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. Bahru Zewde. 2014.Thc QuestJor o.l'& l-dm, hh^i. l,,n.r. oa.*:i .,ta<. flora,, ,?tr( e.f::
Sociolist Utopio fnul t.r.:: rhh4ri '?h:J'url ? irrr tl.zh l,t847-1983
8irr.110.0O 4C 35_tn lk: 30.N
7r+o )tLL (+c4dr,):: lnul . Alemayehu Telerra. 2OO8. Pilnciples
. David Philipson. 2014. i.r.:. .ecl Ah.t *t-h 1AtA ol ohdotion inee ti ng F En g

Foundation ol Alim hP4h" 8i 80,00

CiYilization 65.00 'flc . SolomonTade$e. 2OO8. Miherol
8r. 79.N Legesse Netash, aOLO. A Scledion oI Resoutcas Potcntigl ol Ethiopio
. flcrr! hated:: .72 ,ec?c Et h iopio's I nd i genous Trc es Br. 4O.(n
Pmz.. f,*1a* ?cac€ Bt.1O5,OO . Bah,u Zewde. 2008. Socicty, Stotc
ond Hittory: Seledeal Essoys
oc't?2.N Demel l'eketay. 2O1O. Edible Wld Bt. 95.N
. t\a.tt hFollr.t: r$-/btL PlonB in Ethlopio . Demi$uGemedaandSeid
2"4i ?.$ja4-l fhrn#* *.
7AO.(n Mohammed.2OOS.
,/h:.' l 2Fa/i.',t4tz hEol' q&h,C1: Fundomental Concepts oI Algabro
fic 114.N lnul ,.r.:: ,2.86h ?'02 Br. 2O.0O
. Hiwot Tefsra, fower in the h,eo)'alh/rTr /,d.Pr . Emebet Mulugeta (ed.), 200E.
skv ltc 30.00 Utbon Poverty in Ethiopio: fhe
BL 74.@ t\+ 'r.q+ &rA t"^i +Lt tl Economic ond Sociol Adoptgtions ol
. hh^ t.ltT dlr.rn u4+ mt,l j.r.', .r,rrft fltd$.
h'r?^?f-+"cT:: e*A*+ Arrl,rE+ 8r. 15.OO
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. AndrewJ. Carlionand OennisG.
. 6r.rf..r.rzD d.ra,tr. ing -Te och i o g M e thod s o nd
Le o ro Carlson.2m8. Health, Wealth, and
lnuc|.r.::.l ,i,,lcltzP+ Techniques Family in Rural Ethiopia
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.nc 50.00 ond the Stote. Studias in Agrction ilc so.oo
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4-41 A.i6 @tr?'rtt gf\oE Br.4O.OO
i.f it ryn?f /'4t1.:: Tenalem Ayenew. 2009.
ilc 40.00 Noturol Lokes ol Ethiopio
. hnl! 4.hn-rLfflh q+AG BL ln.AO
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Forthcoming
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+ Takelle Tadesse. Principles ond Woys of Developing New Words.
a Gelana Amente. Textbook of Biophysics.
7 lan Campbell. The Mossocre of Debre Libonose.
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Addis Ababa. tithiopia
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97 46
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E-mail : aaq.press@ethionet.et

O Addis Ababa University press, 2010

First Published 2010

Second Published 201 I

Reprinted 2014

Printed in Addis Ababa University printing press

Reprinted 20t5, Eclipse Printing

ISBN 978-99944-52-32-3
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ha"o,Q+. hf.fir ?flc:: tlg"o h"+Fhf 4.q'tf ', ,\4 tflc
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+.0rt T?c 014 d?clr I tho. thfPg"tt.P +?n.r\ LFq'['G'
h4"f+ rhft r(L,P TnTc+ ArnT:: g,ur ru??'b hft"rlLf?
tft ha',Lr {.d?n @r\.e +fl/t }d}:: f,tt TnTC.l h742.tld,l.
htui. ,e,zflr::
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tLf, g,?.ar\ tfi.L r nnr\,?- ne hs h/^T' ?v\l Tttzc'b,
t[Tto', h9'al[FF$ h'i&a.hN\ nfro hrhr hrL a& @na
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hT&ikcael1i .t][Ur fi+c l"L'tt.g, h'rc ?+++7 h.']-rhffT
l4phfi,ii hf. atv'l1l ha,,t0,.,nl,l oot '1,-,1n4n,flT hc8p1J0.1 tln.
h1&ggcafiT mgtr:: hfr.9' r'raL 4'1v9' h&n hna 7,fi+$
nalnz .Euaa.g'' h.TC?. AaCsi f.4fi1 oofl't ?Amr\T::
arulch,fi hh,'tq,'tr ndln+Or T6?4+ 'Fnff'T oottd-c
h?.e+r\ +}.1a/ILr h?c +hf. ha?hha\ 2c lfT atu g4'rt9,
o,h"ttl 'ftif L T/r?l+, 6re+'l /lnrT::
t^L'1i9, h++.F h.?-rhrfT' 2c hr'rsfish h?&r
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h?.q.+rb +P.tab fl14i @Chtb h1R+?1 ','t'n+ aC 0'I4
0hsdh ttl, ag fr"qA hooFl,tt ffrtr',t 'l-L 2C thar oolu&'
fhrh .nf ?nC:: h,qn hnq f.Renh+ n1941 lh.lb.h.l ou.cilLTl
l0.zz
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t-AAft\to 0t4i 0rard.+ "?Lh'bc h?.T n.c rlf','@T nu?
h-tttal.l r\8 ,\B .?'h{? hrdfihT hwL ?0c:: g'0r Jtc
rfnmT r.r.a.lhq ?h+ ac FG e'lt .r+rN +rLgr n'14
h?.R 67C o%$4 00ht^l naaz?q?s na h*d'rT'1 hr'rtff,
bTc fR.e"lb llt4 io::
3.1 Ph+rr frArr.+ 'x.m+c
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h7fr19 Tqf' &fd'lhrltF: :
ut ?mi?, ?iri'l ho'r\a h2q.otfLz h?oolP6 ?d't.\9.G1
arfrhi*$ ?d't.9.L7@1 &nt|.c o'rn2q'li
hl ?ao\at,?o't r'?.m'heT r-A.trfi'raqci nl2r'l
ptbnt ?0inlD.'|i .footr?- 6ttj@,. 2C hL \4 guatt,li
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gh'r"la..tt+'1 .r{a nhchc hli?,/- q'rtrr hrlu h?c ?T
n.cflF ht&tF'|'t ?qcg hq^"+r lu}.FhrfT h'r%tft-
h.TC?hnD:: TICTI+.llt[ 7rul"^t Aha',|.E LF/}. fihC\94
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th.I-rrrf q',h i"'q.bo- hT"ltLTt h'tc tfq- ?fiC&r
hq&T nh'rth.Tt lTp'q finTf g, nr9,l.I- hT&ftoo-i
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lri"rfrf rln++ ?h'I"lh.Tt h",t\tp+ n^??fic.q oo/,\,}-i
h'rg h/-6 LFa.I- gtf?^ ?0c:: hftq Aft"T. ho,rtttp+
.t4'q;f't',- r'r\.r+n^+u- h.n+ hq./"h na.'rtg-, h'rh+r
'fln@ ool\tl.gf ,n$f.. t'4+ hb?,hh .q,Cd t0C::
h*tttLp+q hf ,f.A.flnn? .fi2ae1 y4.fl h47tf,
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.rl2 f,Ur h1-a'1"1t-,1 hg,L2r qA,T )0.:: ntlug.
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r\4flF', 'J .r hoohd!,f ,0C:; lT8iln.Cqlt't *l?.1::l
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1936-1942

g$* Tq?, rn+-a 'zzn']-c .f\ ttru'z,,'n| zruft T.ln'l-c

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fh.).f\ ?$6p T4g o,t.LhlC of,f "?.In+C n?nchn+

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f ho ndl,tr truci lr'I-rhffT fints. 'I-rTi tnG !
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&'lt thor ?hr lflc:: htt", 9t,,+ '?Ln')-c ?tl"l
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ul CIc?.F |'ri r'ff qdf'! .rn.r{. .r.}r.}-r*-.p t*aqi
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thcd?.n+nr
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tht-Loo-'| 0dg.U'I',. f,,aofi4dr:: h.2g-.1.1 ,g,n"f\ t qfi.+.,
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rnc?.jr f?r!.)":: gh.+rhf mlq. .rh.l-th.Tt fi.qa fi+c
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h9.9.l'l' 't'(.L'lzt /As ally for the prosecution of the war, without ^f'
prejudice of her sovereignty and until the end of the war, Ethiopia
accepts to put Ogaden under the British military administration. dlfl"l
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 Aklilu Remembers

llistorical recollections from a prison cell

Aklilu Habtewold
Prime Minister of Ethiopia, l96L-197 4

Translated by
Getachew Tedla

Addis Ababa University Press

 Contents

Preface .................98
Introduction ........101
l. Involvement in Political Activities......'.............. ........112
2. Appointm€nt to the Ethiopian Embassy in Paris .........125
3. ViceMinisterattheMinistryofPen ........139
4. The Paris Peace Confercncc with ltaly... ..................... 157
5. My Stnrggle to Rcunite Eritrea with Ethiopia................................166
6. Strivc to Reunite Afambo ......L97
7. Efforts to Draft New Constitution /1955/.. ..................206
List of Promincnt Ethiopians Referred in the Book ....221
Glossary.... ..........225
"If by killing us you could redeem Eth@ia from
poverSt, we then accept your action as a
blessing"

Prime Minister Tsehafe T'ezaz Aklilu Habtewold's comment

before being taken away to be shot to death on24 November 1974,
together with sixty other former officials of Emperor Haile
Selassie' s government.

@ecounted by Ato Ketema Yifru, Mudaye,First year, No. 12, December

t9e2)
Preface

This is a translation of the political autobiography of the late Prime

Minister Tsehafe T'ezaz Aklilu Habtewold, which was submitted to the
commission of Inquiry that was appointed by the leaders of the 1974
revolution. The purpose of this translation is to make Aklilu's memoir
accessible to historians, researchers, and other interested people.
'Ihe original Amharic manuscript entitled "Report of Prime
Minister Tsehafe T'ezaz Aklilu Habtewold, on the request of the Inquiry
commission " was written on Meskerem lo, 1967 (September 17, 1974)
while the late Prime Minister was in detention. The frfty-seven pages
report is compartmentaliz-ed into seventeen major topics, with sub-
headings. Tinted with foreign words and expressions (French and
English) the report is a reflection of Aklilu's erudition' As the statement
was written while the Prime Minister was in the Derg's prison, hence
withou/ a hold to reference documents, some of Aklilu's views relied on
his memory span, at times put in a nutshell. (Derg, an Amharic term with
literal meaning committee, is adapted to mean the Coordinating
committee of the Armed Forces that took over power from the
government of Emperor Haile Selassie).
ln order to help the reader, I have addressed the document in the
following manner.
- wherever I felt that some of the names or phrases written in
foreign languages (e.g. French) are unclear, I translated it word by
word and placed a question mark in square bracket [?]'
- "Jqnhoy" which is repeatedly mentioned in the original document
is an Amharic synonym for Emperor Haile Selassie. Throughout
the document an English equivalent of the term, "The Emperor" is
used.
- The late Prime Minister often referred to the USSR government as
"Moscow" and its officials as "Moscobite"; I have chosen to use
 99

the term "Soviet Union" to the courtry and ,,Russian', to the

official.
- Due to ambivalence in the use of Amharic terms, the interpretation
of certain words required a phrase or lines of sentences for a
satisfactory explanation while others sufficed with just one word.
Nevertheless, all the topics are translated line by line in accordance
with the original document.
An Ethiopian name consists of the person's own name, followed
by that of his father, unlike European names where the second name is a
surname. Thus Ketema Yefru's and Yilma Deressa's own names are
Ketema and Yilma, and their fathers' names are yefru and Deressa. The
patronymic helps to prevent confusion with namesakes. It is quite
correct to refer them simply as Ketema and Yilma without any hint of
familiarity, whereas it is a mistake to call them Mr. yefru or Mr. Deressa
as this creates confusion with their father's. Moreover, Ethiopian
religious names are a compound of two words: Wolde Gabnel, for
example, means Son of Saint Gabriel and Haile Selassie means power of
the Trinity. In general usage, such names are sometimes written as one
word and sometimes as two. In this text such names are printed as one
word. It is a mistake to use either part of such a name alone.
The Ethiopian New Year, Meskerem l, falls on lls September
according to the Gregorian calendar, and the system of counting is
between seven and eight years behind the Gregorian calendar. tn the
translated version wherever the Ethiopian calendar is used the Gregorian
equivalent is mentioned in square brackets.
Pertinent introductory quotes from the book of the distinguished
American Professor John H. Spencer's ETHIO?IA AT BAy; A personal
Account of the Haile selassie Years; and Professor christopher
Clapham's book ru,UtO SELASSIE'S GOVEilNMENT give readers a
foresight into Aklilu's political life narrated herein. A chronological list
of Aklilu's main appointments and activities, drawn by professor John H.
Spencer, is a marvellous illustration of the late prime Minister's
r00 Aklilu Remernbers

commitment to national duty. A list of promirient Ethiopian personalities

that are mentioned in the document is keyed at the end of the document.
To concentrate merely on the translation is limited to only
background information.
I would like to take this opportunity to duly acknowledge the
people who encouraged me to translate the authentic document' Very
special thanks goes to my father, AtoTedla Abebe, for providing me a
copy of the document. Equally enonnous thanks also goes to Weyzero
Tersit Akalework who gave me beautiful pictures and valuable
documents of the late Prime Minister, Aklilu Habtewold' I am very
grateful to Professor Sven Rubenson for reading the first draft of the
translation and for useful comments and suggestions he contributed. I
am also indebted to Professor John H. Spencer for the details of Aklilu's
career, which I have listed in the introduction. I sincerely extend my
appreciation to Dr. Tadesse Zeihun who assisted me in translating, and
gave me useful advice in finding the actual meaning and sense of the
Amharic terminology.
Notwithstanding some difficulties in interpretation, I have
attempted to the best of my ability to maintain the translation in direct
correspondence with the original document.
I want to express my gratitude to Addis Ababa University Press
and its employees for their professional support and finally for
publishing the book.

