
of the
fact
the underemployment
would have
differences
underestimates
that
had
an
Bogor
to have n utritional
7).
per day and
calories were
In one study
the
income
cited
requirement
families
per adult
levels
If
might
be
that we
of labourers
above was
calculated on
regularly,
groups
implications.
reveal
might
unit
the n u t r ition
in the poor
different
three
families
they were w o r k i n g
calculations
than
in Java,
of the
income
cal.
of people
completely
these
that
Timmer
seem unreasonable.
from Jakarta and Surabaya m e n t ioned
the basis
fed
cal.
consumed
in 1938 which
into account
set
a bit
that
per person per day.
studies
set
1669
gave
to the
109)
theoretical n u t r itional
of consumption we have
level
closely
2100 cal.
10%
cal.,
the p l a n tation
found
around
(Hermana,
2)
of 1431
per adult male.
consumed
of a
of labourers
of K o t a w inangun
cal.
results
(1956:
consumed
in 1960 were
c a l . , of which
Indonesians
Commission
of 2402
In making
in the same year
living off
of
in Indonesia and
intakes
of the best
that boys
(1971:
daily
farmers
one
stipulated
conform fairly
a study
students
by Hermana
for
Coolie
consumption
consumption
derived
These
have been
A study
in Jakarta
cal.
this
University
girls
indicated
males
to the
conducted
7,13).
field labourers
334-5)
average
studies
frequently
for adult
respectively.
given
data on
to find mention
levels
calories,
of labourers
of 1591
plantation
income
(1971:
in 1958
relatively
it is rare
consideration was
of nutr i t i o n a l
are
is because
of consumption
and upper
and 2500
selection
number
This
of food consumption
for Indonesia while
of other
as
consumption.
are more
while
in the village
In short,
likely
the
to be
overestimates.
1 The report gives the
(1961: 225) says can
mult i p l y i n g by 1.2.
I 5 4 O, and 1391 x 1.2
figures in per person terms which Bailey
be converted to adult male units by
Thus the relevant figures are 1283 x 1.2
= 1669.
426
T.4
A Brief Description of Benjamin White's Research Methodology.
Some of the data collected by Benjamin White in his
intensive study of Kali Loro has been discussed in the course
of the presentation in Chapter
7, of results
of the work of children in Maguwoharjo.
part of a much
of the survey
This material is
larger body of data concerning the role of
children in the household economy of a number of households
in the village.
White lived in the village
and along with Anne Stoler White,
and personal observations which
economy and social structure
material offers
for over a year,
conducted a series
of surveys
covered many aspects of the
of the area.
As a result his
a particularly detailed and thorough base
which can be compared with the results
of the study of Maguwohajo
presented in this thesis.
At the core of White's methodology was
expenditure
of time by members
of households
which were either materially productive,
acknowledged to be useful to the family.
forty families,
though
later this was
a survey of the
at various
activities
or generally
He began by studying
increased to 100.
household was visited at intervals of six days
Each
(to avoid
congruence with either the seven day Roman or the five day
Javanese
calendars)
and each member of the household was asked
how he or she had spent
interview.
the 24-hour period preceeding the
White contends,
research would support him,
and the experience of the Maguwoharjo
that
the attempt
to gather detailed
information on time expenditure in a society without many clocks
or watches
is not as difficult
In the tropics
regular,
and Javanese hamlets have pronounced rhythms of activity,
passing at constant
that
intervals
shops or offices,
to tell that all is well,
traders
after the opening or closing of
and work being arranged so as to ensure
the correct number of hours
is expended on wage employment.
Because of this it is not unlikely
1
first be apparent.
the rising and setting of the sun is fairly
with wooden drums being beaten
various
as might
to find,
as White did,
that
Kali Loro is a pseudonym used by White for a village located
about 25 km to the northwest of Yogyakarta City, in the hilly
limestone region of Kulon Progo.
427
people could give estimates of the time of day correctly to
within a quarter of an hour.
this ability is pronounced,
Even among quite young children
for it takes them very little
experience to realize the times of school attendance and the
times of the daily prayers.
White's data is slightly inflated by the fact that most
of it (presented here) was collected at the end of the dry
season harvest and thus includes a considerable amount of labour
which was expended on the preparation of fields for the rainy
season.
At that time the demands made on the lab our of
children, and in particular young boys, is increased.
In
should also be recognized that the group White was studying
included many people who supplemented limited farming income
with proceeds from the sale of hand-woven mats.
Maguwoharjo had
relatively few weavers, and indeed it had few of the
manufacturers of coconut sugar who figure so prominently in
the Penny and Singarimbun Study of a poor village in the
south of Yogyakarta (1972).
Such activities tend to be localized,
sometimes within areas of only a few hundred households,
take advantage of local ecological conditions.
and
Thus it is
that in Maguwoharjo a few households along the river make their
living hauling sand and stone to the roadside, while in the
southern areas of Yogyakarta the clay based soil supports a
series of brick-making hamlets,
and the people of White's
are involved in weaving.
The Kali Loro study also included a detailed investigation
of the nature of trading opportunities and practices,
of village house gardens,
households,
reciprocal exchange of food between
and the costs of various s elame tans
various economic classes.
the produce
to people of
At present White is preparing this
material to be presented as a dissertation to the Department
of Anthropology at Columbia University.
Two papers have already
appeared and are cited in the Bibliography as White (1973 and
19 74) .
SUPPLEMENTARY TABLES
428
TABLE
S.3.1
P R O P OR T I ONS OF C L I N I C S R E P O R T I NG
I N C L U S I O N I N MONTHLY S T A T I S T I C S
Month
19 72
January
Feb r u a r y
March
April
May
J un e
July
August
September
October
November
December
n.a.
96
98
96
94
95
95
97
97
98
90
95
Year
1973
Note:
Sour c e :
n.a.
Not
n.a.
185 3
1861
1863
1878
1936
1958
196 7
1984
2039
2067
2084
Numbers
of
209 7
2126
2137
2146
2148
2164
2176
2192
2198
2206
2210
2215
96
97
98
96
95
96
98
97
97
96
95
91
Clinics)
2223
2231
2 2 35
2 2 75
2275
2279
2319
2332
2 339
2413
2438
2442
available
B.K.K.B.N.
Monthly
s ta tis tic a l
FOR
1974
96
93
98
97
97
97
96
97
98
96
97
97
(Total
January
February
March
April
Ma y
June
July
August
September
October
N o v e mb e r
December
ON TI ME
summaries.
429
TABLE S.3.2
PROPORTIONS OF NEW ACCEPTORS REGISTERED AT
CLINICS DURING THE LAST TWO MONTHS+ OF THE
TARGET (FISCAL) YEAR ACCORDING TO PROVINCE
(PERCENTAGES OF ALL NEW ACCEPTORS REGISTERED
DURING THE FISCAL YEAR)
Province
1971/72
%
%
1973/74
1972/73
N
%
N
N
%
Jakarta
18
349 33
35
61184
31
77 721
Wes t Java
22
9 8290
41
179682
19
255531
Central Java
27
107741
28
220452
26
282700
Y ogy akar ta
22
19088
25
372 72
30
50085
East Java
23
233482
36
478460
38
628244
Bali
16
25 796
38
40250
14
48321
23
519330
35
1017300
30
1342602
All Provinces
Note:
*
*
Totals based on monthly reports so are less
than the official annual figures because of
in completness of the submission of monthly
clinic reports (see Table S.3.1).
+
If new acceptors registered in constant monthly
numbers throughout the year the proportion
registering in two months would be 16.6%.
A 30
TABLE S.4.1
CENSUS CHANGES RECORDED DURING THE FIELDWORK
Individuals
Type of Change
Arrivals
Births
Temporary absentee returns
Joins household due to marriage
Temporary resident becomes permanent
Newcomer becomes permanent resident
Forms new household from old members
118
133
4
10
42
34
Sub-Total
341
Depart ures
Deaths
Permanent resident leaves
Leaves household due to marriage
Leaves to form or join newhousehold
Other departure
49
181
7
47
191
Sub-Total
Changes to Temporary
Temporary
Temporary
Temporary
475
Status
absentee becomes permanent absentee
resident leaves
resident arrives
29
32
20
Sub-Total
81
Changes to Marital Status
First marriage
Divorce
Separation
Marriage of divorcee
Marriage of widow
21
2
4
2
2
Sub-Total
TOTAL CHANGES
Source:
Survey Census.
31
=
928
431
TABLE
S.4.2
FIELDV/ORK TIMETABLE
Feb . 2
Arrive
Feb.
2-12
Arrange letters of permission; police clearance;
contact with University and Family Planning
officials; register at embassy, etc.
Feb.
14-18
Arrive in Yogyakarta; contact faculties at Univ.
Gajah Mada; arrange accomodation; begin language
study
in Jakarta
Feb. 19Mar . 20
Language study; collection
official publications
Mar.
Apr.
Language study; visits to district and village
offices in order to select study area
2020
census
( A p r .10-17)
Interview
Apr.
Approach village officials in Magu w o h a r j o
arrange to conduct study in that area
21-28
potential
of local
assistants
and
(Ap r .2 5 )
Final
Ap r . 2 9
Move
Apr. 30May 15
Construct
to house
May
15-22
Print Census
census maps;
with village
schedule; copy existing national
interviewer training; formal meeting
officials
20)
Introductory
s e i ame t an
(May
selection
data;
to M a g u w o h a r j o
May
23-24
Pretest
May
24-26
Revision;
May 27Jun e 4
of assistants
census
schedule;
structural
improvements
Census
A dminister
practice
Census
June
5-19
Hand tabulations of Census
schedules for second stage
June
20-27
Pretest Economic Survey and Pregnancy
revisions; training and practice
J une
Oct.
2 815
A dminister Economic Survey and Pregnancy History;
code census; copy statistics; construct attitude
survey; begin coding Economic Survey and
Pregnancy History
Oct.
16-30
Pretest attitude survey; revisions; training
and practice; coding Economic Survey and
Pregnancy History
A dminister Attitude
N o v . 1Feb. 2 1973
data; construct
of survey
History;
Survey
Continued
on next page
432
TABLE
S.4.2
(Continued)
Feb .
Ma r .
39
Finish co llec tin g s t a t i s t i c s ;
re-checking
coding a t t i tu d e surveys; d i s t r i b u te b ir th
control information booklets
Ma r .
10
Farewell
Ma r .
12
Leave
Ma r .
12-15
Temporary accomodation in
government and U n i v e r s i t y
Ma r .
16-20
Jakarta visits
to
Mar .
20
End
of
selametan
village
arrange for
officials
fieldwork
Yogya; v i s i t s
officials
shipment
of
data;
to
433
O O
O O
'—l O O
tH
O
H
i—I I—I I—I t —I t —I r —
I t —I
o
tH
O O
O O
rH tH
O O O O O'
O O O O O'
rH rH tH rH
tH
o
rH
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TABLES
S.8.1-S.8.33
KNOWLEDGE, ATTITUDES AND PRACTICE
OF CONTRACEPTION
Explanation of Terms
I. BIRTH CONTROL METHODS
1.
Abstinence S. - Abstinence from sexual relations for more than
one year after a child is born with the intention of postponing
pregnancy.
2.
Abstinence L. - Complete abstinence from any further sexual
relations once desired total number of children is reached.
3.
Prolonged Breastfeeding - Breastfeeding for more than one year
with the intention of spacing pregnancies.
4.
Massage - Inversion of the uterus through massage by a traditional
midwife (dukun).
5.
Withdrawal - Withdrawal of penis before ejaculation.
6.
Rhythm - Periodic abstinence during the fertile days of the
woman’s menstrual cycle.
7.
Abortion - Induced abortion.
8.
Condom - Rubber sheath covering the penis during sexual relations
(colloquial terms given).
9.
Paste, Jelly, Foam - Substance inserted into the vagina, prior to
sexual relations, which acts as a spermicide.
10.
IUD - Small object inserted into the uterus (colloquial terms
given).
11.
Pill - Tablet taken orally each day by women.
12.
Injection - Synthetic hormone injections given every three months.
13.
Female Sterilization - Tying or cutting of the fallopian tubes.
14.
Male Sterilization - Cutting of vas deferens.
II. SOURCES OF INFORMATION
1.
Family Planning Worker - Usually refers to fieldworkers but can
include special family planning clinic staff.
2.
Dukun - Traditional village midwife.
3.
Medical Worker - Trained midwife, doctor or health sister, health
officer.
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TABLE
S . 8 .2 6
USE 0 F
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GLOSSARY
The following are some of the Indonesian and Javanese
used in the text, with alternate spellings
Although foreign words
translation
in the thesis,
thus provides
given in parentheses.
are usually presented with their English
in some instances often-used terms
have been repeated without
glossary
terms
their English equivalent.
general definitions
This
for quick reference.
ab an gan
One of the three (along with priyayi and
santri) major socio-re1igious traditions
in Java.
The term generally refers to the
group of nominal Muslims who stress the
animistic aspect of Javanese religion, and
is usually identified with the peasant
element of society
ada t
Cus tomary law
Bahasa Indonesia
National language of Indonesia,
b idan
Trained midwife
dukun
Traditional healer
dukun bayi
(dukun
b aj i )
Indonesian
Traditional midwife
gamelan
Traditional gong and drum orchestra
gana gini
Property accumulated jointly during marriage;
methods of division at divorce vary greatly
h al us
Refined,
j amu
Herbs, herbal mixture
j agongan
Informal gathering of men, generally held on
the night following a selametan
kain
Sarong
kas ar
Crude,
kebaya
(kebaja)
sophisticated,
ill-bred,
cultured
coarse
Women 's blouse
kelurah an
Village administrative unit
kumpul kebo
Consensual union
lan da
Dutchman, white man
Pancasila
Five basic principles
of the Indonesian State
460
GLOSSARY
(continued)
pis ah keb o
Marital separation
priyayi
The socio-religious group which tends
to adhere to the Hindu elements of
Javanese religion.
It is generally
identified with courtly traditions
and with the civil servant class
(prijaji)
r amai
rejeki
Crowded, bustling, noisy
(redjeki)
Fortune, wealth,
food
romusja (romusha)
Conscripted labour during the
Japanese occupation
salat
Islamic practice of five daily prayer
sessions
s an t ri
The socio-religious group which is
composed of the strict adherents of
Is lam
s awah
Irrigated rice fields
selametan
(slametan)
Formal ceremony and ritual meal marking
certain important calendrical and
life cycle events
selendang (slendang)
Carrying shaw1
skrip si
Dissertation required at the
doktorandus level of University,
approximately equivalent to a masters’
thesis
Solo
Major city in Central Java
Surakarta)
wayang kulit
Shadow puppet play
wong cilik (wong tjilik)
The "little people", a term for the
common man
(also
A note on Indonesian conventions:
1. A word followed by "2" indicates that the word is repeated,
signifying either a plural or an intensive.
2. Indonesian spelling underwent reforms during 1972; words
using both systems of spelling are included in the text.
461
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Date
Total
Hamlet
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Finished
1972.
I. All household members who work outside the household or in a household
enterprise or doing housework (age five or over).
No.
Name
Work
details
worked
I
;
___
!
.
hrs/week
first
-
—
weeks/year
Age
0
*
1-
—
—
—
i—
!
L.........
t—
....
!
1
— ,
i
- - . . . . . . . . . . .
*
J
i
'
_______________ t
—
;__
i
i-
Interviewer Comment:
!
1
# Status: Primary job, secondary . . . .
* (1) in Maguwo, (2) outside, (3) mixed.
0 Employer (self or other)
II. All household members who are unemployed or pensioned (age 5 and over)
No.
Name
last job
How long , looking?
since last
worked
1
r
L
Why not wording?
1
t
i
__
!
-1___________________
I-------
!
r_
!
1____
j
i
1
_______ 1
___________________
'
—
III. All household members presently attending school
No.
School
yr. years goru!
books
who pays
etc.#
cost
Details
How much
longer
..
i
1
_______
1
_ _ _ _ _ I_ _ _ _ _
•
1
. ,
!
i
1
j#
.
Cokt per year
--------- -----Age
School
Gr.
Years
gone
Cost
• books
etc .#
who pays
Address of child
now
i
!
!