Getachew Tedla (PhD)

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
 Introduction

The Provisional Military Government (PMG) took control of the country

from Emperor Haile Selassie's administration in 1974. Subsequently,
former government officials were detained and a Commission of Inquiry
was set up to investigate for abuse of power, colTuption, mismanagement
and/or maladministration. Some of the officials, including Prime
Minister Aklilu, were interviewed and their statement was made public
on radio and other media. The detained officials were ordered to write
their autobiography emphasizing on their qtreer and achievements as
civil servants. It was then assumed that after the investigation was
completed, the Inquiry Commission would hand over this material to the
tribunal. None of the officials were tried, however. ln one of the saddest
incidents of Ethiopian history, Prime Minister Aklilu Habtewold was
executed by thi Derg (mllltary junta) on 24 November 1974, along with
sixty other officials of Emperor Haile Selassie's government.
' Aklilu Habtewold was born on March 12, 1912. His father,
Aleqa Habtewold Kabteneh and his mother Weyzero Yadegdegu Felfelu
were of Bulga descent, from Shewa region. Aleqa Habtewold was a
devoted clergyman of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Aklilu was the
youngest son of the Habtewold family. He completed his Amharic
grammar and Ge'ez studies at Saint Raguel Church in Addis Ababa
before he was exposed to modern education. The eldest son, Mekonnen,
who had great loyalty to Emperor Haile Selassie, was responsible for
educating his two younger brothers. [t could be mentioned here that both
of Aklilu's brothers, Mekonnen and Akalework Habtewold, were also
influential officials in the former Imperial Ethiopian Government. Aklilu
was married to a French lady, Madame V. Collet, whom he met in Paris
while presusing his college study. Madam Collet was the source of
102 Aklilu Rernernbers

Aklilu,s income and survival during the hard times of the Second World
War. A biography of Aklilu has yet to be written'
Two extracts from important books on the reign of Haile
Selassie, however, gives us a glimpse of Aklilu's personality and
his role
in tying up the nation together after the colonial expulsion' One of the
most knowledgeable persons with regard to Ethiopian government and
its foreign relations during the period when Aklilu was Foreign Minister
was the distinguished American Professor John H. Spencer' In
his book

ETHIOPIA AT BAY; A Personal Account of the Haile Selassie Years

(1984, pp. 115-117) he characterizes Aklilu as follows'
Aklilou was of an average weight and height but with very
broad shoulders which, he claimed, he had developed through
his passion for swimming. Like his brothers he had the typical
bronze skin of the Amhara and the Roman nose' He had spent
years in Egypt at the French Lycee in Alexandria before going
toParistoobtainhislawdegree,whichhecompletedatthe
Facult6 de Droit. '.. He was remarkably clear and logical
thinkerandaformidableantagonistinencounterswithforeign
representatives. ..' {He had} keen mmd, legal training and
powerful memory' ... Aklilou married a French woman,
Collet,whostoicallyenduredalongperiodofostracismfrom
a race-consciouscourt and who provided him with the Parisian
ambiance to which he was so deeply attached' " ' Throughout
his life, Aklilou remained profoundly pro-French' This
attitude was not due, solely, to his background' There was
also the fact that with the exception of the period of the Italo-
Ethiopian war, France had always supported Ethiopra in her
stnrggle with the British' Aklilou's strong French sympathies
enabled him intellectually to dismiss treason and to look to
France for help in the developing struggles with Britarn' " '
During the decade of the 1960s, his strongly pro-French
 Introduction 103

policies ensured to Ethiopia's benefit in developing French

opposition to the attempts by Somalia to size the Djibouti
territory. ... Aklilou's relation with the British was governed
by total suspicion, a mistrust strangely enhanced to a degree
by the efforts of Ambassador Lascelles to master the Amharic
language. Despite the great measure of assistance extended to
Ethiopia by the United States, Aklilou also remained
mistrustful of United States policies and officials. ... Aklilou
was in many ways the most Europeanized of all those
surrounding the Emperor. ... He was universally respected for
his quick intelligence and persuasive discourse, and for the
fact that he never amassed a fortune in of;fice. (Unlike others,
Aklilou sent no money abroad with the consequence that his
widow had to live in France in straightened circumstances). At
the same time, he was resented for his grcater knowledge of
European psychology, wiles, and designs, and for the
favouritism that the Emperor showed him.

A British specialist on Ethiopian affairs, professor christopher

Clapham in his book HAILE SEL-ASSIE'S GOVERNMENT (1969, pp.
l3l-32) has the following to say about Aklilu.
Bitwadad Mekonnen's successor was the Minister of
Foreign Affairs, Aklilu Habte-Wold, who took over as acting
Prime Minister, and was appointed full prime Minister in
1961. His ten years in office have seen the gradual growth of
an institutional premiership, which has owed comparatively
little to traditional organization and techniques. ... Aklilu is
the type of the career civil servant. He came from a Church
famrly, and reached high office under the protection of his
elder and more powerfitl brother, Mekonnen Habta-Wold. But
his background was very different from Mekonnen,s for he
was educated in France and is married to a French-woman,
and as a result he is regarded by some as more French than
104 Aklilu Rernernbers

Ethiopian; certainly his administrative methods are rather

more French than those of most of his contemporaries. ... His
European methods natumlly suited him for the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, which he directed continuously from October
1943 until April 1958. He took the leading part in all of the
more important diplomatic negotiations, including the British
Agreement of 1944 and the Federation with Eritrea, and was
also on a great many govemment boards and commissions'
This long concern with foreign affairs brought him much into
contact with the Emperor, but he tried to remain aloof from
intrigues and factions within the government, and he is said to
have been an irregular attendee at the Council of Ministers
during his years at Foreign Affairs. ... He is thus a competent
but rmassertive administrator, content to improve his position
little by little, without trying to upset the balance of power
within the government. He is not corrupt, but he enjoys the
comforts of office, and has taken no rash step, which might
jeopardize them. In the ten years since his appointment,
Aklilu's position has steadily improved. In 1957, he was not
even the fust among equals, and it is only since the revolt of
December 1960 that he has become the major figure of the
govemment. With the death as hostage of several important
politicians, Aklilu then emerged as the Emperor's chief
adviser, and it has since become usual for important policy
matters to be discussed in advance between them' He has also
profited from the general decline since 1960 in traditional
methods and factional intrigue, since his European training
and lack of personal machine suit him to a more modern form
of government. ... Though increases in his formal powers had
been canvassed ever since the failure of the December revolt,
it was not until March 1966 that these were implemented, and
the Prime Minister received the power to select other
ministers. These changes have had no dramatic results' but
 Introduction 105

they marked the emergence of Aklilu as a second-in-authority

only to the Emperor.

The growth in Aklilu's position since 1960 can be

seen in a number of ways. One of the most striking is the
manner in which he takes over much of the general co-
ordination of government affairs during the increasingly
frequent absences abroad of the Emperor, and visitors to the
Prime Ministry include important offrcials, such as the
Minister of Defence. ... A good deal of co-coordinating work
goes to the Prime Minister even when the Emperor is at home,
and he has adjudicated disputes. ... He has gained further co-
coordinating functions through his chairmanship of the
Council of Ministers, and his feeling for consensus and his
lack of sellassertion have suited him for such work as this.
He has naturally both consulted and been consulted by the
Emperor over important questions such as appointments, and
he has also taken over from the Emperor some supervision of
administrative detail.
'fhe career of Prime Minister Aklilu Habtewold, from l94l to
1966, is summarized by Professor John H. Spencer as follows.

. 1941, return from exile in Europe and appointment as Vice

Minister of Pen.
c 1943, involved in the preparation of a draft treaty which would
replace the Anglo-Ethiopian Agreement of 3l January 1942.
o 1943 October, appointment as Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs.
. 1943 November 2, negotiations with the United States on the
introduction of a new Ethiopian curency.
. 1944 January-April, continued work on documentation and
diplomatic mimeographs to the council of foreign ministers of
the four great powers.
I06 Aklilu Rernembers

. 1944 April l,address to the United States Legation following

negotiations with the United States on the introduction of a new
monetary system, including the minting of silver and copper
coins as well as the printing of banknotes.
o 1944 May 25, denunciation of the Anglo-Ethiopian Ageement
of 3l January 1942 to oblige the British Government to stop the
negotiations to replace the agreement. On the same note of
denunciation, Aklilu included a demand for the transfer of the
railway administration to Ethiopia.
o 1944 September 26, arival in Addis Ababa of the mission of
Lord De La War for the opening of the negotiations.
o 1944 November 5, breakdown of negotiations because of
Britain's demand for ceding Ogaden to Great Britain.
c 1944 December 19, signature of the Anglo-Ethiopian agreement
replacing the one of 3l January, 1942.
c 1945 April, Egypt requests permission from Aklilu to make a
survey of the Baro river basin.
o 1945 April-June, conference of the United Nations in San
Francisco. The Charter was signed by Aklilu on 26 June 1945.
o 1945 July 15, signature by Aklilu on the concession of petrol
from Sinclair in New York,
o 1945 September, signature of an agreement with TWA for the
establishment of the Ethiopian Airlines,
o 1945, the start of negotiations with the United Kingdom on the
boundary between Ethiopia and Kenya.
o 1946 March, discussions were held in London on the subject of
Lake Tana.
o 1946May 4, final agreement for the handover of the railway line
by a French company, between Aklilu and de Besson.
 lntroduction 107

. 1946 July-September, the Paris Peace Conference Aklilu as

chief of delegation: Eritrea, Somalia, reparations, crimes of war,
Italian property in Ethiopia, national archives and treasures taken
by the Italian from Ethiopia.
o 1946 OctoberNovember, negotiations on the borders with
Kenya.
1947 lanuary, presentation of Ethiopia's demands with regard to
Eritrea and Somalia to a meeting of Foreign Ministers in
London.
1947 Apil, Anglo-Egyptian attempts on the subject of Lake
Tana and on the construction of Nile dam in order to preserve the
waters of Lake Albert and Lake Victoria.
1947, very difficult negotiations with the British Government in
relation to its objection to glving the concession to Sinclair for
oil exploration in the Ogaden.
a 1947, agreement on the boundary with Kenya.
o 1948, problems of the Nile - discussions with Great Britain and
Egypt.
a 1949 July, appointed as Minister of Foreign Affairs.
a of Eritrea.
7949 , the entire year was devoted to the problems
o 1949 November, Aklilu refrained from giving a reply to Eglpt's
question concerning Lake Tana in order to show that such a
question does not have any bearing on the subject of Eritrea in
the UN.
1950 SeptemberDecember, intemrpted negotiations at the UN
in NY for the drafting of Resolution 390 V of 2nd December
establishing the federation of Eritrea with Ethiopia.
1951, continuous negotiations with the Commission of the
United Nations in Eritrea on the subject of federation.
108 Aklilu Remembers

o 1951, negotiations with Great Britain and Egypt on the question

of the River Nile.
o 1952, continuous negotiations with Commission of the UN in
Eritrea on the subject of federation.
o 1952, establishment of diplomatic relations with Italy.
o 1952, negotiations with the British administration in Eritrea for
the handover of public installations.
o 1952 September 15, implanentation of the federation of Eritrea
with Ethiopia.
o 1953 April-May, negotiations in Washington for military
assistance agreement for Ethiopia and another agreement
allowing the establishment of an American center of
communication around Asmara (kagaew); these two agreements
were signed on the 22n May 1955.
. 1953 September-December, the first draft of the revised
constitution; and negotiation with Italy on the subject of national
boundary lines.
r 1954 November, signature of the Franco-Ethiopian agreement on
the boundary around the area of Lake Afambo.
o 1954 November 29, Anglo-Ethiopian agreement (London) for
the withdrawal of British forces from the reserved zones of the
Ogaden.
o with Somalia.
1954, negotiations with Italy on the border
o 1955 February 28, the last British military unit left Ethiopian
soil, for the first time since 1934; Ethiopia got rid of foreign
military forces from its territory.
o 1955 November 2, the National Jubilee celebration and
promulgation of the Revised Constitution.
 Introduction 109

r 1956 April 12-24, Dodds-Parker mission: attempt of Great

Britain to buy the reserved zones: attempt failed.
. 1956 September 2, Aklilu leaves for Cairo as a member of the
committee of five: USA, Australia,Iran, Ethiopia and Sweden.
o 1957, deliberation on the question of the Nile with Egypt.
o 1957 September 25, Ethio-Sudanese agreement on defence.
o 1957 November, appointed Deputy Prime Minister.
o 1958 July 7, Anglo-Ethiopian agreement on civil aviation.
o 1959 November 12, Franco-Ethiopian agreement on the railway
line.
o 1960 January 16-28, consultations between Hammarskjold and
Aklilu in Mitswa on the subject of borders with Somalia.
. l96l April 17, Aklilu became Prime Minister.
o 1962 December 15, end of the federation with Eritrea.
o 1963 May, constitutional conference of the OAU (May 25 the
Charter was signed).
o 1964 JrttJy 24, Resolution 16 (l) of the oAU concerning the
dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia regarding borders.
o 1965, the whole year was devoted on the question of national
development.
o 1966 March 23, Aklilu was henceforth to form his own
ministerial cabinet.
I l0 Aklilu Rernembers

Written statement submitted to the Commission of

Inquiry by
Tsehafe T'ezaz Aklilu Habtewold

September 17,1974
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

"lwrote the following account in prison while under detention by

the provisional Military Government. As I was not given the
opportunity to see documents and other supporting facts, it is
possible that I might have missed a number of pertinent issues,
which ought to have been highlighted. Nevertheless, what is
recorded here is based on factual events, which carf be proved with
the help of extant documents."

Tsehafe T'ezaz Aklilu Habtewold

 Introduction

Educational Background

A. I was born on Megabit 5, 1904 (March 12,l9l2), and completed my

Amharic language studies at Saint Raguel Church.
B. After attending Menelik School in Addis Ababa for three years, I
was sent in 1925 to the Lycde (French Grammar School) in
Alexandria, Egypt, to continue my studies.
C. I attended courses from 1925 to 1931;upon completion I received a
Bachelor degree.
D. Then I moved on and I joined the famous university, the Sorbonne. I
read Law and took courses in Advanced Commercial Studies and
Political Science. Having completed my studies from l93l to 1936, I
received the following degrees:
. L.L.B in Law (Licence en droit)
r Post-Doctoral Diploma in Public Law ( Dipl6me de Doktorat
en Droit Public)

' Post-Doctoral Diploma in Economics (Dipl6me de Doktorat en

Economique)

' Advanced Certificate of Commerce (Certificat d'Etude

Superieure s C ommercial s)
. Certificate in Political Science.
 I
Involvement in Political Activities

1.1 Lycie in Alexandria

During the time I attended school at the French Lycde in Alexandria,

Egypt, the country's coptic-orthodox church Patriarch His Holiness
Johannes made an official visit to Ethiopia. He gave scholarships
to sixty
young Ethiopians to study in Egypt. After they arrived in Egypt the
patriarch complained that he had requested only for six students but he
was given sixty. Later on, the students faced great problems regarding
board and lodging, and in getting adequate clothing'

From their school in cairo, three students representing the group

came to See us in Alexandria and lamented, "As you can see, we are
living in dire condition, we are starved, and consequently fall sick, and
we do not have spare clothes. we beg you to help us to get relief from
the desperation." Some twenty of us at the Lycde in Alexandria collected
our spare clothes and sent it to them. I had sent a telegram to the Crown
prince, Ras Teferi Mekonnen, who at the time was regent and heir to the
throne, stating all the problems the students were facing and requesting
that everything possible to be done to gel them out of the

impoverishment,
During the hot season and vacation periods the Egyptian
government moves its office from Cairo to Alexandria' lncidentally, the
office had moved to Alexandria at the time. Along with one of my
friends, Meshesha Hailu (who now become a Member of Parliament), we
went to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and demanded to see the
Minister. After a long wrangling they allowed us in. The official we met
 Involvement in political Activities r l3
whose name I cannot recall was in fact the Minister of Communication
and Acting Foreign Affairs Minister. lncidentally, he was a Copt.

We explained to him the reason of our visit. We reminded him

that his government has the responsibility of taking care of for the
student's health, clothing and accommodation; otherwise, they should be
sent back to Ethiopia. Ifthe negligence continues and let the students go
on miserable and sick, we told the Minister, the relationship between the
Ethiopian and Egyptian Orthodox Christian churches could be watered
down and possibly be intemrpted. We also assured the Minister that we,
the current students, were going to be the future leaders of Ethiopia and
would not forget any such calamity.

The Egyptian Minister was touched by the students suffering. He

told us that he was travelling back to Cairo and we should also go there
and bring the students with us to meet the Patriarch. He added, if our
compliant was canard, we would all be in trouble and this we assented.
On the day of the appointment, his Holiness the Patriarch was surprised
to see us with the students he brought from Ethiopia. I and Meshesha
Hailu translated the discourse between the Minister and the students. The
Minister posed some questions to the students through us to which they
replied. I tried hard to get the Minister understand the heart-rending
sufferance of the students. Finally, the Minister realized the condition
was as bad as I had told hirn. In that moment his protocol told him that a
telegram from Addis Ababa had reached King Faruq. The message urged
the government of Eglpt to send the sick students to hospital and the rest
back home if the govemment is unable to ensure their safety. The
Minister and the Patriarch conferred for a while and ordered:

a) that the students should be fed properly,

b) that they should be given a reasonable stipend, and
l14 Aklilu Rernembers

c) to buy them each two sets of clothes' (It was a$eed that the
clothes should be bought while we were still in Cairo to assist
the treasurer in the Purchases')

As agreed, we went to a shop with the treasurer and bought the

students some clothes. (I still remember the students choosing quite
expensive clothes, reddening the treasurer's eyes at every choice. Settling
the dust thus I went back to Alexandria. The Headmaster of the school
had left a message for me asking that I should see him' When I drop at
his office, he furiously shouted at me that I was a pupil, and not a
politician, who could travel to Cairo. He told me that no refund of my
expenses would be paid. This was bad news as I had borrowed some
money from my fellow foreign students.