How much
longer.
Economic Survey
Fakultas Geografl
V.Land
No.
i 1
#Code Column 1 :
1. ricefields
2. other fields
3. house garden
4. other uses
ffCode Column 2 :
A, registered in member's name
B. not registered
#Code Column 3 :
1. owned by self
2. obtained as official
3. obtained as pensioned
official
."*
4. rented
5. other
# Code Column 4 :
1. location of land,
tree or animal
flCode Column 5 :
1. used by family
2. rented out
3. other arrangement (specify)
#Code Column 6 :
% return sold
flCode Column 7 :
Total (national measure)
#Code Column 8 :
Total (local measure)
Interviewer Comment:
2
I—
VI.Trees 1. banana
2. nangka
3. coconut
4. mango
5. sawo
6. papaya
7. melindjo
8. mlanding
9. other
10. other
VII .Lives tock 1.chicken
2. duck
3. goat
4. sheep
5. cow
6. water
buffalo
7. horse
8. other
9. other
7. rice store
14. cupboard
1. keseran
8. sewing machine
15. bicycle
2. ox cart
9. pressure lamp
16. wayang puppets
VIII. Objects -
3. horse cart
10. radio
17. gamelan orchestra
4. horse wagon
11. watch
18. motorcycle
5. plow
12. wall clock
19. electric power
6. harrow
13.
table and chairs
IX. House 1. Is this house owned by you; or your wife;
or rented,or what:
.2. If owned, was it bought, built or inherited:
3. Material used in house construction:
Interviewer Evaluation:
a. walls
good 1 2 3 4 5
b. floor
bad condition
c. roof
Iclean 1 2 3 4 5 dirty condition
About how old is this house: __________ Years.
4. Is this house shared with another family:
Code:
Name of head of other f.
5.
Do you own any other/house:
Relationship
Where:
II .'•. iv.v.ii
' .i v
■
V. -A.
F a k u l t a s r >n*rati
U n iv e r b i
Land:
is G adjah Mada
1. T o t a l la n d a r e a :
2. Crop sown i n th e l a s t s e a s o n ( I f R i c e , t y p e ) :
3 . Did you u s e f e r t i l i z e r ?
(T y p e ):
I—
3 a . How much f e r t i l i z e r d i d you u se ?
4 . R e tu r n o f t h e l a s t h a r v e s t ( G r o s s )
5. P e r c e n t e a t e n by t h e h o u s e h o ld ?
6 . P e r c e n t u s e d to buy f e r t i l i z e r , wages e t c . ?
P e r c e n t g iv e n away:
P erce n t so ld :
Time s i n c e l a s t h a r v e s t ?
Time u n t i l n e x t h a r v e s t ?
To be a s k e d o f h o u s e h o ld s p l a n t i n g r i c e :
11. I n th e l a s t p l a n t i n g who worked on t h i s h o u s e h o l d 's la n d ?
i
a . From h o u s e h o ld ; i n d i v i d u a l number
b . From r e l a t i v e s o u t s i d e t h e h o u s e h o ld :
---------
- —
{
----- ---------------------------- ---------
1
c.
O thers:
j
i Males
j
:
j
F em ales
J
Y ouths
.
Number
.
.
—
.
( Wage
1
----
rtn .
°/o
O th e r sy ste m
( D eta ils
i
j
—
:
Young women
I n t h e l a 6 t h a r v e s t who worked on t h i s h o u s e h o ld ' s la n d ?
a . From h o u s e h o ld ; i n d i v i d u a l :
Age f i r s t worked a h a r v e s t :
!
!
!
1
1
!
i
f
j
j
:
'
;
^
T
i____ I
;
b . From r e l a t i v e s o u t s i d e t h e h o u s e h o ld :
No.
- +
R ela tio n sh ip
--------- f -
System
Where do th e y l i v e ?
- 4
-4
!
ers:
Number
Males
—
|Wage
%
rtn .
O th e r sy ste m
D etails
;
F em ales
Y ouths
Young women
■
and
. Young women betw een age
and
Y ouths betw een a g e
d. Look a t t h e c e n su s i f t h e r e a r e c h i l d r e n betw een 5 and 20 y e a r s o l d who d i d n ' t
No.
Why d i d n ' t h e work
E ver worked?
Age begun?
!
13. I s t h e h a r v e s t from y o u r la n d s u f f i c i e n t f o r y o u r h o u s e h o l d ' s n e e d s ?
Buy e x t r a , _____ . From co -o p w o rk ,______ . O t h e r , ______ . T o t ; ________ .
14. I n t h e l a s t week: who worked on your la n d :
What jo b :
Comment:
j
1
Economic Survey
F.t’
i-'iltafi O(*ot»v«’O'
A. Consumption and family matters.
1. Do.
tue household eat rice all year or do you sometimes eat another basic
food, e.g. Ketela etc.?
Other?______________________ How often ______ / ___________ .
2. How many months a year do you eat rice?
______ months, 2 times daily or more.
_____ months, 1 time daily.
_______ months, 0 times daily.
3. How many times a week does this household eat meat? __________ /week.
4. In the last 2 months, has any household member borrowed or lent money?
No.
borrow/
Total
|
Interest
Until
When
Reason
X
lend
r
!
1
Yes
Is any household member buying on time payment?
No.
Price
Object
DK
No
details:
Each
Rp
!
!
Yes
Does any household member belong to an arisan?
INo .
I. . .
Year begun
Amount
Frequency
•
'
!
... ------- ------------------------ -----------------------------
I
I)K
No
1
details:
—
7. Does any member have a savings account?
YES
NO
DK
If yes: In a bank __________ or in another place? ________
8. Does the head of this household give assistance to anyone:
Relationship
Yes/
No
Parents
.
i
1
Money?
j
I
Food
Frequency
Help
/
1
T
{.........
/
_ . _____/_____
•
9. Does the head of this household receive help from anyone:
Relationship Yes/
Money?
[
Food?
Help
No
j
_j_ ..
...
Children
1
i
j
H
How
How
How
How
many
many
many
many
--
living
living
living
living
'
----------
Frequency
They live:
/
/
j
j-
.
i
They live:
.
/
!
/
children do you have
foster children do you have
adopted children do you have
grandchildren do you have
i
Now adults (20f)
fl
fl
II
If
It
It
ft
fl
II
XI. One important aspect of the economic condition of the household is income.
Because many people do not like to discuss the income they make, since it is a
private matter, we are not asking people to tell us their income, but rather we
would like to ask only for an estimate of the relative level of income of the
household (including money, rice, goods, and other income):
6
7
> &
>
Month:
Per: Day
Year:
!.
0-750
0-9000
I
0-25
751-1500
9001-18000
II
26-50
1501-3000
18001-36000
III
51-100
IV
3001-4500
36001-49000
101-150
V
151-200
4501-6000
49001-72000
6001-9000
VI
201-300
72001-108000
VII
108000+ ,
9001+ '
301+
Respondent prefers not to answer
VIII
Interviewer comment:
. ..
Identification Number:
MARRIAGE HISTORY
1 Date of Birth:
Y e a r _________ M o n t h __________
2 Current Marital Status;
3 Number of Times Married:
_ __ _________________________
______________
[FOR EACH MARRIAGE, FILL IN ONE MARRIAGE CARD]
WOMEN'S ACTIVITIES
1
Membership in organizations (yes or no):
la Type(s) of organization^ ):
lb Have you attended a meeting/activity during the last
three months
2
How often do you go to Yogyakarta?
3 Have you ever been to Jakarta?
How many times?
4 Do you currently have a job other than domestic duties?
4a IF NOT: Why not?
5 What is the most important reason for getting married?
5a For men
------------- -----------------------
5b For w o m e n --------------------- ------------6 What is the best age for first marriage?
6a For men
____________________________________
— Reasons:
6b For women
— Reasons:
___________________________ _____
__ __________________________
PREGNANCY HISTORY
I d e n t i f i c a t i o n Number ________________________________
1 E v e r been p r e g n a n t? ( i n c l . c u r r e n t p r e g . )
28
________________
I
IF "YES": FILL IN ONE PREGNANCY CARD FOR EACH PREGNANCY;
THEN RETURN TO THIS FORM:
—To Q u e s tio n s 2 -5 i f R i s n o t c u r r e n t l y p r e g n a n t
—To Q u e s tio n s 5 and 5 i f R i s c u r r e n t l y p r e g n a n t
2 P re s e n tly f e r t i l e ?
Wife
__________ ___ _
H usband
IF "NO" OR "NOT SURE":
_ .. .