For six months things seemed improving and the students lived
in better conditions. After a while, we received another message that said
the situation had relapsed. When we check, we realized they nearly were
in a saddening situation. This time there was not much we could do' I
immediately sent a telegram to the Emperor stating the students' misery.
Our consul in Jerusalem, Alo Paulos, arrived in Cairo at the executive
order of His Majesty and arranged for the students' return to Addis
Ababa.

Some students I still remember include Feleke Ergetu

of the
(now Ke gnazmach), Zew de Gebrehiwot (now B it'woded), T efera Seyefu ,
Tefera Sheshu, and Woldemariam Haile (now General). (Ato Mashesha
Hailu and General Woldemariam have deeper knowledge about this
history).
 Involvernent in political Activities ll5

1.2 Events during my last days at Sorbonne University

It was Mussolini's agreement with France that gave him the impetus to
invade Ethiopia. France is an old friend and traditionally supporter of
Ethiopia. This is mainly because of the Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway
line, which was constructed by the French. For example, when the
Emperor and his entourage toured Europe in 1924, he established a
makeshift at Paris and it was from there he had visited London, Rome
and Stockholm.

Because France feared the rise of Hitler and Mussolini, French

Prime Minister Pierre Laval wanted to lure Italia away from Germany
Ethiopia as a gift. Mossoloni tied an agreement with France by which
France conceded not to object Italian deeds on Ethiopia including the
country's occupation. It should be recalled that from the very beginning,
when Ethiopia appealed to the League of Nations of an imminent
invasion, France sabotaged to have Ethiopia's appeal overlooked, and
when Italy declared war on Ethiopia, France advocated Italy.

During this period, election to the French Parliament was in

progress. The three main parties, the Radical Socialist Party, the Socialist
Party, and the Communist Party, were determined to topple the
government of Monsieur Laval. They were led by prominent politicians
like Messieurs Edouard Herriot, L6on Blum and Maurice Thorez. Taking
advantage of the situation, I explained to all three parties that:
. Ethiopia was threatened by occupation;
r we had appealed to the League of Nations;
. by betraying Ethiopia Laval wanted to please Mussoliru, and had
weakened the objective of the Collective Security. Moreover, he
tried to hinder Ethiopia's appeal to the League of Nations, and
il6 Aklilu Remernbers

supported the aggressive leadership of Mussolini and Hitler, thereby

speeding up the World War.

I revealed to all parties my interest to speak at their rallies' I

knew that this was a wind fallen chance to bring the nature of the threat
before us to the attention of the French people and to the rest of the
world. After some discussion, they allowed me to make as many
speeches as I wished at their public meetings. When opportunity
occurred I was free to deliver speeches about Ethiopia and the Italian
aggression. I warned the French people that if no action was taken,
France and other defenceless countries would soon face the same fate as
Ethiopia was expericncing.

On one particular day I made three speeches, each at different

venues of the parties. Surprisingly, I was given a seat among the parties'
Ieaders. They all introduced me, "as representative whose country was
the victim of Italian aggressiou, and an Ethiopian who was present to
publicly explain the current situation in Ethiofia." The next day, French
newspapers, according to their political allegiance, published stories
quoting my speech and describing me Aklilu Habtewold, a representative
of the Ethiopian elite, workers, and the armed forces had made the
following speech. ... (Copies of these newspapers can be found in
France).

At the end of the gruelling campaign, Laval's party lost to

Blum's Socialist Party. Winning majority seats in parliament, the
Socialist Party formed a coalition with other political otganizations
known as "Front Populaire," and took over the leadership of the French
government. ln the meantime, Italian forces had invaded Ethiopia and the
Emperor went into exile to London.
When I spoke with Prime Minister L6on Blum, he gave me his
console about the Italian invasion. He said that Italy took over Ethiopia
 Involvement in political Activities I 17

before his party ascended to power. Nevertheless, he assured me that

France would never recognize Italy's occupation of Ethiopia.
unfortunately, the other powerful nations including Britain had

recognized Italy's occupation of Ethiopia.

During the five years before World War II started, I remained in

Paris as an Offrcer-in-Charge of the Ethiopian Embassy. The embassy
issued passports to all Ethiopian refugees besides giving other consular
services. whenever the French government prepares an official
invitation, the Officer-in-Charge of the Ethiopian Embassy was naturally
invited. For instance, when the King and the Queen of Great Britain
made an official visit to France in 1938, all resident ambassadors were
invited; also attended the welcoming ceremony where we were
I
supposed to gfeet the royal couple. According to the protocol
arrangements, Ethiopian and Italian ambassadors were to sit side by side.

When the Italian ambassador saw that I was seated next to him,
he was very annoyed and started shouting madly at me. Enraged, I
shouted back even anglly. Everyone watched the fracas. The chief of
Protocol immediately placed an offrcial from the Foreign Affairs
Ministry to seat in between. At the evening dinner reception, the new
protocol alrangement was preserved. All delegates were evasive of being
seen with me by the ltalian. However, the president of the parliament,
President Herriot along with Prime Minister L6on Blum came to me,
hold my hand, and led me to the buffet. We had a meticulous discussion
of the current Ethiopian situation. Both statesmen assured me that they
would stand by Ethiopia in every possible way.
The next day, I reported to His Majesty the Emperor, who was in
London, about the discussion. lndeed, both statesmen and their party
kept their promise to the end in supporting Ethiopia. ln recognition of his
ll8 Aklilu Remembers

Support, the Emperor had decorated President Edouard Herriot with the
Sellasie Cordone.

1.3 Briefing Journalists and Establishing Committees

Propaganda was one of the prime means of warfare. Italian propaganda
was channelled through newspapers, radio, and cinema disseminating
offensive opinions about Ethiopians as primitive, slave traders, akin to
wild animals, etc. They claimed that their mission in Ethiopia was to
modemize the country and introduce a civilized way of life.

As a result, the French public sympathized with ltaly's

camouflaged intention. I set out on a massive counter campaign to
percolate Ethiopia's case to all concerned officials, the media and to the
public at large. I, therefore, accomplished the following,

a) I had intimate ties with many joumalists which paves the way to
explain them the reality. I evidenced that Ethiopia is a Christian
country since many past centuries and because of its unique
civilization, the nation had maintained its independence for a long
period. I also demolished that Italian incrimination of slave trading
was fictious by drawing on numerous facts and concrete evidences.
The next day newspapers, particularly publications of the three main
parties, published a report of my statement.

b) My close friends Monsieur Jean Goulet (later he joined the

Ministry
of lnformation in Ethiopia and started a FrenchJanguage newspaper)
and some other French joumalists assisted me to form two
committees that would facilitate the advocacy work. The committees
organize mass gatherings and we elucidated the meeting about fascist
animosities.
 Involvement in political Activities l19

When the war started, some countries sent Red Cross teams to
Ethiopia. Likewise, the French Red Cross asked its government
permission to send a delegation to Ethiopia; but the French government
denied the permission. Instead, it collected financial contributions and
amenities (beds, clothes), put together a volunteer medical doctor's team,
and sent a non-governmental mission under the leadership of A[onsieur
Jean Goulet. The French benevolence was greatly admired and
acknowledged by the Secretary of the Ethiopian Red Cross, Ato
Akalework Habtewold.
Upon the delegate's retum, a big meeting'was held to hear their
report. Monsieur Jean Goulet declared that he had not seen any evidence
of slave trade in Ethiopia, and that he was impressed to discover
Ethiopians being more free and civilized than the invading ltalians' The
remark commended a warrn applause.

c) With the support of these two committees, a newspaper entitled

"Nouvelles d'Ethiopie" (News of Ethiopia) was established' Its
objective was to inculcate Ethiopia's cause, and the barbarity of
Italians. I had contributed various articles to this newspaper I have
one copy of this newspaper in my archive. The two committees are
named Comitb d'action Ehtiopie, arrd Assie du peuple Ethoipie.

1.4 Appointment to the League of Nations

Even though I rvas quite young and pursuing my college study, observing
my keen interest and commitment the Emperor appointed me Permanent
Secretary of the Ethiopian delegation to the League of Nations at
Geneva. The delegation was led by Fitawrari Teklehawariat Wayeh,
who was the Ethiopian Minister in Paris. We both used to attend the
meetings and presented our orientation to the League members. The
well-known political scientist and my former instructor, Professor
120 Aklilu Remembers

Gaston Jeze was a special advisor to the delegation. I still have the
written permit issued by the Swiss Government on March 13, 1935 in my
archive.

Later, Belatengeta Woldemarian replaced Fitawrari

Teklehawariat. The Emperor sent a telegram to Teklehawariat effecting
my appointment as Press Attach6 at the Ethiopian Embassy in Paris.
However, the newly appointed minister refused to acknowledge my
appointment.

Aklilu uas engaged in highest govemment posts before he

tumed twenty.
 Involvement in political Activities t2t
ln spite of his rejection, I performed my press attachd duties
from the hotel room where I resided, giving briefings and interviews to
journalists. For instance, Monsieur Laval, the Prime Minister of France
and the British Foreign Affairs Minister, [Sir Samuel] Hoare held talks
which resulted in the "Hoere-Laval Pact". The pact consists of the
following conspiratorial accord.

"To bring peace between Italy and Ethiopia, the best solution is
to detach a portion of the country- Harer, Sidamo, and Bale provinces -
as Italian colonial land, and to keep the Ethiopian boundary restricted to
the Amhara areas, namely, Gonder, Gojam, and Tigre..,"

Viewing this as the ultimate solution for a peaceful settlement of

the disagreement between the two countries, they disclosed their plan to
the Emperor through their respective ambassadors. As soon as I learnt of
the covenant from the Emperor, I leaked to the famous journalist
Madume Rapatel Tabouis, who was the Director of the Radical Party's
newspaper of the plot. She immediately scooped the news and headed to
London where there was greater freedom of the press. She exposed the
conspiracy through various newspapers and radio programmes.
Consequently, British newspapers gave high priority to the story and
stated that the Hoare-Laval Pact legitimized aggression and could
endanger the ideals of the Collective Security Agreement.

An intense disagreement broke out in the British parliament and

Hoare was asked to explain his action. He explained the issues in tears,
and said he made this agreement simply to save Ethiopia fiom further
humiliation and conquest. He further stated as no country would protect
Ethiopia from the aggressor, he was eamestly trying to help end the
controversy. With this defence, he apologized in ptrblic lbr his deeds.
The world also contradicted the pact. As the Emperor strongly refused to
122 Aklilu Remembers

make a deal on this matter the whole idea was dropped from further
consideration.

While I entirely committed myself to perusing my country's

affairs, my main support conceming daily routines, accommodation, and
fbod was provided by my girlfriend, (who eventually became my wife)
Mademoiselle Colette. She had just completed her studies and was
teaching. I relied on her for financial backing. She eams a modest salary
and also received monetary support from her father.

I read in a newspaper report that after the battle at Maychew, the

Emperor would proceed to Gore to continue the war with the invading
Italians. I realized that there was not much we could achieve at the
League of Nations. The only option that was left to us was to expel the
enemy by force. I decided to travel to Gore and join the Emperor's army.
The only possible means of travel was to fly by Royal Airlines to Sudan,
and then to take a boat down the Nile River to Gambela. With the
assistance of my current wife Madam Colette, who was generous enough
to give me money and to solicit contributions from our close friends
Monsieur Lukas, Denia, Lugar, Nif etc,), I bought the air ticket'
Monsieur Lukas decided to go with me to the warfoont. We bought the
necessary equipment for our trip, such as tents, medicine etc. Two days
before our departure, we read in a newspaper that the Emperor had
arrived at Djibouti on his way to London. As we were in the dark on the
Emperor's movements, we were saddened and lost all hope. We were
thus obliged to cancel our trip,

1.5 Monsiear Marcel Griaule

The famous French author Monsieur Griaule had published many novels.
He had also travelled to Ethiopia and visited many places in the country
including the province of Gonder, When he retumed to his countrY, he
 Involvement in political Activities 123

published a book entitled "Flambeurs d'Hommes" (Those who burn

people). ln this novel he wrote, "ln Ethiopia, in earlier times, one method
of criminal punishment was to dress the convict with wax-soaked cloth
and burn him alive".

For the Italians this statement was a fodder for propaganda.

Together with other documents and books, they presented this statement
to the League of Nations in an attempt to cast Ethiopians as savage and
barbarian. Monsieur Griaule was very annoyed that his novel was
wickedly misused; he travelled personally to Geneva to protest at the
League's summit. He informed the delegates that this book was a total
fiction and the idea of incineration was used purely to give a romantic
glamour to the story. In fact, he became one of the strong proponents of
Ethiopia. Afterwards, we often met and discussed matters relating to
Ethiopia. I realized that a distinguished writer like Griaule could be made
a key purveyor ofcounter propaganda ifhe was personally briefed by the
Emperor himself about the Italian aggression. He would then be able to
propagate our cause to a larger public.

I contacted the Emperor, who was in Jerusalem, and suggested to

his majesty to explain the course of the battle and Italian cruelty to
Griaule so that he could write out the atrocity. The Emperor agreed and
instructed me to send Griaule to him. we collected money, purchased a
plane ticket and sent him to Jerusalem. He received an audience and
travelled with the Emperor in a British warship to Gibraltar. He took
down everything the Emperor had told him.

When he came back, he was quite impressed and was more

sympathetic towards the Ethiopian position. A few days after his return,
Monsieur Griaule published a booklet entitled "From the Emperor's
Mouth", (Neuillies de la bouche me'me de S.M.L. Empereur Haile
sellassie).In this work he outlined in detail the aggression of the Fascist
124 Aklilu Remembers

Italian forces against Ethiopia. He recounted how churches and

residential houses were burnt down; the Italians, equipped with modern
armaments and aeroplanes, had exterminated the barefooted Ethiopians,
who had only a handful of conventional firearms. He inquired, how those
who claimed to spread civilization were destroying a country and its
people. The booklet dominated public opinion and many were so grieved
that they even wept publicly when they read the account. After the
distribution throughout Europe, the vast majority of
of the booklet
Europeans gave strong support to the Emperor and to Ethiopia' A
symposium was held at Geneva in support of the Ethiopian cause.

Even though, the Italians were breaking their back making a

prolonged propaganda campaign to legitimize their invasion, their effort
tumed out futile. ln the end, many people realized that the barbaric
savages were the Italians, while the civilized people were the Ethiopians'
'this booklet is available in Europe; a copy is available in the Emperor's
personal library too.
 Appointment to the Ethiopian Embassy in Paris

When the Emperor arrived in London in 1936,I flew to England to meet

him and avowed that I was at his disposal to serve my country in every
possible way. I briefed him about the situation in Europe, the growing
atlitudes towards Ethiopia, and about what had been accomplished' I
presented for his majesty's consideration a novel set of diplomatic
prograrnme and strategies which t devised employing my rich
experience, and the advice of some of Europe's renowned politicians
(such as President Herriot Porjeze [?] and Monsieu Marcel Griaule...).
At the discussion, Ato Woldegiorgis Woldeyohannes, Doctor Lorenzo
Taezaz and the American advisor, John Spencer were also present'

During the invasi<ln cr1'Ethiopia by lascist Itlly Aklilu is here secn welcoming l:mpcror
llaile Selassic at a Paris railwav slation.
 126 Aklilu Remembers

Shortly after the discussion, in April 1936, the Emperor

appointed me to take over from the secretary of our embassy in paris,
Ato Alemu chekol, and to carry on with my previous duties parallely.
Ato Eplvem Teweldemedhen (later given the title of Blata) was
instructed to accompany me to Paris carrying the Emperor's letter, and
explain verbally the appointment to Blatengetawoldemarian, This order
was made because of the previous refusal by Blatengela woldemariam to
accept my appointment as Press Attach6 at our embassy in paris.

Ato Alem, was transferred to Jerusalem when I took over the

secretarial post. Shortly after I resumed my duty, Blatengeta
woldemariam skived off work on the pretext that he was seriously ill.
consequently, whenever the Emperor came to paris or travelled to
Geneva, I was a sole aid to make the necessary arrangements with the
French government for him. In the autobiography written by the Emperor
(My Lde and Ethiopia's Progressl, a picture showed me receiving the
Emperor in Paris.

2.1. Defection of Blatengela Woldemariam

As Blatengerc woldemariam continuously failed to attend to his duties
citing poor health, I had to shoulder all the responsibilities and execute
all the activities of officer-in-charge. For the next three months, I sit in
meetings with French government officials, issued passport, and took
care of routine business at the embassy.

I was performing all the aforementioned tasks when on one

particular day at about 6:00 p.m, a correspondent of the French news
agency' Agance Havas, telephoned me and asked me if I was aware of
the defection of our Minister, Blatengera woldemariam. when I
answered I am ignorant of the news, the reporter explained to me that the
Minister was actually seen at the ltalian Embassy. Not believing what I
 Appointment to the Ethiopian Embassy in Paris 127

had been told, I rushed to Woldemariam's residence. At home were his

wife and children. I asked them if he was in. They replied that they did
not know where he was. (I knew they were lying since the children
greeted me with the fascist hand salute, which gave me a hint of their
father's defection). However, I decided to wait for him, sat in the sofa
reading newspapers. He came two hours later. He was astonished to see
me as this was my first visit to his residence. His astonishment changed
into a shock watching me reading newspapers, and abruptly asked if the
matter was already published. I said yes, and affirmed that he could not
hrde his betrayal. I asked him to tell me everything honestly' Replying he
said, "What can I do? I have children to bring up and I own many houses
in Addis Ababa. You are educated; you could easily earn your living. I
have no options as such."

I enquired if he believed the Italians were in Ethiopia to protect

his possessions from being confiscated. As he had left Ethiopia, I
contended, with a cartload of money, it was a grave mistake to humrliate
the honour of his country and his people by siding with the Italians' I
implored him to change his mind. He refused my plea lured by Graziani's
promise to give him three million Italian Lire in addition to returning his
confiscated properties and houses in Ethiopia. I asked him to come with
me to our embassy and talk with the Emperor by phone. He was atiaid to
talk on the telephone, assuming Mussolini might tap their conversation'
Angrily, I told him that the Ethiopian Embassy had diplomatic immunity
and as it belonged to Ethiopia nothing could happen to him if he
followed my advice, His wife also begged him to listen to my advice and
finally he came with me to our embassy.
From the embassy we phoned the Emperor, who was in Geneva
attending the League of Nations deliberation, where the survival of
sovereign Ethiopia was a subject of discussion. I explained to the
Emperor the situation in Paris. He asked me to put Woldemariam on the
 r28 Aklilu Rernembers

phone. The Emperor said, "We wanted to inform you of the good news
that the League of Nations has now decided that the national integrity of
Ethiopia is still intact."

Speechless as the Minister was, the Emperor instantly inquired

about the activities in Paris. After a moment's hesitation, the Minister
replied, "I have surrendered to the Italians and have given them my
support."

Amazed by the Minister's statement, the Emperor asked if he

had not benefited from his country, and if he had forgotten all the favours
rendered to him. The Emperor also wondered why the Minister
attempted to spoil the proud history of Ethiopia at such a critical
nloment. "I1'you have made up your mind, would it not be better to give
in after resigning your post, without smearing the nation's history?" the
Emperor demanded to know, The Minister briskly said, "I have already
done it. It's final." He walked away leaving the phone unhooked. I
picked it up, urged the Emperor to give me three more days to try again
to convince the Minister. The Emperor said, "It's a good idea. But I do
not think he would change his mind."

I walked to the gate of my embassy office. There, an army of

journalists swarmed me who rattled out questions. One asked me,
"Ethiopia gained victory in Geneva, but Italy gained another victory in
Paris by luring Ethiopian diplomats, the Chief Secretary and all other
staff to defect. Is that right?" Before responding, I asked the joumalists
how they had come to conclude that everyone working at the embassy
have sided with Italy. The reply came,ttBlatengetq Woldemariam had
arurounced ofhis support for the Italians not only on his behalf, but also
on behalf of the rest of the diplomatic staff." I definitely affirmed that
was a misapprehension. I expressed my willingness to give a press
statement and interviews to both radio and newspapers. When the
 Appointment to the Ethiopian Embassy in Paris t29
journalists heard my denial, brisk smile brushed their faces. I made the
following announcement.
There is an unconfirmed report of Ethiopian Mrnister
Blatengeta Woldemariam's defection to Italy. I have no
evidence to confirm this to you. I, Aklilu Habtewold,
Secretary of ttre Ethiopian embassy, would like to say the
following to prevent further schumbles. Speaking on behalf of
the entire staff, I would like to contirm oru unfragmented
loyalty to our country, and to the Emperor. We will also
continue our struggle against the Italian aggressor. If the
Minister has defected as said, then he must have done it
personally, not on behalf of the remaining staff. Moreover, as
he had had mental disturbance and had been absent from his
duty for a long period of time, I believe that he was not
conscious ofwhat he had been doing.

The next duy, various newspapers and radio programres

reported of the press statement, stressing the Minister's sickness from
mental disturbance, my denial of the defection of the perflancnl
secretary and the rest of the Ethiopian diplomatic stalf in paris ,.:, irrc
Italians. They also heralded the loyalty of the staff to their country and
the Emperor, Consequently, the defection of the Minister did not gamer
the impact desired by the Italians. The Italians even attempted to get me
on their side by threatening me that they would kill my brother,
Akalework, and mv mother. I told them, "I have a slight memory of my
family as I had left my country when I was tairly young,,, and
indifferantly said, "I would not mind whatever you do.,' (The press
statement I had given and other documents concerning this matter can be
found in my collection.)

When I had a telephone conversation with the Emperor, I asked

him to hold back my appointment as Charge d'Affaires allowing me
130 Aklilu Renrembers

three more days to convince the Minister. I advised Blatengeta

Woldemariam to go to the Italian embassy and enquire about the
promises he had received from the ltalian Government. He went and
sought that the three million Lire should be given to him, and to be
issued a certificate signed by Mussolini, which he can show to Graziani
in verification of his property in Addis Ababa.
The Minister came back totally dismayed. He infbrmed me that
he was received by the Third Secretary at the Italian Embassy, who told
the Minister no money would be given to him as he was rich enough.
Additionally, the Secretary told him reinstatement if his property in
Addis Ababa would only be considered when he returned to his country.
I immediately took advantage of this situation and reminded him of my
waming. And even now, I pledged him, for the sake of history and his
family; he must publicly disclose his illness, his unawareness of what he
had done, and to avow his loyalty to his country and the Emperor,
Finally, I told him that I would get a medical certificate for him to
substantiate his illness. After a long discussion, he accepted my proposal.

I delivered the good news to the Emperor; he was delighted' A

short while after this the Emperor's personal secretary who was on his
way from London to Addis Ababa, passed through Paris and met the
Minister, who was his closest friend. He informed the Minister that there
was no hope for the Emperor to return to Ethiopia and that the Italians
would take the entire country under their control in the near future. He
urged Blatengeta Woldemariam not to listen to tny advice, as he was
going to surrender to Italians; he encouraged him tojoin in the defection.
.The Minister was dissuaded and went back on his word. Sadly, I
informed the defection of the Minister to the Emperor, which he
remembers to this very day.
 Appointment to the Ethiopian Embassy in Paris l3l
2.2 Activities and achievements at our embassy

When the Emperor realized the defection of the Minister was definite, he
officially dismissed Blatengeta Woldemariam and sent a letter to the
French government announcing my appointment as Officer-in-Charge of
the Ethiopian Embassy in Paris. I resumed my assignment and continued
my struggle for the next five years. (A copy of my letter of appointment
is still available in the archive.)

Due to financial shortage, the Emperor suggested to shut down our

embassies in London and Paris. Hakim Workneh (Dr Martin, the minister
in London) was also instructed to go to India. I strongly opposed this
suggestion and instead proposed the following to the Emperor.

A. With the inconsistency of adherence to the principles of the

Collective Security by members of the League's Nations, weak
nations have no protection from the aggression of powerful
nations. Realizing this, Hitler would want to make good use of the
situation attempting toforcibly occupy small nations like
Czechoslovakia and Austria, the culmination of which meant that
war was imminent;
B, Regardless of the prevailing unfriendly conditions, maintaining
the embassies functional would mean that we were determined to
keep our independence;
C. When the major war broke out, it was evident that Italy would
join on the side of Hitler. This situation would allow us to join the
allied forces fighting against them in pursuit of regaining our
independence;
D. I realized that if we sit by, Ethiopia's existence would be in
question because the majority of world countries have recognized
Italy's seizure of Ethiopia.
132 Aklilu Remembers

Based on the aforementioned reasoning, the Emperor agreed to

maintain the Paris embassy, Financial scarcity forced me to move the
embassy twice, first, to Rue Columbertare Alfred then to Rue
Tourmeput. The second edifice had only two rooms. I used one of the
rooms as my bedroom and the second one as the office. I hoisted
Ethiopia's flag on the building.
As the Paris embassy was the only officially recognized
Ethiopian embassy, I issued passports and visas to many Ethiopians.
Furthermore, I was able to assist Ethiopians who came to Paris from
Jerusalem, Sudan and other countries, in their dealings with French
authorities. For instance, when Empress Menen cruised to London fiom
Jerusalem she boarded a ship that was routed to stop at Italian ports. IfI
had not got her off the ship at Marseilles, the Italians would have taken
her hostage. In Addition, I welcomed and hosted Ethiopian dignitaries
such as Ras Kassa Hailu, Ras Bemr Woldegebriel, Binryeded Mekonnen
Endalkachew, and General Kebede Gebre. Likewise, when Ethiopian
clergies transported the Holy Arc of Medhanealim, I hosted them in Paris
and assisted them on their joumey to London.

I also invited important people and well-known journalists to

keep them abreast of the Ethiopian issue. In particular, I was once
requested to assist the personal cooks of the Emperor who were heading
fiom Jerusalem to London through France and made a stopover in Paris
for two days. I took this opportunity and requested them to prepare
Ethiopian traditional dishes. I invited about thirty known political figures
and joumalists to an Ethiopian traditional diriner. The next day,
newspapers commented that, "La civilization d'un pays se reconnait au
rc{/inement de sa cuisine" (The civilization of a country is recognized by
the sophistication of its cooking). Atct Woldegiorgis, Ato Lorerzo aud
 ntrnent to the Ethiopian

lro Mekonnen Habtewold also came from London to attend the

occasion.

Furthermore, I was giving legal advice to the Emperor

concerning various issues. For instance, during a League of Nations
assembly at Geneva, the Emperor was plaming to send a representative.
Being aware of this plan, the Italians were intending to prevent the
representatives from presenting their case through verification of power
procedure. Discovering the plot, I insisted that the Emperor should go
personally and present the Ethiopian case because his presence would
Iockout any appeal for power verification as he is Head of the state. 'fhe
Emperor agreed to my advice. when the Swiss government fbund out
about the new plan its ambassador in Paris, who was under the influence
of ltalians, come to my office and gave me a warning note indicating that
the Emperor was no longer allowed to enter Switzerland, as the Swiss
government had recognized Ethiopia as an Italian colony. Enraged, I
replied that the Emperor was not coming to visit Switzerland but to
attend a meeting of the League of Nations, if Switzerland did not wish
the presence ofrepresantatives ofcertain countries, then the Headquarter
of the League of Nations should be moved elsewhere. I heartened the
Emperor to go ahead with the plan. The Swiss government was deterred
from interference and the Emperor was able to present his argument to
the League of Nations.

To legitimize their invasion the Italians argued that they had

acquired total control over Ethiopia and had established a regional
administration in the country. To counter this opinion I sent an envoy
consisting of Betwoded Getachew, Belata Ephrem Teweledemedhen, and
Dereje, the son of Blatengeta Hiruy woldeselassie, from paris to Geneva
with hundreds of evidences. The documents attest existence of a local
administration. The messengers also carried other dozen letters to be
dispatched to news agencies. The letter's objective was to explain.that
t34 Aklilu Remembers

Dejazmach Woldetsadik, appointed by the Emperor as Prime Minister,

was still at Gore in western Ethiopia, running the local administration;
and thus the Italian claim of complete control of the country was untrue,
When the envoy reached in Cairo, Betwoded Getachew defected to the
Italians. Luckily enough, the letters were in the hands of Blata Ephrem
and did not fall into the Italians' hand.

As I mentioned earlier, the aims of collective Security were now

subjugated and this reality encouraged Hitler to fulfil his plans. During
the 1940s German aggfession increased, first with the remilitarization of
the Rhineland, then Austria and Czechoslovakia. Although all the
invaded nations had alliance with France, neither the French nor British
governments denounce the invasion. Finally, when Hitler's army
occupied Poland, the French and British governments declared war
against Germany.

I was convinced, in time, Italy would get into the war on

Germany,s side. I made an appointment to see the Prime Minister of
France, Monsieur Paul Reynaud to discuss this critical situation. I
informed him that Italy would soon join force with Hitler. To build
strong resistance, I suggested, Ethiopia, France and Britain should sign a
pact that will be operational immediately when ltaly gets into the battle.
He smiled and said that this was only my ambition and understanding,
and he firmly said that Italy would not side with Germany, If Italy ever
did this, he said, my suggestion would be considered again; and we
agreed to keep this discussion confidential. I also raised a question about
the repatriation of foreign nationals and requested him to issue a written
order exempting Ethiopian nationals, such as Belata Ephrem, Ato Zewde
Belayneh, lto Mekonnen Habtewold, Ato Meles Areyaselassi,e, Ato
Seyum Berhane, whom I thought would be of vital support for me at this
 Appointment to the Ethiopian Embassy in Paris 135

crucial moment. He issued a confidential order that was circulated

among the commissioners. As a result, no Ethiopians'were expelled.

To assist Ethiopian refugees, lro Mekonnen and I founded an

association known as the "International Association for Ethiopian
Refugees". We collected thousands of French Francs and British Pounds
and distributed them among needy Ethiopians in France. This was a great
support known to everyone there. (Refer to existing files.)

2.3 Thomas Wold

When Hitler was only days away from capturing Paris, Italy
joined the war on the side of the pervading German army. Immediately I
booked an appointment to see Monsieur Patl Reynaud and was given
one with a precise day and time. As scheduled, I went to see him only to
find out that the French government had already moved its office to
Bordeaux overnight, just a day before Paris fell into the hands of the
invading German forces. On my way back, I observed that banks,
garages, shops, and all other business were closed. Some had notices on
their doors telling that they have moved to Bordeaux.