.
25'
______ ______________
____ ___________________________
2a How lo n g n o t f e r t i l e / n o t p u re ?
________________________________________
31 -3 2
H usband ________________________________________
33-3'+
Wife
2b C ause o f i n f e r t i l i t y
________________________________________
35
H usband ________________________________________
36
Wife
2c E ver c o n s u lte d anyone?
W ife
I f y e s — whom?
____________:___________________________
H usband ______________________________________
3 ( F e r t i l e / p o s s i b l y f e r t i l e women o n ly )
Want (m ore) c h i l d r e n ?
39
3a IF "YES": How many (m ore) c h i l d r e n ?
Sons
4 0 -1 1
_____________________________________
D a u g h t e r s __
_______ ______ __________
4 ( F e r t i l e / p o s s i b l y f e r t i l e wo. :en o n ly )
/. 2 -4 3
C u r r e n tl y u s in g a n y th in g to
T e v e n t p re g n a n c y ?
44
4 a IF "YES" : What m ethod?
4 5 -4 6
5 E v e r ad o p te d a c h i l d ?
5a IF "YES": How many?
5b N am e(s) and r e l a t i o n to R:
0 -5 0
51-52
"T
SUMMARY: Lß/SL; LB/ND; P re g n an c y L o s s e s ; C u r r e n t P reg n an cy !
____J.
T o ta l P r e g n a n c ie s :
NAME OF ASSISTANT
D A T E __________________
TIME BEGAN ______________
TIIIE ENDED_______________ TOTAL TIME
[ F i l l i n SUMMARY LIST on r e v e r s e s i d e ]
T o ta l M a rria g e C a rd s
T o t a l P reg n an cy C a rd s
53 -5 4
55-61
6 2 -6 3
6 4 -6 9
I : I ■
I
170-72
SUMMARY LIST
1. Total children still living
2. Total children b o m alive, but
~ov dead
3. Total live births (l + 2)
4. Total stillbirths
5. Total spontaneous abortions
6. Total induced abortions
7. Total p rem a n e v losses (4 + 5 + 6 J
8. Current pregnancy (if currently
pregnant, write "1")
9. TOTAL (3 + 7 + 8 )
10.
TOTAL PREGNANCIES (Total from No. 9,
corrected for multiple births: minus 1
(-1) for each twin birth; minus 2 (-2)
for triplets, etc.)
1-10
•
1-mi
1 D a te o f m a r r ia g e
2 M arriag e
I
11-14
Y e a r _________ M onth ___________
c e rtific a te
seen
____
__ ___________
15
!
! 16
3 R eg istere d ?
4 P la c e re g .
6 Dat.e o f cob a bi t . a I i o n :
Y ear
6 Age a t m a r r i a g e
. .... _
Mon Ih
( c o rn p l. y e a r s )
7 H u s b a n d 's age a t m a r r ia g e
_
. .
..
.. .
117-20
I 2 1 -2 2
___ _ _____ _
!23-24
_________________
I
i
0 How was t h e m a r r i a g e a r r a n g e d ____________________
I 25
9
R e s i d e n c e on c o h a b i t a t i o n ( r e l a t i o n s h i p
o f h e a d o f h o u s e h o l d t o R) _ __ __________
I26
127
!
10 H u s b a n d p o l y g a m o u s a t m a r r i a g e __________ ________
128
11 H u s b a n d p o ly g a m o u s d u r i n g m a r r i a g e . ______________
129-30
12 T o t a l n u m b e r t e m p o r a r y s e p a r a t i o n s ______
"T
12a T o t a l n u m b er o f m o n th s s e p a r a t e d
13 S t i l l
in t h i s m a rria g e
‘31-32
33
_ _ __
IF NOT STILL IN THIS MARRIAGE:
14 How d i d m a r r i a g e e n d ?
15 I f
i 34
d iv o rc e /se p a ra tio n ,
reason
...
________________
35
16 D a t e o f d i s s o l u t i o n
36-39
Y o a ^ ______M o n t h _____________
17 R e s i d e n c e f o l l o w i n g d i s s o l u t i o n ( r e l a t i o n s h i p - o f
h e a d t o R)
_____________________________________ ___
\
18 S o u r c e o f s u p p o r t :
K a iro n ,
f r o m s e l f __________
18b O t h e r s o u r c e ___________________ _______________
19 R e m a r r i a g e
_______________________________________
20 P r i m a r y r e a s o n ________________________
1-0
41-43
44
45
! 46
PREGNANCY C A R D
:___ !_
'
__ [_
[
Card No.
1-11
1
0 I!o
ID No.
__ __ __ _____ __________ ____
12
2 D uring which marriage _____________________________
13
1 P r egnancy outcome
FOR LJVE BIRTHS AND STILLBIRTHS:
3 Name
5 Date
.. _ . ..
_ .... .... ____
.
4 Sex
14
...... .
13-10
Y e a r _____________M o n t h ____ _____ __________
6 Type of birth
7 Months
19
_______ ______________________________
20
of gestation ________________________________
_____________________________________
21
9 Birth attendant ________ ____________________________
22
8 Place of birth
10 Registered? _______
23-24
11 Place reg. . ______________
29-26
12 If not, why n o t ? ________________ 13 Doc. _________
FOR LIVE BIRTHS ONLY:
14 If breastfed,
duration
27-23
--------------------------
29
1 r> Was child adopted':
._ ______________________________
Who adopted child.
----------- --------------------
30-31
----------------------------------
32-33
16
17 Age at adoption
FOR CHILDREN WHO DIED:
20
Cause of death
21
R e g i s t e r e d ? ________
23
If not,
_____________ _______________
22
Place
reg.____________
why n o t ? ________________ 21 D o c . _______
i!
i_ _ _ _ _ ;
1
______ —
|- - - -
M o n t h _________________
-1
____________
|
Year
:i
i
1 9 Date
--
_______________________
-1
_
•— !
18 Age at death
L _
i!
•_L_
34-33
39-: 2
< 3-44
43-46
17-,3
FO R S PONTANEOUS/INDUCED ABORTIONS:
23
Date
Y e a r _______________ M o n t h ________________
49-52
26
Months
of g e s t a t i o n ____ _________________________
53
27
Spontaneous
or induced
_______________________ _
54
21 Reason _______________________________________
55
29 Who a s s i s t e d _______ .______________________
56
F C 7 CURRENT
PREGNANCY:
31 (SL) ID No./Residence
30 Month gestation
...
_. ____
_
57
50 24
^
..
PREGNANCY HISTORY
P art II
ID No.
(
3
1 1 -2
F . ....... .. .
3-9
C a r d No-
Name
IB No-
i Those p re g n a n t a t
t im e o f _PII: P r e g . o u tc o m e
1
111
.........
10
_______ __ .
) O t h e r s : Ax-e y o u p r e g n a n t now?
YES: How many m o n t h s
_____
J j -12
NO
Has R <'v er e x p e r i e n c e d a l i v e b i r t h / s t i l l b i r t h / a b o r t i. on?
YES: E l i g i b l e
NO
e lig ib ilL ty
|i3
The l e n g t h o f t i m e b e t w e e n p r e g n a n c i e s d e p e n d s on s e v e r a l t h i n g s .
We
w is h t o l e a r n a b o u t t h e v a r i o u s f a c t o r s w h ic h . i n f l u e n c e t h e s p a c i n g o f
c h ild re n in Jav a.
The f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n s , t h e n , r e l a t e t o t h i 3 s u b j e c t .
SECTION A: F o r R who e x p e r i e n c e d m o s t r e c e n t b i r t h / S B / A b i n
1 9 7 0 /l9 7 l/l9 7 2 :
S in ce t h i s
e lig ib ility
Jl4
P r e g n a n c y o u tc o m e
15
Humber o f m o n t h s a g o
16-17
la st
pregnancy.
1.
1 . Have y o u re s u m e d s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s ?
YES:
□
la .
____ m o n th s
NO
I
2 . Have y o u r e s u m e d m e n s t r u a t i n g ?
YES:
NO:
2 b . P r o b a b l y how much l o n g e r w i l l i t
still
YES:
2a.
22-23
2b.
liv in g
o n ly )
A re y o u s t i l l
n
i,- ,,
□*
b re a st!c e d in g ?
3 a . P r o b a b l y how much l o n g e r w i l l y o u c-' t i n u e ?
___________
NO.
|21
be?
__________ m o n th s
(L iv e b i r t h
2.
2 a . How l o n g a f t e r t h e b i r t h / S B / A b ?
______ m o n th s
3.
13
l a . How l o n g a f t e r t h e b i r t h / S B / A b ?
m onths
3a.
27-20
3b.
29-30
3 h . How l o n g d i d y o u b r e a s t f e e d ?
____________ m o n t h s
SECTION _B: F o r R who h a v e b i r t h c e r t i f i c a t e d a t e s f o r e a c h l i v e b i r t h :
C o m p l e t e t h e t a b l e on t h e r e v e r s e s i d e .
e lig ib ility
□
SECTION C : F o r a l l R:
4 . In y o ur o p in io n
i s i t b e t t e r f o r a new ly m a r r ie d c o u p le t o h a v e a
c h i l d a s s o o n a s p o s s i b l e , o r t o w a i t a w h i l e , s a y tw o o r t h r e e y e a r s ?
4.
32
AS SOON AS POSSIBLE: 4 a . R e a s o n
4a.
33
WAIT AWHILE: 4 b . R e a s o n
4b.
34
CD- -
5 . I n y o u r own e x p e r i e n c e , w h a t d o e s t h e l e n g t h o f t h e p o s t - p a r t e m
a b s t i n e n c e p e r i o d d e p e n d o n , t h a t i s , w h a t d e t e r m i n e s when s e x u a l
r e l a t i o n s a r e resxxmed a f t e r c h i l d b i r t h ?
5.
1
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M o n th s
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to
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Names o f C h i l d r e n
ri
1 -2
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ri
<•£>
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_____________________
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D a te s
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l y p reg n a n t
—
CM
6. Ia it possible 1'or a woman to become pregnunt if she has sexual
la
■ before menstruation returns?
NO
yes
>6
6a. What is your opinion about having sex during that time,
is it bad or doesn't it matter?
6a.
37
6b. Dees a woman begin menstruating again earlier if sie
doesn't breastfeed?
7. If a woman has sex durv
become pregnant?
□
6b.
NO
YES
the breastfeeding period, can she
YES
NO
n
7.
39
7a. There are some women who feel it's all right to have sex
while breastfeeding, while others feel it is not. What do
you think?
ALL RIGHT
NOT ALL RIGHT
7a.
30
8. Some women think that sex during breastfeeding ruin3 the milk, but
others disagree. What about you, do you think that's t jo o r not?
YE 3 , TRUE
NO, NOT T?UE
L. ! 31
8.
9. What, in your opinion, i 3 the most important reason for breastfeeding
a child longer than one year?
(Then probe: Do you think that delaying
pregnancy is an important reason?)
L
42
9a. IP "DELAYING PREGNANCY" IS IMPORTANT, ASK:
What is the most important reason for spacing pregnancies?
9a.
I
1-2
_L
LIT
_!
_
.! 43
J
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blank
'3 12 j 1-2
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CONFIDENTIAL
C a rd No.
Name
ID No.
5
1-2
111
3-9
E lig ib ility
10
ID No.
E lig ib ility
3
NAME OF ASSISTANT
11- 12
DAY
13-16
MONTH
TIME ENDED
T h e r e a r e some m a r r i e d c o u p l e s who d i s c u s s c e r t a i n t h i n g s t h a t
o t h e r h u s b a n d s and w iv e s d o n ' t d i s c u s s .
I n g e n e r a l , do you and
your h u sb a n d /w ife d is c u s s th e f o llo w in g m a tte r s :
( n e v e r , r a r e l y , so m e tim e s , o f t e n )
a.
2.
H u s b a n d 's work
la .
b . T o t a l number o f c h i l d r e n d e s i r e d
lb .
c . E d u cation o f c h i l d ( r e n )
lc .
Who k e e p s t h e money i n y o u r h o u s e h o l d ?
2.
3.
I n y o u r o p i n i o n , i s i t b e t t e r f o r a h u s b a n d a n d w i f e t o b o th
work t o e a r n t h e f a m i l y in c o m e , o r f o r t h e h u s b a n d t o be
r e s p o n s i b l e f o r th e fam ily and t h e w ife to ta k e c a r e o f
dom estic d u tie s ?
3.
4.
I n some f a m i l i e s , t h e h u s b a n d makes t h e m a in d e c i s i o n s a b o u t
c e r t a i n t h i n g s , w h i l e i n o t h e r s t h e w i f e i s t h e one who d e c i d e s .
I n y o u r own f a m i l y , who makes t h e d e c i s i o n s a b o u t :
a . Where t o l i v e
b . How t o s p e n d t h e f a m i l y incom e
4b.
c . The m a r r i a g e o f a d a u g h t e r
(When, w i t h whom)
4c.
d.
5.
4a.
The c i r c u m c i s i o n o f a son _
(When, p r e p a r a t i o n s )
4d.
I n g e n e r a l , who do you t h i n k c a n manage b e s t l i v i n g i n d e p e n d e n t l y ;
t h a t i s , t a k i n g c a r e o f h i s o r h e r own d a i l y n e e d s — a man o r
a woman?
5.
6.
□ □□□
1.
F o r m a le s a n d f o n a l e s
□
FAMILY RELATIONS
17-19
TOTAL TIME
□ □□□
TIME BEGAN
Who do you t h i n k can c o n t r o l t h e i r e m o tio n s b e t t e r - - m e n o r
women?
6.
29
1A
MARRIAGE
7.
For males and females
In your opinion, which of the following is the best way
to arrange a first marriage:
1. Parents decide everything
2. Parents choose prospective spouse, then children
make final decision
3. Children choose themselves, then parents make
final decision
4. Children decide everything
3. Other (specify)
8.
(For males only)
7.
31
8.
32
8a.1
33
8b.
34
How many times have you been married?
8a. (For males only) Have you ever had more than one wife
at the same time?
YES: 8a.1. Maximum number at one time: 2 3 4
NO
8b. (Males and females)
YES
In general, do you think polygamy
is a good thing?
NO
9. Some people think it would be better if there were some
changes in divorce custom. In your opinion,
9a. Would it be better if it were easier for a woman to
obtain a divorce than it is now?
YES
NO
9a.
35
9b.
36
9b. Would it be better if it were more difficult for a man
to obtain a divorce than it is now?
YES
/
I
NO
10. For those who have been divorced: (if more than once, use
most recent divorce):
I
How was joint property divided upon dissolution of the marriage?
10.
37
11.
38
12a.
39-40
12b.
41-42
11. If a wife doesn't want any more children, but her husband
still wants to have more, what do you think the wife should
do?
For Males Only:
12. What is the best age for first marriage?
12a. For men
12b. For women
13. What is the most important reason for getting married?
13a. For men
13b. For women
13a.
43
13b.
44
2.
Codes fo r
Page 1A
SOCIAL FACTORS
7 . -9b.
3 1 -36
10. - 11.
37-38
1 2 .-1 3 .
39-44
For m ales and fem ales
Communication
14. I f you wanted to t a l .. ro someone about t h e f o l l o w i n g problem s;
f o r exam ple, i f you r.jeded a d v i c e , to whom would you go?
1 4 a . R a i s i n g 'v.i 1d - r .
14a.
45
14b. Economic d i f f i c u l t i e s
14b.
46
1 4 c . Stomach i l l n e s s _
14c.
47
15.
48
1 5 . Do you u s u a l l y l i s t e n to th e ra d io ?
How o f t e n ?
H e a lth
1 6. When you have been s i c k , have you e v e r :
16a. Gone to a t r a d i t i o n a l h e a l e r
16a.
16b. Gone to t h e c l i n i c
16b.
1 6 c . Taken a p i l l
16c.
16d. Had an i n j e c t i o n
16d.