Then I headed to the bank looking for some important

documents I had deposited there to saveit from bombardment. However,
when I arrived I found out that it too had closed. With my friends
Mekbeb Damte, Seyum, and Lukas I left Paris for Bordeaux on bicycle,
just before the Germans seized the city. I managed to buy the bicycle
with the assistance of my wife Madame Colette. Millions were fleeing
Paris. Lukas and I lost track of our friends in the crowdedness; we
travelled on to Bordeaux together. On the way we encountered many
incidents. In one particular event we used a torch to guide us through the
night darkness, Because of this the French soldiers were about to kill us
but our lives were saved with the sudden arrival of German soldiers.
136 Aklilu Remembers

we went to Bordeaux to travel in the ship that transports British

citizens to London, to go to the Emperor. When we arrived the next
moming, we were told that the ship had already left the night before. The
last ship I found at the dock was a French boat. I explained my
diplomatic identity to an officer and asked for a visa and other necessary
assistance to leave for London. The offrcial answered, as France had lost
the war they could not do me any help. Similarly, according to the
Armistice Treaty any individual who is a citizen of a country considered
as an enemy by Germany or Italy was not allowed to leave the country.
Consequently, I was grounded. I retorted if they were going to hand me
over to the Italians, and protested that their action was against the laws of
the League of Nations.

The new French government led by Prime Minister Laval, had

relocated its headquarter once again to Vichy. At that moment I used to
live in a tent in Bordeaux. Shortly after the govemment had moved its
seat, I folded up my tent and went to Vichy. I asked the Prime Minister
for an exit visa to leave France. Being the supporter of Hitler, he refused
and informed me that France does not recognize Ethiopia any more' He
even confiscated my passport and sent a telegram to Marseille instructing
that I should not be allowed to leave the country, Yet, I prepared another
passport in secret and contacted various foreign ambassadors at Vichy
asking their help to leave the country.

Eventually, I got visa to the United States and Mexico. As I do

not have passport, I was still unable to leave France. After many
unsuccessful attempts, the Colombian Consul in Marseilles pity me and
issued a Colombian passport to me with the false name of Thomas Wold.
The passport is still available at my residence. ln a secret meeting with
the governor of Marseilles we discussed my exile. I left France for
Portugal travelling through Spain. At the time Portugal was neutral and a
 Appointment to the Ethiopian Embassy in Paris t37

good friend of Britain that I was given the necessary assistance. Before I
left Paris, I gave my old passport to the United States Ambassador
Admiral Leatry (who later became chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff;,
to ship it to their Embassy in Lisbon. When I arrived in Lisbon, I went to
the American Embassy and collected my passport.

,
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llo Akililu's lit'e saving passport issucd by the Cokrnrbian

Consulate at Marseillcs.
138 Aklilu Rernembers

I asked the British Embassy in Lisbon to issue me an entrance

visa; I also applied to the Ambassador to assist me in evacuating stranded
Ethiopians in France, such as Mekbeb and Ato Mekonnen. The British
Ambassador communicated with the Emperor, who had returned to
Ethiopia, through telegram and assured me that I would soon be
retuming home. At that time, it was very difficult boarding ships. So I
requested the Personal Secretary of the Emperor in England, Ato
Amanuel Abraham, to write a memo for me asking port authorities thai I
should be given priority to travel to Ethiopia which he good-heartedly
did.

Before I left Portugal, I exbhanged a number of letters with the

remaining Ethiopians in France regarding their exit and arranged for their
cases to be looked after by various embassies, which could help them
leave France. The only person I had on my side was Monsierzr Lukas. I
boarded on a ship and after two months of voyage around Africa I
reached Mombassa. I arrived in Addis Ababa at the end of 1941. I met
the Emperor and briefed him about the encounters I had faced since our
last meeting. For the next three months I was not engaged in official
duties. I suggested to the Ernperor that certain issues need ro be otficially
recorded. He accepted my suggestion and assigned me to an office in the
Ministry of Pen, where I resumed my daily tasks under his direct
instruction.
 Vice Minister at the Ministry of Pen

Though I had less responsibility, as a Vice Minister, I fulfilled the

following important tasks.
r As a legal advisor to the Emperor, I used to draft letters that were
sent to various Heads of States, and statements for official
addresses the Emperor spoke at.

. Along witb Monsiezr Charles Mathew, I wrote the first decree (it
was published in the Negarit Gazetta) detailing the
responsibilities and obligations of Ministers of the Imperial
Government of Ethiopia.
r At the founding of the Ethiopian National Bank and currency I
had to beat the British proposal in a ferocious argumentation to
have the headquarter based inland, and restrict the board
membership to Ethiopians.

3.1 Establishment of the Ethiopian National Bank

The 1944 Agreement gave the British a tlpe of Protectorate mandate

over Ethiopia. (We did not even have the right to employ an adviser
without their permission.) As we had not yet issued our own currency,
we were forced to use the East African Shilling. There were about twelve
British advisors in Ethiopia under the leadership of Langford, who
wanted the headquarters of the Ethiopian bank to be located in London.
They fuither suggested that the bank's board members should meet in
London and be jointly nominated by the King of Great Britain and the
Emperor. They also wanted the Imperial Ethiopian Government to
deposit all its gold reseryes in London, and to finance the printing of our
r40 Aklilu Remembers

crurency. (If by any given reason we discontinued our friendship they

could easily nationalize all our gold reserves.) Thus, we totally resisted
this idea. The British advisors were upset and were threatening to
suspend the supply of East African Shilling. I suggested for a joint
discussion with the British advisors to work on a scheme, then to bring it
to the Emperor's attention. They agreed with the idea. Betwoded
Mekonnen Endalkachew chaired the meeting; Tsehctfe T'ezaz
Woldegiorgis Woldeyohannes, Ato Mekotnen Desta and I were the
negotiators.

After a long discussion, we agreed the seat of the Bank would be

Addis Ababa and the board members are appointed by the Emperor. As a
result, the Ethiopian National Bank (ENB) was established and a national
currency was circulated. (A detailed account of these negotiations can be
seen in the official government document.)
On one occasion the British brought the idea that "The Old
Ethiopia is now replaced by the New Ethiopia and the government
should issue new decrees and national proclamations". The Council of
Ministers debated on the issue to which I stood against saying, "Ethiopia
was never extirpated and the state of war against Italy never abated, We
never concluded any Armistice or Peace Treaty with Italy, Consequently,
all the initial laws of Ethiopia are valid."
I was instructed to take care of the issue with the British.
Accordingly, I confronted the British, "The agreement the Emperor
signed it 1944 consisted of the phrase '... by tlte power vested on me by
the Constitution ...'which gave proof of the First Constitution's (1930)
validity." I stated that the original constitution would invalidate the
succeeding constitution; therefore, the 1944 Agteement was also invalid.
The British understood the consequence of the 1944 agreement's
invalidity and approvingly said I was right. In this manner we tied a
 Vice Minister at the Ministry of Pen l4l
signed agreement that Ethiopia was not extinct and presented it to the
emperor. Their initial aim was to change the constitution and the
frontiers of the country had we agreed Ethiopia is born anew.

3.2 Vice Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs

Though I was appointed Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1943 to
1949,r double as a Minister discharging the duty since that portfolio was
vacant. The law also requires the vice minister to assume full
responsibility for the running of the ministry in the absence of the
minister. Later oD, I was offrcially appointed as Minister and
accomplished the following tasks. At this point, I would like to point out
that at the time the number of Ethiopians who had obtained higher
education degrees from an overseas university were not more than five or
six in the entire country. when I joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
there was not even one staff member who has a degree. Later, when
Eritrea rejoined Ethiopia n 1952, many Eritreans were appointed to
ministerial and other higher posts. For quite a while, I held discussions
and resolved disputes with various foreign governments by my own,
usually I faced the worlds without the assistance of a secretary or
qualified personnel. My fellow ministers and offrcials vividly remember
the hardship I faced at work.

My primary task at the Foreign Ministry was to review the

contemporary situation Ethiopia was in, and extrapolate future work
progftlrnmes:

A) Though Italy was defeated and had withdrawn from Ethiopia, from
the legal point of view, we were still at war with Italy since no
Armistice or Peace Treaty had yet been concluded between
Ethiopia and Italy. Besides, other governments were also fighting
with the German, Italian, and Japanese forces.
142 Aklilu Remembers

B) Allied countries that previously considered Ethiopia as part of the

Italian colony, among them is England, took Ethiopia as an enemy
tenitory that is overtaken by an ally. The agreement of 1942 signed
between Ethiopia and Britain portrayed as if we were under British
administration. It said, "The British had occupied Ogaden,
controlled the railway, and commanded the Ethiopian army; they
had sanctioned the employment of workers to various offices, and
they controlled the landing of airplanes",
c) My prime task was to change the prevailing agreement Ethiopia
had with the British, and to regain full control over the railway line
and the Ogaden region.
D) Once the war was over, I decided to ask for membership at the
Peace Conference and raise vital questions concerning peace and
stability. I have to work harder towards this.
E) I also decided to prepare the necessary groundwork to become a
founding member of the United Nations Organization, which will
replace the League of Nations.
F) I made the necessary groundwork to regain Afambo from the
occupying French forces.
G) I started preliminary talks with the British colonial administration
in the neighbouring Sudan to reunite Gambela with the rest of
Ethiopia.
H) As one needs a firm fence around his backyard to protect his
property from intrusion, a nation also needs to distinctly demarcate
its frontiers to forestall potential incidents and conflicts. I prepared
the necessary draft to delimit the Ethiopian boundary with
neighbouring countries. Italians opened war on Ethiopia over the
Walwal territory, denying the existence of a boundary delimiting
Ethiopia from Somalia. Except for the boundary between British
 Vice Minister at the Minisrry of Pen 143

somaliland and Ethiopia, there was no clear demarcation between

Ethiopia and the neighbouring territories of Kenya, Sudan,
Djibouti, and Italian Somaliland.
D Regarding internal affairs of the country, obviously much had to be
done before Ethiopia could be accepted as a legitimate nation on
the global arena. I, therefore, aimed at an overall socio-economic
improvement, amending the constitution and the National
Education Programmes.

3.3 The Agreement with the British government

ln principle I did not accept in perpetuity the war Settlement Agreement
concluded between Ethiopia and Britain on January 3l,lg4z. As a result,
I made the following preparation for replacement of the l94z agreement
with the November 19,1944 agreement.
A. The 1942war Treaty gave the impression that Ethiopia was a British
protectorate and hence:

i) it gave British forces authority anywhere in the country;

ii) it allowed Britain to occupy all areas of the country;
iii) no aeroplane was allowed to land in Ethiopia without British
consent;
iv) the British were the sole otficial advisers to the govemment of
Ethiopia and no other foreign adviser was allowed to be hired
without their permission;
v) a crime suspect of British nationality or any other foreign
citizenship will not be sentenced unless a British judge was
commissioned to sit on the Ethiopian bench;
vi) the ogaden Reserved Area (Buffer zone) is under British
possession and they controlled the railway line too;
144 Aklilu Remembers

vii) the British ambassador has priority over all other ambassadors in
the country;
viii) the British Commander-in-Chief has precedence over all other
army officers in the country etc.

B. I submitted a memorandum to the Emperor informing him of the

British desire to reverse the 1942 agreement. His majesty agreed to
start a talk. Realizing that the British would be alarmed if I disclose
our wish for negotiations, I resorted to sending a waming notice
instead. In the notification letter, referring to an article of the
previous treaty I asked the British to enter into negotiation with the
Ethiopian government over territorial rights of the occupied areas in
the next three months; in case of defiance, the mandates bestowed on
them by the previous agreement should be nullified' When they got
the notice, the British put their army in Kenya on alert. After a long
bickering, they agreed to send a delegation for negotiation'

C. A delegation of fifteen British men led by Lord De La Warr arrived

in Addis Ababa. The Ethiopian delegation was led by Betwoded
Mekonnen Endalkachew who was assisted by General Abye Abebe,
A t o W oldegiorgi s Woldeyoahnes, At o Y ilma Deressa l ro Mekonnen

Desta and myself. Lord De La Warr and I were the main negotiators.
We were on par with each other (For further details, see the official
government document).

Ultimately, we agreed to amend any article of the previous treaty

that conflicts with Ethiopia's sovereignty. However, we were stuck in a
disagreement concerning the following three issues.
 Vice Minister at the Ministry of Pen t45
33.f Ogaden

Lord De La warr insisted ogaden would not be handed over to Ethiopia

due to an agreement Britain had tied with Italy and France to adjoin the
British, French and Italian Somalilands and ogaden into one solid
territory that would be administrated under the British commonwealth. I
replied,

"Ethiopia was the first victim of fascist Italy and the first to free
itself fiom colonial grips. How come, you, the British, who werc our
main ally, change your mind now and get tempted to divide up our
country; I strongly protest and do not accept such an opinion,,.

I walked out of the meeting in protest. The same evening I wrote

an eight-page letter of protestation and sent it to Lord De La Warr. I
personally delivered copies of the memo to the Soviet, American, and the
French ambassadors. when Lord De La warr received the letter, he
became furious since the matter was disclosed to the other three
countries.

The next day, he protested to the Emperor that the letter must be
withdrawn, lest he would retum to Britain. The meeting was intemrpted
for three days. I refused to withdraw the letter; some of our delegates
were inclined to withdraw it. I threatened to resign if the letter is
retrieved. My aim was to regain the ogaden, to knock down the British
idea of Greater somalia, and to expose the British conspiracy against
Ethiopia to other nations. After three days of diplomatic tug-of-war, the
negotiation resumed without withdrawing the letter (As the subject is too
detailed, see official documents).

Ethiopia being allies with Britain, America, and other countries

the matter was reconsidered and we made a formal reconciliatory
agreement on the following. "As ally for the prosecution of the war,
146 Aklilu Remembers

without prejudice of her sovereignty and until the end of the war,
Ethiopia accepts to put Ogaden under the British military
administration." (See the agreement')

At the time we did not have direct contact or diplomatic relations

with any other nation; we were in the hands of the British.

3.3.2 'fhe Railway

l'he British refrained giving up the railway line under the pretence that
Britain was still participating in World War II, and Ethiopia did not have
qualified personnel and managers to run the operations. We fought back
saying, "We will hire trained people." They insisted, the hand over will
be effected when it is proved Ethiopia has the capacity. Not only was
Ethiopia handicapped by lack of trained rnanpower, but France, which
originally constructed and operated the railway, was defeated and
occupied by Germany. With the view to use the railway as auxiliary in
the war, we had to cooperate with the British until such a time we had
our own trained men.

3.3.3 FinancialAssistance
During the war, we were running the day-to-day govemmental activities
with the twelve million pound sterling aid we received from the British.
ln essence we were rebuilding the country, official activities and taxation
had just resumed. We did not issue our crurency yet. The East African
Shilling was still used widely for trading. The British wanted to appoint a
regulatory committee to supervise how we spent the money; otherwise,
they declined to release the donation. I protested and notified them, "This
is not diff'erent fiom protectionism. As an independent nation, we prefer
to forfeit the subsidy and keep our independence rather than living under
your control."
 Vice Minister at the Ministry of Pen 147

I had a firm belief that we could cope with the limited resources
we had. The Emperor also agreed totally with my stand. After this
statement the British stopped fighting over the proposal.

3.4. Struggle for the implementation of the agreement

3.4.1. The Railway Line
It was necessary to employ expatriate technicians for repairing and
managing the railway service. We made an agreement with an American
company known as the "White Corporation". This company came earlier
to Ethiopia to conduct a preliminary survey of the Blue Nile. It opened
an office in Addis Ababa and we paid six thousand dollars a month to the
corporation. No sooner after it started operating the corporation closed its
activities, It later came to our understanding that the French pressurized
the American company to close down its activities. I discovered the
whole matter about the White Corporation from American governrnent
when I went to Sa.n Francisco in 1944 to partake in the formation of the
United Nations Charter. The American government definitely told me
that they did not want to offend the French government because of
Ethiopia. Most westem governments were waging the war; Ethiopia had
no relationship with these govemments at ambassadorial level. Hence,
we had no one to turn to for help. Moreover, eighty percent of the
railway line properties were owned by France, which meant we were
obliged to discuss the matter with the French authorities.