R elig io n
17. R e l i g i o n from c e n s u s _______________ . C o r r e c t io n _______________ .
(
17a. Strength o f r e lig i o n :
53
17a.
Urban E x p e r ie n c e
18. Where did you l i v e fo r m ost o f t h e tim e b e f o r e you were
m a r r ie d , i n a r u r a l or an urban area?
18.
□*
18a.
□»
19
C D 56
19a.
□
RURAL
URBAN: 1 8 a . Which c i t y
1 9 . Where d id you l i v e fo r most o f th e tim e s i n c e m arriage?
RURAL
URBAN: 1 9 a . Which c i t y
57
10. Have you ev e r l i v e d in a c i t y c o n t i n u o u s l y f o r a y e a r or
more?
NO
YES
58
20.
For Males O n ly :
21. How o f t e n do you go to Yogyakarta?
21.
22. Have you e v e r been to J a k a rta ?
□
How many tim e s?
22.
60
2A.
Literacy
23.
24.
Are you able to read?
In what language(s)?
o you read the newspaper?
.3.
61
24.
62
25.
63-65
H w often?
Education
25.
Level of education from c e n s u s ______________.
Correc i n
.
2 . In your opini n, was that enough for you?
26.
6'
YES
N' : 26a. What level would you have liked to attain?
26a.
67
26b.
68
27.
69
28.
70
2 a.
71
29b.
72
29c.
73 74
30.
75
3Ca.
76 77
26b. What was the major reas n you didn't c ntinue
to that level?
For R who have children now in scho.l:
27. Do you think you will be capa le of paying your child(ren)'s
educati n costs thr ugh the hi h school level?
28. What benefits do you think you yourself might receive
fr.m educating your children?
F MILY STRUCTURE
29. If you and y ur husband/wife could somehow be in your married
life anew, and G d gave you exactly the number of children you
wanted, how many sons and daughters would that be7
29a. s ns
+ 29b. daughters
= 2. c. total
30. If , u were able to get just the right total number of
children y u wanted, but they were all b. ys, w uld you
have an additional child/children in order to get a girl?
YES: 30a. Up to what number of sons would you have
in order to get a daughter?
NO
3.
23.-26
C des for
Page 2A.
61-68
27.-2Ö.
-70
29.-30.
71-77
78-80
Card No.
1-2
ID No.
3-9
31. F r Males Only: What is the total number of children you have?
31a.
10
31a. sons ________ 31b. daughters ________ 31c. total ________
31b.
11
31c.
12 13
32.
14
32. For Males Only:
D
you want to have (more) children?
32a.
15
32b.
16
32c.
17-18
33.
19
YE : 33a.sons_____ 33b.daughters_____ 33c.total__
33a.
20
NO
33b.
21
YE :
2a.sons_____ 32b.daughters_____ 32c.t tal_
NO
33. Fo
Females Only: Do you want to have (more) children7
33c.
34. Does you husband/wife want to have (more) children?
YES
NO
34.
24
35.
25-26
35a.
27
35b.
28
36.
29
36a.
30
36b.
31
35. What, in your opinion, would be a lot of children?
35a. What is the major advantage of having that many children?
35b. What is the major disadvantage?
36. What, in your opinion, would be only few children?
36a. What is the major advantage of having few children?
36b. What is the major disadvantage?
37. If a man is married for a out five years or more and hasn't had
any children, but he wants to have children, what sh uld he do?
37.
1_ j
32
38. If you were asked to choose which would be the better number of
children t have--three or six--which would y: u choose?
38.
33
3A.
POPULATION «R BLEMS
For Males
nly
39. In your o p m i n, would ec nomic conditi ns in this area be
bett r if:
1 The populati n increases rapidly
2
he population increases gradually
3 The p pulation remains the same
39.
34
4 .
35
41.
36
41a.
37
41b. Why did you go?
41 .
38
41c. Why did you c me back7
41c.
9
4 The population decreases
40. Have you ever heard ab ut the
ransmigrati n Program?
ES
NO
ave you ever been a trai smigrant7
YES:, 41a.
where?
NO
Do you have any friends who have been transmigrants?
42
40
42a.
41
ES: C-ncerning your closest friend who has transmigrated:
42a. Where did he go7
42b.
-s he st". 11 there?
YES: 42bl. Is he c ntent?
NO:
42
43
42b2.
44
43.
45
44.
46
45.
47
42b2. Why did he return?
For Males
4 . If someone were t
with the money7
42b.
42b...
nly
give you 1000 rupiah, what would you do
44. What about if someone gave you 1 ,000
rupiah?
45. In general, d y u think a man's economic position is due to
fate or to his own efforts?
F R FARMERS
46. Are you a participant m
For Males
nly
the Bimas or Inmas pr gram? (specify which'
46.
48
47.
49
47. If a farmer has 4 children, h w much rice land would he have
to control in order t, produce enough for his family's needs;
that is, enough for their food, to pay the cost of schooling,
and to meet other expenses?
4.
Codes for
Page 3A.
KAP
39.-41-
34-39
42.
40-44
43.-45.
45-47
46.-47.
48-49
For Males and Females
48. Do you think it's a good thing or not good to limit the number
of children in a family9 (include comments, reasons)
48.
49. How about spacing children--is that a good thing or not?
49.
50.
50a. How about in your own family, who makes those decisions?
50a.
51. Has anyone ever come to your home to tell you about Family
Planning?
51.
YES: 51a. What was your reaction to the visit?
[_J
□□□□
50. Among the majority of your neighbours, is it the husband or
the wife who makes decisions concerning limiting or spacing
pregnancies?
50
51a.
NO
YES
NC
53. Have you ever discussed Family Planning with your spouse?
52.
53.
YES: 53a. What is his/her opinion of Family Planning?
□□□
52. Have you ever heard about Family Planning from a radio broadcast?
53a.
NO
54.
YES: 54a. What do the majority of them think about F P ?
54a.
NO
55. Have you/your wife ever gone to the Family Planning clinic?
55.
YES: 55a. Do you/your wife still attend regularly?
YES
NO:
NO
55a.
55b. Do you know where the nearest clinic is located?
55b.
(specify location)
□ □ □ □ □
54. Have you ever discussed Family Planning with your friends or
neighbours?
51
4A.
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13 S T E R I L I Z A T I O N O P E R A T I O N - - F e m a l 2 —
T y i n g / c u t t i n g of F a l l o p i a n Lubes.
eve r y 3 m o n t h s .
given
taken o r a l l y each day.
12 INJ E C T I N - - H o r m o n e i n j ections
11 P I L L - t a b l e t
the
cAS E, JELLY, F O A M - - s u b s t a n c e inser t e d
into the v a g i n a b e f o r e sexual relations;
acts as sp ermacide.
10 I U D — small o b ject i n s e r t e d int
uterus.
( c o l l o q u i a l terms given)
9
A B O R T I O N - - i n d u c e d abortion.
6 R H Y T H M - - p e r i o d i c a b s t i n e n c e during
f e rtile days of m o n t h l y cycle.
4 M A S S A G E - - I n v e r s i n of the uter u s through
m a s s a g e by a traditional m idwife.
3 P R O L O N G E D BREAS F E E D I N G — b r e a s t f e e d i n g
for m o r e than a y e a r w i t h the in t e n t i o n
of s pa c i n g p r e gn an ci es .
2 AB'’T I N E N C E - - c o m p l e t e a b s t i n e n c e from any
furth er sexual relations o nce d esired
total n u m b e r of c hildren is reached.
C
1 A B S T I N E N C E — a b s t i n e n c e from sexual relati ns for m o r e than one y e a r after a
ch i l d is born w i t h the intenti n of spac
Method
F o r F e m a l e s Only
1
B
W h e r e did
you first
hear about
method
C
m t od
Fnow
anyor e
wh
uses
O w n u se of m e t h o d
D2
j D3
In
In
! Befor e
year
1 year
last
before j ago
mont. *
D1
E
Do you think this
m e t h o d is h e a l t h y ?
w r i t e comme-.ts)
F
D
y u think this
m e t h o d is p leasant
to use? (comments)
Females Only
4A.
o
«4-4
M
«
<u
4J O
14
- >s
C C
os «a
H U
a- Ou
4)
aa
00
a
<U
{►% «
r-4 P
4J O
§ ’S
U X»
M
«44
3-5
c
O
M
0
o
5.
56 . T h e r e a r e many m ethods u s e d by pe p i e i n J a v a t s p a c e
p r e g n a n c i e s o r to l i m i t t h e c t a l numb r o f c h i l d r e n b o m .
A.
Have you e v e r h e a r d f t h e f o l l o w i n g m e th o d s:
l i s t , ch e c k i f R has h e a r d a b u t t h e m eth d ) .
(Read t h e
FOR EACH METHOD WITH WHICH R IS FAMILIAR:
B.
Where d i d y u h e a r a b o u t t h i s m ethod f o r t h ; f i r s t tim e?
C.
D
D.
Have you a n d y o u r s p o u s e e v e r u s e d t h i s method?
you know anyon
who h a s u s e d t h i s m e th o d 7
D u rin g t h e p a s t month? ( i f w i f e i s p r e g n a n t , r e f e r t
month p r e c e d i n g p r e g n a n c y ) .
2. D u r in g t h e y e a r b e f o r e t h a t ?
3. B efore a y e a r ago7
CODE: 1 -N e v e r u s e d 2-Som etim es u s e d ( l e s s t h a n 50% o f i n t e r c o u r s e
" p r o t e c t e d " d u r i n g t h e t i m e p e r i o d ) 3 - 0 f t e n u s e d (50-90%)
4 Always u s e d (1007o) 5 - E v e r u s e d f o r column D 3).
E. Do you t h i n k t h i s m ethod i s h e a l t h y ? ( i f n o t , why n o t ? )
F. Do you t h i n k t h i 6 m ethod i s p l e a s a n t t o u s e ? ( i f n o t , why n o t 7 )
I
_
1. A b s t i n e n c e A
64-71
72-79
2. A b s t i n e n c e B.
0 I
--- - J 80
7!
3
C ard N .
1-2
3-9
ID N .
M ales = 0
3. P ro lo n g ed b r e a s tf e e d in g
M ales = 0
4 . M assage
-j 10 17
16 -2 5
i
F e m a le s = 0
5. W ith d r a w a l
—
—
i
i i
26 33
34-41
6 . Rhythm
!
7. A b o r t i o n
F e m a le s 3 0
8 . Condom
M ales = 0
9. P aste, J e lly ,
4 2 -4 9
50-57
58-65
Foam
T
66 73
10. IUD
0
0
0
0
0
0
3
C a rd No.
° j 74-80
8
___ 1 1 - 2
___1 3-9
ID No.
11. P i l l
!
10-17
|
.8 -2 5
M ales ~ 0
12. I n j e c t i o n
M ales =
13. Fem ale s t e r i l i z a t i o n
26-33
F e m a le s = 0
14. Male s t e r i l i z a t i o n
34-41
—
5 7 . Would you l i k e t o know m ere a b o u t F a m ily P l a n n i n g ?
YES: 5 7 a . Which m e th o d ( s ) i n p a r t i c u l a r .
NO
In te rv ie w e r:
57.
42
57a.
43
I s R a b l e to r e a d i n
th e n d o n esian la n g u a g e 7
YES
NO
3A.
Mal e s Only
CHILDREN' S WORK
F r M ales i n l y
58. A c c o r d i n g t t h e econ mic s u r v e y you h a v e _________ c h i l d r e n
who work n t h i s h o u s e h o l d . The e l d e s t c h i l d i s :
58.
4 4 -4 5
46-51
Name
No.
Age
Work & work code
C o r r e c tio n : Reason.
52
53-58
Name
No.
Age
Work & work c de
5 8 a . How i m p o r t a n t i s h i s / h e r work t
£ th e household:
58b.
58c.
t h e incom e ( o r w l f a r e )
1 Very i m p o r t a n t (507*+-)
3 A v e ra g e (10 247.)
2 Im portant
4 Not v e r y i m p o r t a n t
( l e s s th a n 107.)
25-49%)
s t h e r e t u r n from t h a t work enough t o c o v e r t h e s u p p o r t
f th e c h i l d ( in c l u d in g f od, c l o t h i n g , sc h o o l, e t c . )
1 Y es, and e x t r a as w e ll
3 N t enough
2 O nly enough
4 R eturn n o t s i g n i f i c a n t
59
58 .
60
58c.
61
.n g e n e r a l , i s t h e r e a s o n y o u r c h i l d do s t h i s work i n t h e
househ Id t h a t i t i s t r a i n i n g f o r l a t e r l i f e o r as
a s s i s t a n c e f r th e w e llb e in g f th e ho u se h o ld .
1 T ra in in g
3 1 and 2 t h e same
2 A ssistan c e
4 An t h e r r e a s o n
Comment:
59. T h is l i s t
p a g e 6) i n c l u d e s t h e u s u a l t y p e s o f h o u se h I d t a s k s .
(R ead t h e l i s t )
A. Who u s u a l l y h as t h e main r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h i s j o b 7654328
( W r i t e t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s number i n C o l . A)
.
5 8 a.
B. Who u s u a l l h e l p s i n t h i s work?
( W r i t e t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s number i n C a l . B)
C. A re t h e r e o t h e r h o u s e h o l d memLers who a l s
^ I f y e s , p u t a c h e c k i n C o l . C)
D. A re t h e r e p e o p l e from
h elp in t h i s job? ( I f
help?
u t s i d e t h e h o u s e h o l d who u s u a l l y
e s , p u t a c h e c k i n C o l . D)
E. C d es f r C 1. E
1 A 's r e s p n s i b i l i t y t h e m ost i m p o r t a n t ( i f t h e r e i s B:
t h e i r r e s p n s i b i l i t y s e c o n d a r ; n o t h e r p e o p l e who h e l p ) .
2 A s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y m ost i m p o r t a n t ;
sec n d ary .
B 's an d
3 A 's r e s p n s i b i l i t y same a s B ' s ; b u t n
t h e r m e m b e r's
o t h e r members h e l p .
4 A s r e s p n s i b i l i t y same a s B ' s ; a n d o t h e r members h e l p .
5 C de 1 o r 2 b u t w i t h a d d i t i o n a l h e l p from o u t s i d e h o u s e h : I d .
6 Code 3 o r 4 b u t w i t h a d d i t i o n a l h e l p from o u t s i d e h o u s e h o l d .
7 Only w o r k e r s from o u t s i d e t h e h u s e h o l d .
8 O th er arran g em en t ( s p e c if y )
6
M a le s Only
n "i
58.
C od es from
P a g e 5A ( m a l e s )
58 .
58.
46-51
r
Lj □
!
58a, b ,c .
59.
(N o .)
A
Work
(N o .)
B
(J)
(/)
C
D
44-45
Code
E
A
C arry w a t e r
B
52-58
5 9 -6 1
E
1J 6 2 - 6 6
1
1
1
C le a n g a r d e n
67-71
72-76
Sweep h o u s e
0
j 0
Card No .
0
0
3
9
77-80
1-2
1
3-9
— •
ID No.
10-14
Wash c l o t h i n g
15-19
Wash d i s h e s
1
Care f o r p o u l t r y
120-24
• Care f o r a n i m a l s
25-29
Look a f t e r
60.
30-34
c h ild ren
Some p e o p l e t h i n k t h a t t h e number o f c h i l d r e n i n a f a m i l y i s
d e t e r m i n e d by t h e f a m i l y ' s n e e d f o r a s s i s t a n c e i n f a m i l y
e n t e r p r i s e o r t o h e l p t h e p a r e n t s i n t h e i r w o rk . What i s y o u r
o p i n i o n ; i s t h e number o f c h i l d r e n you want d e t e r m i n e d i n
t h i s way?
YES
NO
35
60.
6 0 a . Are t h e r e o t h e r r e a s o n s ? _______________________________
61.
Some p e o p l e t h i n k t h a t an im p o r t a n t r e a s o n f o r h a v i n g c h i l d r e n
i s to p r o v id e s e c u r i t y fo r the p a r e n t s ' o ld a g e .
Do you s h a r e
t h i s o p in io n ?
i----- 1
60a.
1___ I 36
61.