I accused the French goverrunent of breaching the terms of the

agreement they had made with Atse Menelik by allowing the Italians to
transport their army into Ethiopia by the train. I proclaimed the
agreement was not enacted, so I proposed for a new agreement.
However, not only they denied transporting enemy soldiers but also
resisted to accept the new proposal.
148 Aklilu Rernernbers

The confrontation rolls on until 1946. I met the French Foreign

Affairs Minister Monsieur Zay while I was in London. He disclosed the
French governrnent's wish to approve of the proposal. signed the I
agreement with the French Ambassador when I returned to Addis Ababa.

At last, we took over the management of the railway line llorn

the Ilritish and started running it ourselves. After f'ew years we signed
the agreement that governs the operation today U974\ The new
agreement mandated:

a) fifty percent of the railway ownership to Ethiopia, and the remaining

fifty percent to France;
b) an equal-half representation of both countries in the management
board;
c) The Railway Head Office would be moved from Paris to Addis
Ababa and it would follow the decrees and instructions of our
administration.

3.4.2 Ogaden and the "Reserved Area"

A. The Ogaden
It took considerable time and assiduous effort to reunite Ogaden with
Ethiopian (for detailed information, it would be helpful to refer the
official government documents).
ln 1946, Iwent to London to discuss Ogaden's transfer with
British Foreign Affairs Minister, Mr. Emest Bevin. [Ie stated,
The British would not return Ogaden as Ethiopia had never
previously administered the territory. The record about the
border incidence you had with this territory can fill up this
house, After consultation with our ally countries, we have the
intention to merge the various parts of Somaliland with the
 Vice Minister at the Minisrry of Pen t49
Ogaden and create Greater Somalia and put it under British
adminishation. Additionally, we are planning to raise the
matter at the Peace Conference that starts in a few months.

I became so furious and replied, "We fought with Italians over

Ogaden. If England wants to breakaway the Ogaden, then you have to
vanquish us, take it by your muscles."

Angry as I was, I walked out. Ato Teferawork [Kidanewold]

(later he was promoted Tshafe T'ezaz) was with me.

Subsequently, I
explained to Mr. Meschev [?] what Bevin had
said and even showed him notes and a map of ogaden. I affirmed to him
about the British conspiracy to take away one third of Ethiopia's territory.
When he retumed to his country Mr. Meschev declared at a press
conference that "the colonialists" are conspiring to take away aquarter of
Ethiopia's land. He strongly denounced the British government,s
intentions. There was a strong suspicion by the British and Americans
that the Soviets would attack and occupy territory by invading Turkey
and Iran. Britain was rocked with fear of the incident. The House of
commons deliberated on the issue and made Bevin responsible for the
diplomatic mishap. He replied to the House repentantly that he did
everything out of pity for the Ogaden people; he would not intend to do
anything without the accord of Ethiopian govemment.

As Ethiopia's rejection of the British plan was a foregone

conclusion, the British handed the ogaden back to Ethiopia (with the
exception of the 'Reserved Area' the fertile land the British
intentionally fenced off) in 1948 after- a long wrangling. There was a
conspiracy by the British to ferment terror in Ogaden during the
handover. we sent security officials led by chief of security colonel
Kifle Ergetu and concluded the affair in an orderly manner.
150 Aklilu Remembers

B. The Reserved Area

Regarding the so-called 'Reserved Area', the British blatantly refused to
return it to Ethiopia, arguing it is a pasture land of British somalia.
"Otherwise", they warned, "peace would never reign if these areas were
given back to Ethiopia". I refuted their allegation, "For a long time, we
have lived together peacefully; it is you, who provoke conflict between
us. Based on the agleements reached with Atse Menelik and in 7944, we
want you to retum the'Reserved Area"'.

pM Mohammcd IIarji lbrahim Egal olsomalia and PM Akliltr Habte Wold of Ethiopia giving
a prcss confercnct: al thc Addis Ababa Intenlalioual airport irt I963
 Vice Minister at the Ministry of Pen l5l
A highJevel British delegation came to Addis Ababa to impress
on us that Prime Minister churchill's cabinet would not relinquish its
position and give up the "Reserved Area". I walked out of the meeting
and sent a message to the British government tluough our ambassador,
Ato Abebe Retta, our decision that unless they give back the ,Reserved
Area', we will present the case before United Nations Security Council.
Eventually, the British were forced into negotiation; however, due to
many reasons the case was delayed (Refer to the official document).

When the Emperor was on his first official visit to London [after
the liberationl, the British proposed to pick up the discussion about
ogaden in Britain. I declined the invitation as we were there for other
purposes, it was not appropriate to discuss the Ogaden issue then. They
announced that if we refuse the offer the matter could be delayed for
months. The Emperor took the ship to London, I stayed behind and
resumed the discussion with Mr. Anthony Eden and flew there a day
before the Emperor's arrival. I and Mr. Eden came to an agreement that
Britain would hand over the 'Reserved Area' to Ethiopia witlun one
month.

As soon as we arrived in Addis Ababa, the Emperor received a

telegram from Mr. Eden asking to delay the return of the ,Reserved
Area' not to invoke an uprising. Their reasoning could not convince us.
So we ignored the warning and stood firm with the original decision.
They wamed Ethiopia will be held responsible for the consequences.
Finally, the British handed over the land at the agreed time table. We
took great precaution ofthe security.

We thought that we are on the saddle now. The British sent a

telegram to the united Nations and a handpicked team of grafted local
people to voice their protest. I went to New York to counter and foil
their latest tactic. I met the Secretary General of the united Nations and
152 Aklilu Remembers

representatives of other nations, argued that my govemment seriously

dissented that the Security Council should not make it an agenda as it is
entirely an intemal affair. Inculcating this understanding, I succeeded
displacing the appeal.

3.5 Formulation and Foundation of the United Nations

As we heard that a new organization is to replace the old League of
Nations, I had forethought that we need to strive to be a founding
member in the United Nations, whose birth was imminent, instead of
being an observer after it is founded (it was a case when we were
accepted by the League of Nations).

In 1944, President Roosevelt sent a chartered plane to fetch the

Emperor for a secret meeting on the presidential cruise at Port Said. I
accompanied the Emperor to the meeting. He held a long discussion with
Roosevelt onboard the ship. Among other things, we talked about the
future United Nations. I made clear our intention to join as a founding
member. The President promised to support our proposal. We also
presented an official position paper to the president that indicated our
desire to open discussion with the Italians regarding the Eritrean
question. (Ras Kassa Hailu, Ato Yilma Deressa, and General Mered
Menegesha, were also present during the discussion)'

Churchill was on his way back from the Yalta Conference when
he picked up news of the Emperor's meeting with the American
President. Through Roosevelt, we received a message that Churchill
would also like to meet with the Emperor for talks. America was behind
this invitation. Present at the meeting was Mr. Eden. We gave them a
similar position paper. We emphasized the Eritrean question and the war
reparation we demanded from Italy. Throughout our prolonged
discussion Mr. Eden opposed our proposals on the ground that the
 Vice Minister at the Ministry of Pen 153

Italians had built many roads and other infrastructure, that this is enough
a compensation Ethiopia should not lay no more claims. Cynical and
rigid as Mr. Eden was we stopped the discussion and I went back home,
When the San Francisco conference approaches, we were invited
like other independent ally countries. We were invited because of the
support we had from the United States government. Ethiopia, Liberia and
Eglpt were the only three countries invited from Africa. No country was
invited from Asia; India was under occupation. The total number of
oountries who were signatories at the founding of the United Nations was
fifty-two. The Ethiopian delegation to the conference was led by Prime
Minister Bitweded Mekonnen Endalkachew, and I was deputy head of
the delegation. The other members were:
. Blata Ephrem Teweldemedhen
t Ato Amanuel Abraham
t Ato Ambaye Woldemariam
t Ato Minasse Lemma
. Ato Petros Sahelu
Due to language and other problems the head of delegation,
Bitweded Mekonnen, had to leave the conference and I replaced him as
Head of the Ethiopia team. The conference began its discussion in San
Francisco in May 1944 and the Ethiopian delegation contributed a
number of critical viewpoints for amendment. (As this topic is very
broad, for the details see the United Nations document). lndeed, referring
to previous experiences with the Italians, I intervened and commented
several times on various issues. One significant example of the
amendments that sprang from my proposal and is worth mentioning was,
"If a country cries it is threatened by another country and calls the
Security Council to investigate the matter, the Security Council should
meet and do so accordingly."
t54 Aklilu Remembers

Few countries, particularly the United States delegation, opposed

the idea on the ground that the Security Council cannot meet without
concrete evidence at hand. I strongly argued and justified my proposal
citing the Italian invasion on Ethiopia as practical example.
No one responded to our appeal for seven months prior to the
first intrusion into Ethiopia by Italy. Rather, this circumstance
gave Italy time to transport its army, tents, planes and tanks
across the Red Sea. lt was only after the Italians penetrated
thirty krlometres inside Ethiopia that the League of Nations
heard Ethiopia's plea. And during the hearing our country was
already occupied.

Most countries, particularly the French delegation, were

impressed by my explanation and the amendment was finally accepted.
Because of this particular amendment the Security Council now regularly
sits every time an appeal comes from any country. The month long paper
work culminated, the fifty{wo Heads of Delegations signed declaring
their acceptance of the rules and regulations of the Charter of the United
Nations. On behalf of Ethiopia, I also signed the charter.
 Vice Minister at the Ministry of Pen

liorcign Aflhir Minister Aklilu Ilabetewold signinu thc L-lnited Nations Chartcr on June
26, 1945. Standing behind him arc, lell to right ,l/r., Minasse l.emnu, llo Apranuel
-l'eweldemedhen, 'l-cslirvc 'l'egegne
Abraham, Blata Ephrem and lro .

3.6 Establishment of the Ethiopian Airlines

Having completed my mission San Francisco, I travelled to
at
Washington D.C. and I held discussions with United States government
officials on various issues (I stayed at the Blair House). The core of the
discussion and the succeeding major accomplishment was the
establishment of the Ethiopian Airlines (EAL). lro Minasse was present
throughout the discussion. As Ethiopia did not have airplanes and trained
pilots, I requested for the establishment of a joint airline venture. The
156 Aklilu Remembers

Americans did not accept my request on the ground that no Ethiopian

could be a pilot.

When I I requested the Emperor to buy our own

returned home,
airplane on credit and employ the Transcontinental and Western dirlines
(TWA) on a yearly basis for the management of the Airlines. The
Emperor agreed and I signed the agreement with the TWA president in
Addis Ababa.

My efforts paid back. Ethiopian Airlines now flies all over the
world by intemationally accredited Ethiopian pilots and is managed by
our own people. All my effort to establish and strengthen the Ethiopian
Airlines could be seen from the archive.
 4
The Paris Peace Conference with ltaly

4.1 Attempts to participate in the conference:

July-August 1946
i) Starting from 1943, a nagging suspicion grips me that when the
Second World War ends, our enemies would leave no stone untumed
to prevent us from participating in the Peace Conference arguing
that:

a) Ethiopia did not actually participate in the Second World War;

b) Ethiopia's war with the Italians had started and ended in 1936, and
the majority of countries had recognized Ethiopia as an ltalian
territory; and,
c) after the end of the Italian War, we repeatedly proposed to send
our army to fight the Italians on the side of the allied forces. The
offer was turned down under the pretext that we did not have a
modern army and artillery.

ii) The United States, Britain, France, Soviet Union and China
determined the number and type of governments that can participate
at the Peace Agreement with Italy. They proclaimed that the
conference aimed at settling the war against Italy that started in
1940, and that only those countries which actually participated in the
war on European soil could take part in the Peace Conference. This
means we cannot sit for signing the Peace Agreement with Italy
along with the countries we consider as our allies. I knew this would
make Ethiopia greatly venerable. If we opened a dialogue with Italy
alone, it would undoubtedly reject all of our demands.
158 Aklilu Remembers

iii) I started discussions with the governments of the Big Four nations,
namely, the United States, Britain, France and the Soviet Union. I
started the dialogue fust with the Americans, who since the end of
the war were sympathetic to us. I presented a well-written
memorandum with the following points.

a) We did not yet sign an Armistice with the Italians since the war was
not over despite the fact that France had already signed Armistice
with Germany;
b) During the hve years of Italian aggression, Ethiopian patriots
continued fighting with the Italians while the Emperor, despite many
inducements by the Italians, was in Geneva appealing to the League
of Nations. Hence Italy's occupation was restricted to certain towns;
much of the country was unoccupied land controlled by Ethiopia.
c) If we had not resisted the invasion, Italy would have used Ethiopia as
a major fortress and passage to easily occupy Sudan, Egypt, and
Kenya.
d) It was for this reason (cited in C) that in 1940, Ethiopian patriots
defeated the Italians with the assistance of a few British soldiers.
e) Therefore, we should be considered as one of the allied countries.
Thus, we substantiated our claim for a legitimate participation in
the Peace Conference. The Americans accepted our proposal with
sympathy and informed us that they would approve our participation, yet
they told us that we should convince the Soviets, as it was them who
restricted participation of other countries. (As the majority of countries
side with the West, the Soviets put up this hurdle to prevent the
participation of many countries, therefore, the three western countries,
would not win on majority vote.)
 The Paris Peace Conference with Italy 159

I reminded the Soviets that our country was the first victim of
fascist Italian aggression, and that we had all the right to participate at
the peace negotiation. I said, "Are you not the defendants of the rights of
African and other small nations? How can one forget the long-standing
relationship between the Soviet Union and Ethiopia'l Were you not our
supporters at the League of Nations hearing in Geneva?"

Contemplating all these, the Soviets gave us their words to

support us participate in the Peace Confersnce. Having thus convinced
the two super powers, I discussed the issue with the French and the
British in a manner that would ensure our position, and they too agreed.
It was under such delicate conditions that I managed to enrol Ethiopia
into the peace negotiations, along with twenty other governments. This
situation gave us the chance not only to participate, but also to discuss
and raise vital question concerning Italy.

4.2 Proceedings of the debate at the Peace Conference

4.2.1 Preparation for the debate

For the Paris Peace Conference, I prepared a position paper outlining our
arguments to focus on the follorving three points:

i) to make sure that Italy fbrfeit all her colonial territories and grant
their independe,nce;
ii) to prepare a position thesis regarding Eritrea and Somalia; and
iii) to state in detail all the crimes and destruction incurred on the
people and the country, and ask for reparations.

The above points needed a thorough research. Unfortunately, we

did not have reliable statistics nor professional staffto do thejob.
t60 Aklilu Remembers

Representatives of the twenty participating

countries were
divided into two groups: the West and the East. We were very careful
how to approach each side. Of the twenty countries, sixteen were western
(including the United States, Britain and France) who would eventually
back Italy to stop it from becoming a communist state. The other four
countries, namely, the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Ukraine, and Bolivia
were against Italy. If we sided with the Soviets, we would lose our case
to a majority vote. If we sided with the Westem countries, which had
concern not to offend ltaly, we would not receive much support from
them. So we were left in great apprehension. Because of this, I was
forcing through our case to the Big Four: the United States, Britain,
France and the Soviet Union, since we met with Roosevelt and Churchill
back in 1944.