I----- '3 7
YES: 6 1 a . Who do you t h i n k a r e more r e l i a b l e i n p r o v i d i n g
a s s i s t a n c e in o l d a g e , son s or d au gh ters?
____________________________________________________
----61a.
I__ I 38
NO
6 2 . When you a r e o l d do you t h i n k y o u r c h i l d r e n w i l l p r o v i d e f o r you?
39
YES: 6 2 a . Who e l s e w i l l h e l p ?
**
NO:
40
6 2 a . T hen , who w i l l p r o v i d e f o r you?
**
b la n k
**A nsw ers;
1 No o n e
5 O t h e r f a m i l y members
2 F oster/ad op tad c h ild
6 N e ig h b o u r s
3 B ro th er's c h ild r e n
7 P en sio n
4 S iste r 's
8 O ther
ch ild ren
9 D o n ' t know
MALES:
41-80
No c a r d
no .4 0
5A
Females Only
WORK HISTORY
We want to find out something about women's work in Java;
whether some women work only at certain times during their life,
why some women do not work and so on. The jobs we are interested
in are those besides taking care of the home and/or children.
FOR FACH OF THE FOLLOWING STAGES:
Did you work during the major
part of that time period?
STAGE I: The year before first marriage (use only "real" marriages, i.e.,
marriage and cohabitation)
STAGE II: During the first year of marriage.
STAGE III: During the period of having young (pre-school) children.
This includes the period from birth of first child
until youngest child reaches age 6. Substages during this
time when R is divorced/separated/widowed are not included.
STAGE IV: After all children have reached at least 6 years of age.
Substages during this time when R is divorced/separated/widowed
are not included.
Questions
1. Did you work during the major part of this stage?
I
la. If not, why not?
I 2. What is/was your main job?
C/D
w
e>
H
<
) 3. How many weeks per year do/did you work at this main job?
cn
I 4. How many hours per week?
►J
I 5. Is/was this job at home, outside, or both?
'^6. Do/did you have a secondary job during this stage?
>
/7. Of the total income earned by you and your husband, what
1
proportion do/did you earn yourself?
O
M
(
H
m
< w
I
I 8. During this stage, if your husband earned enough himself to
(
take care of all the basic daily needs of the family, would you
V
still work/have still worked or not?
/ 9. Who usually cares for/cared for the children while you work/worked?
--if "older sibling(s)", ask further:
9a. What about the first (and second) child who didn't have
grown siblings-who took care of them?
M
M
M
From your experience, do you think it's a lot of trouble to
have a job while you still have young children, or is it
fairly easy to manage?
w
o
<
H
CO
! 11. When you were pregnant, up to what month did you still work at
j
your job, on the average?
\
\).2. After giving birth, how long did you wait before returning to
work, on the average?
6.
blank
Females Only
44-80
FEMALES - no card no.39
Card No.
ID No.
1-2
Q
3-9
STAGE I
11.
10
Iia.
11
2. Main job __________
12.
12-13
3. Weeks/year ________
13.
14
4. Hours/week ________
14.
13
5. Horae, outside, both
13.
16
6. Secondary job _____
16.
17-18
1. Work/not __________
la. Why not? ______
One year
before marriage
to
STAGE II
o
First year of
marriage to
STAGE III
\__V
111.
20
Ilia
21
2. Main job ___________________
112.
22-23
3. Weeks/year ________________
113 .
24
4. Hours/week ________________
114.
25
5. Home, outside, both _______
115.
26
6. Secondary job _____________
116.
27-28
7. Proportion income from wife
117.
29
8. Still work if inc. suff.
118.
30
1. Work/not ___________________
la. Why not? ______________
/•"-x
THIS STAGE: Past, present, NA.
O '
1. Work/not
From birth of
(name 1st child)
to when
(name last child)
reached age 6
NOT INCLUDING
ANY PERIOD OF
DIVORCE/SEP/WID
STAGE IV
After
32
Illla.
33
2. Main job
III2.
34-35
3. Weeks/year
III3.
36
4. Hours/week
III4.
37
5. At home, outside, both
III5.
38
6. Secondary job
III6.
39-40
7. Proportion income from wife
III7.
41
8. Still work if inc. suff.
III8.
42
9. Who cares for children
III9.
43
III9a.
44
10. Trouble/not
lino
45
11. Up to what month preg.
mil.
46
12. Return after childbirth
m i 2.
47
la. Why not?
reached age 6
NOT INCLUDING
ANY PERIOD OF
DIVORCE/SEP/WID
(note such
periods)
48
THIS STAGE: Present, NA
1. Work/not
IV1.
49
IVla
50
2. Main job
IV2.
51-52
3. Weeks/year
IV 3.
. 53
4. Hours/week
IV4.
. 54
5. At home, outside, both
IV 5.
55
6. Secondary job
IV6.
56-57
7 . Proportion income from wife
IV 7.
. 58
8. Still work if inc,. suff.
IV8.
59
la. Why not?
(name last child)
31
III1.
9a. Besides sibling
(note such
periods)
19
THIS STAGE: Past, present, NA.
blank
60-80
6A.
COMPENDIUM
F o r M ales an d F em ales
B elo w i s a l i s t o f s e v e r a l s t a t e m e n t s w h i c h we w o u ld l i k e t o
have your o p in io n a b o u t.
F o r e a c h s t a t e m e n t , c o u l d you p l e a s e
t e l l u s w h e th e r i n g e n e r a l you a g r e e o r d i s a g r e e w i t h t h e i d e a
expressed.
1 . When a p e r s o n b e c o m e s v e r y o l d ,
h is c h ild re n .
he g e ts
AGREE
2. Sons s h o u ld h e lp
to
be a b u r d e n on
1.
10
2.
11
3.
12
4.
13
5.
14
6.
15
DISAGREE
7.
16
DISAGREE
8.
17
DISAGREE
9.
18
10.
19
DISAGREE
L h c ir m o ttier i n
th e k itc h e n .
AGREE
DISAGREE
3 . I f a woman h a s a j o b w h i l e s h e s t i l l h a s y o u n g c h i l d r e n ,
she c a n 't ta k e c a re of h e r c h ild re n w e ll.
AGREE
DISACREE
4 . A w o m a n 's p o s i t i o n i n
life
d e p e n d s on t h a t o f h e r h u s b a n d . *
AGREE
DISAGREE
5. F a m i l i e s to d a y h av e m ore c h i l d r e n
t h a n when I was a c h i l d .
AGREE
DISAGREE
6. In th e m a jo rity o f cases o f a d u lte r y ,
one to blam e.
AGREE
7. In g e n e r a l ,
g irls
t h e woman i s
th e
DISAGREE
a r e m ore c l e v e r th a n boys a r e .
^AGREE
8 . Each c h i l d b r i n g s i t s
own f o r t u n e . *
AGREE
9 . The c h i l d l e a d s t h e m an.*
AGREE
10. E d u c a ti o n i s m ore i m p o r t a n t f o r so n s th a n f o r d a u g h t e r s .
AGREE
DISAGREE
* JAVANESE PROVERBS
7
Care1 No.
m ro.
n n
K -3 .
Codes from
Page 6a.
1
4
1-2
3-9
1 0 -14
_
6 .- 1 0 .
15-19
END INTERVIEW
1 . Was any o n e e l s e p r e s e n t d u r i n g t h e i n t e r v i e w ?
YES: l a . Who? _________________________________________
1 .
20
la .
21
NO
2. How w ould you r a t e t h e r e s p o n d e n t ' s c o o p e r a t i o n ?
1 Poor
2 F air
3 Good
□
□
2.
4 Very Good
3. Was t h e r e s p o n d e n t e m b a r r a s s e d o r u n e a s y a b o u t any
q u estio n s?
3.
YES: Which o n e s ? _________________________________ _
22
23
NO
4 . Do you t h i n k t h e a n s w e r s can be b e l i e v e d ? Why o r why n o t ?
E
b lank
ADDITIONAL COMMENTS: ( b a c k o f t h i s p a g e may a l s o be u s e d )
|
ASSISTANT
HAM
DATE
T o p ic :
Scheduie:
ATTITUDE
“T
T
HSEHLD
IND
CASE
STUDY
24
25-30
Terence Hull