When the Paris Peace Conference approached, we too received a

formal invitation. At that moment I

was abroad working on the same
issue. I immediately informed the Emperor my willingness to participate
in the Ethiopian team. However, I suggested that it was wise to send a
delegation of distinguished personalities to the conference like Bin'veded
Mekonnen Endalkachew and Ras Abebe Aregaye. I received a personally
hand-written letter from the Emperor emphasizing that as had the I
experience from the San Francisco conference, I should lead the
delegation composed of Blatengeta Loretzo Taezaz, Blata Ephrem
Teweldemedhen, Ato Teferawork Kidanewold, Ato Tesfaye Tegegn, and
Lij Membere Yayehyerad. (The handwritten instruction of the Emperor is
still available in the archive.)
 The Paris Peace Conference with Italy l6l
4.2.2 The debate

When the meeting commenced, each representative read out his

government's position regarding the peace negotiation. I made a
long speech revealing Ethiopia's position, highlighting the Italian
war crimes, the loss on life and property, the amount of war
reparations and other related questions. (See the full speech in
official goveflrment documents.) At last, when it was Italy's tum a
volatile incident occurred. The Italian Foreign Affairs Minister,
Signor Gasperini, made a serious allegation by inquiring,
According to the draft of the agreement, we are gathered here
to put an end to the 1940 war. ... The war with Ethiopia
started at the end of 1935 and ended in 1936 [?]. Therefore, I
am surprised to see the Ethiopian delegation here. Ninety per
cent of the countries present in this meeting have recognized
Italy's occupation of Ethiopia. If Ethiopia is allowed to take
part in this conference, then we ought to have invited China
and Japan and investigate the conflict between them as well.

A sense of confusion and misunderstanding descended on

the delegates. I requested to take the floor and made the following
strong statement.
The Ethiopian delegation came to this conference in search of
peace. As far as we are concerned, the war, which had started
in 1935, is not yet over. Nor did we make any military or
peace agreement. If Italy still wishes to continue the war, I
will immediately send a telegram to the Emperor to declare
war on Italy. And Ethiopia will not be held responsible for the
lives of the 300,000 Italians presently residrng rn the country.
t62 Aklilu Remembers

At this point the delegates became even more confused and

the conference was adjoumed tbr a short break. Outside, an
informal negotiation took place through the mediatorship of
American and French delegates. They reprimanded Italian
delegates to think over the fate of the ltalians residing in Ethiopia
whose lives were at stake. In the end, the Italians agreed on our
participation. At the meeting, I demanded the Peace Agreement to
be amended inserting the following statement.

The war between Ethiopia and Italy actually started on 3

October 1935. Any principle that is stated in the Peace
Treafy should be binding from this date onwards.

Other countries assented to my idea and as a result, the

Italians accepted the new agreement. Regarding this account refer
to the Paris Peace Agreement Article 38.

4.2.3 Territorial issue

Drawing on historical and documented facts, we notified the Big Four

powers Ethiopia has territorial right over Eritrea and Somali, and
demanded the withdrawal of Italians from all their colonies. (The entire
speech we delivered could be referred from the memorandum presented
at the Peace Conference and in the book written by professor Norman
Bentwich.)

The Egyptian delegate asked permission and was given a chance

to speak. He demanded, as Egypt had previously seized the seaport of
Mitswa, it should be handed over to Egypt. I gave him what he asked
for, "In the first place, Egypt was a Turkish colony and you ought to
remember that during your brief occupation of Mitswa you were
 The Paris Peace Conference with Italy 163

shamefully defeated and obliterated at Gundagundi and Dogali by Ras

Alula and his comrades." Egypt forsook its demand.
After an intensive two months deliberation concerning ltalian
colonies, the following articles were legislated.

Article 23 (a) Italy has lost its rights on its former

colonies;

(b) The fate of the colonies would be decided by

the Big Four: USA, USSR, Britain. and France. Any
decision on the future of a colony has to take into
account the wish of the people, peace and national
security, and the reaction of countries who had
recently adminisrated these territories. If the Big
Four could not reach an agreement, the case would
be brought to the United Nations.

We had to put in enormous efforts for an entire year into this

draft, stressing peace and national security. The reason for this was our
experience of being invaded through Eritrea and Somalia. We also
emphasized asking for colonial territories to be able to directly discuss
specific problems with the Big Four countries.

4.2.4 War reparations

The Big Four proposed that Ethiopia and Albania be given five million
US dollars each as compensation for war crimes committed by the
Italians. The Italians refused to pay any compensation to Ethiopia
maintaining that they had built roads, houses, electricity, etc. Exhibiting
with photographs (in a sardonic way) they showed what the roads,
houses and electricity distribution was like and how these were changed
during their occupation. I argued, "These infrastructures were built
following Italy's war strategy and not with a vision for development.
 t64 Aklilu Rernembers

They're built around mountains; not across meadows or rivers for local
people's use. Hence it all was made to accelerate the war,"

The representatives were impressed with my rationalization.

After a long debate, the house decided that Italy should pay 25 million
US dollars in war reparation to Ethiopia. (In fact, Ethiopia demanded 30
million dollars but it was vetoed by Greek.) Albania was compensated
l-rve million US dollars, as initially proposed by the Big Four.

4.2.5 Restitution of property

According to international law, Ethiopian government could only

nationalize Italian government's property in Ethiopia, excluding its
embassy. (Similarly, France, who was also occupied for four years by the
Germans, did not nationalize German's private property or their
embassy.) However, the Italians had owned many properties such as
private houses and other assets which they amassed during the war and
this was done not in good faith. Hence, we demanded, for the restitution
of properties owned by Italians and won the case. Our intention to
nationalize the Italian embassy set off an angry criticism from all
participants. Nevertheless, I sturdily explained that the Italians had
misused the embassy as a military supply depot which is in contradiction
with the characteristics of an embassy.
The Big Four insisted such a statement would not be
incorporated in the treaty; that they should discuss the matter among
themselves. lnstead, they opted to promulgate an official declaration.
They decreed that Ethiopia was entitled to nationalize the Italian
embassy, which we did. (We returned their embassy in Addis Ababa
after they gave us an equivalent amount of land and housing in Rome
where our embassy is housed in now). The nationalized property was
 The Paris Peace Conference with Italy 165

worth millions of dollars. [t must also be recalled that the Koka dam was
constructed in compensation for ltalian war crimes.

4.3 Conclusion

(i) We participated in the Peace Conference on equal footing with

other invited nations.
(iD We succeeded in forcing Italy to abandon its colonial claim over
Eritrea, Somalia and Libya,
(iii) For the first time, we successfully presented our position regarding
Eritrea.
(iv) We had convinced the conference participants that the Ethio-Italian
war, which began in 1940, was the firct battle that erupted before
other worlds jump into the Second World War.
(v) When the fate of former Italian colonies was up for decision at the
United Nation's establishing meeting, we succeeded in presenting
Ethiopia's opinion for due consideration.
(vi) We received 25 million U.S. dollars in compensation for Italian
war damage.
(vii) Ethiopia was allowed to nationalize both private and state-owned
Italian properties in Ethiopia.
 My Struggle to Reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia

5.1 Confrontation with the Big Four

The Paris Peace Conference of 1946 authorized the Big Four to resolve
controversies that emanates from the colonial relationship with the
territories.If not, according to the treaty the matter would be then taken
to the United Nations. With respect to this issue, space will limit me to
detail all challenges I have faced in my one-yearJong duty. However, I
would like to mention as an example one outstanding incident I
encountered.

When the Big Four held a meeting in London, they sent me a

telegram stating that they would like to hear Ethiopia's opinion, and that
I should be present on the fixed date of the hearing. The telegram arrived
on Friday, I had only two days to reach London. ln the first place, we did
not have an airplane. The British airline, BOAC (British Overseas
Airlines Corporation) flies to Addis Ababa only once a week. I sent a
telegram to London explaining the transportation diffioulty and requested
them to extend the hearing by five days to allow me time to fly there.
They telegraphed back that they could not postpone rhe hearing. The
only option I had was to fly in an unregistered small plane donated by the
British to the Emperor for private use.
 My Struggle to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia 167

Besides his key post as PM in Enrperor Haileslassie's governmert, Aklilu was a

Ioyal campanion of the Enperor.

As the plane had to land to refuel in Sudan, Egypt, Greece, and

France, I obtained landing permits from their embassies and departed on
Saturday. We were well seen in Sudan. When we reached Luxor airport
in Eg1pt, although I showed the landing permit to an officer, he refused
to provide us fuel saying, "We're at war with Israel. I'm not positive that
the permit is valid; the pilot might be an Israeli. Besides, there is a flight
embargo after 4:00 p.m. due to the fighting. So you should fly to Cairo
for examination. You'll be escorted by a plane," he rattled through
orders.

Once we were in the air, the pilot asked me what we should do. I
sensed that if we travel to Cairo, we would not make it for the hearing on
Monday, and would mar Ethiopia's interest. I, therefore, instructed the
pilot to. take a risk and fly along the Red Sea towards the Mediterranean
168 Aklilu Rernembers

Sea. We were terrified of the risk we took. When we eventually flew

over the Mediterranean, we exhaled with relief. At 9:00 p.m. in the
evening we arrived in Cyprus and asked for a landing permission since
we almost run out of fuel. The landing strip had no lights that they
flashed headlights of lorries and we landed safely. After replenishing the
airplane, we spent the night there and the next day, Sunday, we landed in
Greece where we were warmly welcomed. We refuelled and left for
Marseilles. Here, the personnel at the airport refused to provide us petrol
unless we paid in cash contending that it was an unregistered airplane.
After a long confrontation, they refuelled the plane and we landed in
London in good time.

I met the representatives of the Big Four and explained to them

the difficultiesI faced during the journey just to be in time for the
meeting. When the meeting started, I distributed to the delegates copies
of the sixty-page speech. When I started reading out the speech, the
French delegate complained that he had no patience to listen the full
speech if I was to read it. It was a hot August day. I insisted on
personally reading my speech to the delegates saying, "I flew to the
meeting through horrific difficulties believing that I would be allowed to
speak for at least two hours at the hearing." The Russian Chair Malik [?],
ruled in my favour and gave me the floor. Consequently, I presented the
entire speech and answered some questions that arose afterward,

The French representative (Malgli [?]) commented that Ethiopia

may be justified in demanding a right on Eritrea but he asked, what rights
Ethiopia has over Somalia. I replied that the French Somaliland
historically belongs to Ethiopia. I inquired if he was not aware of this
fact. At this point, the Russian chairman, wearing a delighted look told
the French delegate he was given a sufficient reply. In the meantime, I
submitted a well-prepared memorandum and we departed.
 My Struggle to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia t69
Later on, the Big Four sent an enquiry cornrnission to both
Eritrea and Somalia. Among the enquiry commission delegates were Mr.
Stafford who led the British team and who previously was a financial
advisor; the United States team was led by Mr. Hutter, Chief of the
Ethiopian desk at the State Department, whom I had known for many
years; and Monsieur Bizzar de Fozay led the French team. I had no
acquaintances with the leader of the Russian team.

While the commission, based at Asmara in Eritrea, was

conducting the investigatioh, I was attending the United Nations meetmg
in America. Ato Gebremeskelas Kefle'igzi and Blata Dawit Iqub'igzi
were also with me. Learning the inquiry commission's presence in
Asmara, I hurriedly returned home travelling via Cairo. Although there
was cholera epidemic outbreak in Egypt, I had no time to spare getting
vaccinated. I stayed for two days in Cairo waiting for a plane and took a
direct flight to Asmara.

On my arrival, the governor who was a Britishman (his name is

Colonel Afek[?]) informed me that Chiawo Hotel, where the inquiry
commission's members will stay at,.was fully booked, adding that
entrance to the hotel was not allowed except for the commission's
members. I wanted to stay overnight at the hotel to lobby for a
considerate assessment of Eritrea's case by the commission members.
Fortunately, they got me an unoccupied room that was booked for the
American ambassador, who would be staying a night at the hotel. After
booking in, I went to each delegate's bedrooms for a dialogue. They gave
me a hope shuttering news. "Even the Christian highlanders, including
Ras Tessema and his seventy thousand followers preferred to remain
under British rule rather than to reunite with Ethiopia," they told me the
inhabitants had professed.
t70 Aklilu Remembers

The Ethiopian Liaison Offrcer in Eritrea, General Nega Haile

Selassie, briefed me how the British governor sabotaged the investigation
cutting back the supply of transportation and fuel. I presented a formal
protest to Mr. Bevin, the British Foreign Affairs Minister about the plot.
ln spite of the instructions to abstain from indulging in the inquiry,
Colonel Afek [?] defiantly continued acting as he pleased. Finally, the
Commission presented a written report to the United Nations. The report
was inhannonious, as some of the commission members had infused
their country's policy into it.

The report is very broad, (for details, refer official documents)

but the core issue boils down into two major prepositions.
A. The American and British delegates reported that forty percent of the
population accepted reunification with Ethiopia while sixty percent
did not. The Americans thus suggested that excluding the cities of
Asmara, Mitswa, Assab and the christian highlands of Akaleguzi,
Hamasien, Seraye and Aqordat, the rest of the territory should be
given back to Ethiopia. The British delegates differed suggesting that
Ethiopia should be appointed as trustee of Eritrea for a period of ten
years; at the end of the term, Eritrea should be given its
independence,

B. The Soviets and the French delegates, on the other hand, reported
that thirty percent of the population sought to reunite with Ethiopia
whereas seventy percent did not. Both suggested the port of Assab to
be given to Ethiopia while the rest of the territory remains under
ltalian trusteeship,
The four nations failing to reach on a unanimous agreement, the
issue was forwarded to the United Nations, according to the protocol in
the Paris Peace Agreement. Before the United Nations begins dealing
 My Struggle to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia t7t
with the rnatter, I felt it was essential to meet with the foreign ministers
of the Big Four and elucidate our position.

i) Rendezvous with General Marshall

In 1948 I met with the united states Foreign Affairs Minister General
Marshall, who was attending the united Nations conference in paris and
conversed with him about the whole affair with Eritrea. I had prepared a
memorandum to give for him. suspecting that America decided to
seclude Asmara and Mitswa from being consolidated with Ethiopia
doubting Ethiopia's administrative capabilities, I stipulated,
If we are capable of goveming Addis Ababa, which
is five times populated than Asmara, how come you believe
that we are not able to administer Asmara? Mitswa is self-
sufficient from its own revenue," I explicated drawing on
statistical evidences.

Since the United States is a guardian of the rights of

smaller nations, why do you deny Ethiopia the port of Adulis,
which is the heartland of the nation's formation, through which
aggressors repeatedly had infiltated Ethiopia? We are a small
nation with no ally, and our only wish is for justice. If you
Americans, who are anti-colonialist, fail us on this, we .ue
helpless, I explained in a sympathetic way.

Lastly, passing him the memorandum I had written, I said, "I

request you to have a look at this note. It contains plain facts. If you find
any false information, I promise that we will give up all our demand.,,

Listening quietly to my lamentation, the General took the memo

and said he will call back after discussing the matter with president
Truman. A fortnight after he summoned me for a response. ,'Having
discussed the issue with President Truman, the American govemment is
of the opinion that except for Asmara, Mitswa, Asseb and Aqordat, the
rest of Eritrea should be reunited with Ethiopia.,'He went on,
t'72 Aklilu Rernembers

Let me give you an advice. There will be a

presidential electionin the United States in a month'
According to speculations, the Republican Party is expected to
win. Governor Edmund Dewey of New York is running for
president and Mr. Foster Dulles, who is a member of the
American delegation at the conference, is expected to take the
Foreign Aff-airs Minister post' It is wise briefing him about
everything you just told me." I thanked him fbr the tip and
left.

I met Mr. Dulles and gave him the memorandum, briefing him in
the same manner as I did with General Marshall. He heard me out then
asked why I explained this issue to him. I replied, "You may become the
next Foreign Affairs Minister." Content, he roared with laughter and
promised to give me a reply in eight days after discussing the matter with
Govemor Dewey. He called back after eight days and reassured me that
if they win full support to
the presidential election, they would give us
reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia. (However, they lost in the election;
President Truman was re-elected. Mr. Dulles and I were staying in the
same hotel that we further discussed the matter.)

ii) With the British delegates I also had similar discussion' "How
do you recommend us to become a trustee to our brothers? Were you not
our close friands, who hosted the Emperor during his five years exile in
Britain, from whom we also expected greater support?"
The British delegates replied in the affirmative. 'l'hey
incriminated American delegates fcrr complicating the issue by excluding
Asmara and Mitswa from the reunification scheme. They guaranteed, if
the Americans agreed to amalgamate Asmara and Mitswa with the
exception of Aqordat, they would also accept this deal. They further told
me to shut my ears to Russian and French delegation's opinion as both
 My Strugele to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia t73

are pro segregationists seeking the whole of Eritrea to be returned to

Italy. I imparted to the British delegation about my prior discussions with
the Americans and the concession I made. Both the Americans and the
British delegates agreed to fuse all of Eritrea except for Aqordat with
Ethiopia. Both Britain and America override the reunification of Aqordat
on the grounds that this locality is unique both by race and religion from
the rest of the mainland neighbours. Yet they gave their word to call up
the issue in the future.

But the British were interested to adjoin Aqordat with Sudan.

With all the promises, I decided to take up Aqordat's issue to both
goverffnents through the arbitratorship of a mutual, friendly nation when
the case is tabled at the next United Nations meeting.

iii) The French and the Soviets It is worth mentioning that

the French and the Soviet delegates had their own reasons fbr opposing
the reunification of Eritrea with Ethiopia. At the period, there was a very
strong communist party in Italy led by Cigqloti[?]. The party was
endeavouring to obtain majority seats in parliament, and take over the
government hence forth. The Russians wanted to be credited by the
Italian electorate by supporting Italy's possession of Eritrea.

The French delegation favoured reverting Eritrea to Italy haunted

by the thought that if Libya (which was also an Italian colony) was to be
granted independence, then the French goverffnent might face
independence demands from its Northern Africa colonies of Algeria and
Tunisia. During my discussion with the French delegate, \,1r. Bedau [?-], I
tried to convince him that the reunification of Eritrea with Ethiopia
would not harm France's interest as Ethiopia is located in East Africa
and Libya in North Africa. He declined to accept my rationale, firmly
pronounced that it is impossible setting apart the cases as both involve
matters of principle. So did Russia. There is no justice in politics but
l't4 Aklilu Remembers

everyone protects its interest. Nevertheless, France could not influence

the issue (it is a conquered state), neither could Russia who had very few
supporters, not exceeding four. Stipulating that the majority of the fifty-
two member states might support us, I started preparing for the United
Nations Conference. This was my imagination, the stand of each state
would be seen when the writy meets. For instance, the twenty-one Latin
American countries might take the side of the United Sates and the
Common Wealth countries might support the British,

5.2 Eritrears fate at the United Nations Conference

The first part of the 1948 United Nations conference was held in Paris
while New York hosted the second part. The Big Four powers presented
their reports; I enlightened the meeting on Ethiopia's position. After
some discussion, it was decided that the whole case should be looked
again at the next United Nations conference in 1949. From this meeting I
found out about the stand of each country, which in short was the
following.
. The Latin American group (Argentina, Chile, Venezuela, Mexico,
etc.) were Catholics, in some of these nations a considerable number
of Italians live; thus they were influenced by the Roman Pope.
Moreover, the United States did not pressurizeLatincountries not to
be crossed with Italian govemment;
. The Arab delegates (Egypt, haq, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon and
Jordan) supported the idea of independent Eritrea merely for
religious reasons;
 My Struggle to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia

l)iscussion with UN Secretary General, Dag Harnershold (left).

The Asian delegates (lndia, Pakistan, Burma and Ceylon) opted in

principle for the full independence of Eritrea as they were fbrmer
colonies themselves, Particularly, Pakistan turned out to be our main
foe as it was possessed by Islamic fanatics;

The Common Wealth countries including Australia, Newziland,

Canada, South Africa, etc., with the exception of Canada and New
Zealand, stood against our view;

The only independent African country besides Egypt was Liberia,

which gave us full support;

The European position particularly that of the Big Four countries is

explained earlier. Other European nations like Belgium, tlolland,
t'76 Aklilu Rernembers

Denmark, Sweden and Norway would either support the British

policy or will assume neutrality. The British delegates did not
ptessurize neither these countries nor the Common Wealth countries,

From this observation I felt that ninety percent of the tilty{wo

member countries would not support Ethiopia's position. I agonized
realizing that our wish of regaining Eritrea and securing the seaport
would be shattered at the United Nations'ruling with majority votes.

Having realized the need for lobbying various govemments to

get them apprehend our position before the United Nations conference
started, I consulted the Emperor and he agreed with the idea' I planned
first to leave for Egypt to gain its support. This could have a domino
effect on the rest of the Arab countries. Secondly, to visit Europe, and
lastly, Latin American countries who have two votes. I intended to see
the Foreign Ministers of the Big Four to put pressure through them on
their allies. I prepared a document to be submitted to each country an(
rehearsed my points. I had with me personal letters wdtten by the
Emperor, decorations and pictures that would be given to influential
personalities. I was accompanied by Ato Tesfaye Tegegne, who was a
Minister in Paris, and my personal secretary, AtolmentZeleke.

First, I met King Farouk and presented the Emperor's message

and the Peace Medal. An appointment is made for me to meet with the
Foreign Minister. I explained our position, the rationales of our claim, for
Egypt to give backing to Ethiopia's claim as it is watered by the Nile
River, additionally to intercede with other Arab states and the British
government as well to lend countenance to Ethiopia's appeal. The King
promised his govemment would support Ethiopia, and will issue a
direqtive to their representative in New York, Dr Fawzi (who during
Jamal Abdel Nasser's time become Minister of Foreign Affairs and
Prime Minister) to support Ethiopia in its claim.
 to reunite Eritrea with

In France, a new government had come to power and the former

l;oreign Minister, Bedau [?] was replaced by Monsieur Robert Schuman.
I briefed Monsieur schuman. In the dialogue, I recaptured the long-
standing mutual relationship between Ethiopia and Ftance. I expressed
how stunned I was finding out the French delegates opposed our appeal
despite the fact that the two countries operated a railway line in Ethiopia,
while American and British governments, who had ress extensive
bilateral relations with us, supported Ethiopia's position. Monsieur
Schuman expressed his disagreement with the position taken by the
former French government. He proclaimed, his government will give its
full support for the reunification of Eritrea, this, I could witness it
myself, as Schuman would also attend the conference.

The British Foreign Affairs Minister, Mr. Bevin said his

government would not reconsider its position on the Eritrean issue. I
asked him to enunciate our position to Britain's allies. He answered back,
"They would not take it from us, still I would do everything in my
ability." As far as the other countries were concerned, I found, for
instance, that Belgium had changed its position and held similar stand
with Britain.
We left London and flew to Brazil. We flew in a small airplane
(I guess it was a Dakota) and the journey took thirty hours. withstanding
enornous hardships, we arrived in Brazil. when the Brazilian president
accepted us, I presented him a Peace Medal sent by the Emperor, the
royal message and the Emperor's picture. I briefed him the purpose of my
mission and he arranged a meeting with his Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Mr. lemandes, the F'oreign Aftairs Minister, was a seventy_

years-old man whom I had known at the League of Nations and later we
frequently met at the United Nations conference, He asked me how I got
there' I replied, by plane. Astonished by the response, "you're defuing
178 Aklilu Remembers

God! In the absence of airplanes that are fit for long flights, how dare
you fly with a small plane all the way from London? I take a slup even
when I travel to New York," he exclaimed.

I asked for a suitable occasion to present him with the Menelik

Medal the Emperor had sent him. He preferred to be decorated at the

dinner reception. So I paved the way for the talks. During the discussion,
I gathered that Brazil was an Italian fan. Mr. Fernandez convincedly
predicated, ,,considering its big population, Italy did not have many
colonies like other European countries; they simply have Eritrea and
Somalia. The Italians had told me that they have 300,000 Italians living
in Eritrea. Where do you think all these people could go? "
I asked Frenandez ifhe keeps an Italian encyclopaedia' We
turned to the pages that read on Eritrea and Somalia. It was written, until
1934 there were not more than 1,000 Italians in Eritrea, and a maximum
of 400 in Somalia. Amazed, he asked me, "Where did they get that there
are 300,000 settlers in Eritrea?"

I responded, "These are soldiers and their wives who came in the
subsequent five years after the invasion and some bunch of civilians,
who waited for a ship to travel back to Italy. Except 15,000 of them, all
have already departed. Both territories are impoverished and unsuitable
to be populated. During the sixty to seventy years of Italian colonization
in Eritrea and Somalia, they could not settle more than 400 to 1000
Italians. Their main aim in controlling these lands was to use them as a
springboard to invade Ethiopia. As evidence, you could refer to the
preface written by Mussolini to the book authored by the Italian writer
Mores Rav [?]. The book was published after Italy invaded Ethiopia."
When Mr. Frenandez responded he did not read the book, I
recited a few lines to him.
 My Struggle to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia 179

Why should Italy incur a loss spending lots of money from rts
coffers on these dessert countries, Eritrea and Somalia, which
brought no return?' nations were questioning. ,Is it simply to
be distinguished as a prestigious nation just like France and
Britain who govern colonies?' Let me tell you the reason. We
have been shovelling our cash on these two desert countries,
which from geographic and cultural viewpoints are known as
territories of Ethiopia, with the aim of occupylng the rich and
fertile hinterland of Ethiopia. And this goal has now been
achieved by Fascist Italy after a long period of time.

Mr. Frenandez was completely stunned by what he had just

heard. He promised to discuss the issue with his government and come to
a decision. He promised to call back the day after in the afternoon. The
next day, he invited about 30 ambassadors including Nuntie Apostolic,
and ministers to a big luncheon held in my honour. At the toast, he said,
"I was a young boy when Ethiopia took on Italy at the battle of Adwa. I
and my friends used to take sides and fight with each other. I was a
devotee of Menelik (while he made the speech he was wearing the full
regalia of Menelik's Medal which I had presented him a while ago). His
speech gave me a positive signal to our discussion late in the afternoon.

At the meeting, he said, "We, Latin Americans are proponents of

justice since we are now free from colonisation. we have now realised
that truth is with Ethiopia and it deserves justice. You can count on our
support."

Before I depart, I thanked him for being understanding and

pleaded him to explain our discussions to other friendly countries.

Initially, we planned to visit five key Latin American countries,

namely, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Venezuela and Mexico. The rest of
Latin American states would follow their lead. when we arrived in
Argentina, which was then ruled by the Peron government, we
180 Aklilu Remembers

discovered not only it was inhabited by many Italians but they were also
involved in majority bf government businesses. They were not willing to
host us. After a one day stopover in Argentina, we left for Chile.

The Chileans gave us a friendly welcome. However, just a day

after our arrival, the government was toppled and we had to wait until a
new government was inaugurated. I delivered the message and
decorations to the President and the Foreign Affairs Minister and briefed
them about my mission like I did to the Brazilians. They gave me their
word to support us and we left for Peru. I briefed them in the same
manner as the preceding countries; we secured their full support.
All Latin American officials informed me that this was their first
contact with a member of the Ethiopian goverrunent. This imprinted a
good understanding of Ethiopia. They suggested that we should open
embassies and keep in touch regularly. (Pictures taken during our visit,
copies of the Emperor's messages that I handed over, and other
documents can be obtained in the archive.)

Done with my mission in Latin America, I travelled to

Washington D.C. and held a thorough discussion with the Foreign
Affairs Minister, Mr. Dean Acheson. I briefed him about my trip to Latin
America, the positive assurances that were rendered, and pledged their
support.

overworked myself and got completely drained out; I was

I
admitted to the "Doctors Hospital". After five days of convalescence I
travelled to England. I briefed Mr, Bevin about my diplomatic travels
and the achievement made so far. One of my colleagues, Ato Testaye
Tegegne, who was on the trip with me, died of exhaustion after two
months,
 My Struggle to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia l8l
Llpon my retum to Addis Ababa. I presented a report of my
assignment to the Emperor and exhorted for an irnmediate opening ot'
embassies in Brazil, Venezuela and Mexico, to which he complied.

5.3 The debate at the United Nations

The following statement is a wrap up of the debate made at the United
Nations from 1948 to 1950. (For detailed information, refer to the
speeches that consisted of about 500 pages I delivered at the United
Nations Conference and the accompanying memoranda in the official
governrnent documents.)
(a) At the 1948 United Nations Conference the Eritrean issue was
postponed to the 1949 assembly (See the document regarding the
debate I made at the 1948 United Nations Conference).

(b) In 1949 before the United Nations Conference resumed its

deliberation, I met and discussed with the delegates of influential
countries.

The Bevin - Sforza proposal

British and Italian Foreign Affairs Ministers jointly presented a plan
known as the Bevin-Sforza Proposal on behalf of their respective
governments with regard to the former Italian Colonies. In short, the
contents of the plan were the following:
a) Britain, France and Italy should divide Libya among themselves for a
trusteeship of ten years;
b) With the exception of Aqordat, Eritrea should be handed over to
Ethiopia;
c) Italy should make a trustee rule on Somalia for a period of ten years.
t82 Aklilu Remembers

During the debate of the political commission, I forwarded a

motion through the French representative, Ambassador Chauvel, that
Aqordat should also be handed over to Ethiopia as it is part of Eritrea.
Americans, British and their allies opposed the motion and it was turned
down by vote. The rest of the proposal won many votes; the resolution
was sent to the General Assembly. The assembly chose to give votes on
the agenda item by item. Two-thirds of the assembly voted for the
reunification of Eritrea with Ethiopia. The British and the French also
obtained a two-third vote to rule Libya. Although Italy obtained support
for its tenure over Somalia, it lost its rule over Libya. During the final
voting of the resolution, France and the Latin American countries,
perverted by the French, refused the federation of Eritrea; arguing, if
Italy is dispossessed of its Libyan holding, none of the other uation's
tenure should get approval as the whole issue is homogeneous.

They declared that they did not vote against Ethiopia since it
won more than sufficient votes; as the resolution is one complete decree,
they resented, it was impossible to dismantle the cases. It became
impossible to reach on an overall agreement. l-he resolution received
only a simple majority vote, not the necessary two-thirds to pass. As a
result, the Bevin-Sforua Proposal failed and the Eritrean issue remained
unresolved.

At the second sitting of the commission the debate was subject to

a new influence. Some representatives of the Eritrean people drawn from
different parties were invited. The parties they came from where the
Independence Party; those who sought total independence; those who
wished for a United Nations trustee; British trustee... The Unionist Party
was the only one that favoured reunification.

Among their leaders were Woldeab Woldemarian, Ibrahim,

Sultan. Together they claimed representing sixty percent of the Eritrean
 My Struggle to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia r83

population. This remark won acce,ptance of the assembly. The lone party
that supported us was Unionist Party that was led by Tedla Bahiru, its
Executive Secretary. (In the report presented by the Big Four
Commission it was indicated that this party represented 3040 percent of
the Eritrean population.)

I was dismayed watching the Eritrean parties opposing the

integration, sitting side-by-side with the Italian delegates. Each
representative delivered a speech which overshadowed the mood of the
assembly. When my tum came, I threw critical questions to each of
them, which partially debased the impression they had made at the
beginning. For instance, Woldeab, who was leading a six-men
delegation, said in his introductory note that he was the leader of the
"lntellectual Party". This statement gave the impression that Eritrean
intelligentia was against the reunification. I asked him two questions.

"How many members does your party have?"

He replied, "Between 100 and 250".

"Of these members, how many have completed a high school or

a degree level of education?"
He replied "None".
Irritated by the interrogation, he tussled, "How could the Foreign
Minister of Ethiopia ask me such questions when it is obvious that we
were not given a proper education by the colonial administration?"
(Laughter among the delegates).

I made the remark, "Iam quite aware of this fact. I raised the
question simply because you stated that you are the leader of the
'lntellectual Purty'; thus, I wanted to prove to the conference that your
statement is misleading, In fact, the Italians did not educate any Eritrean
but rather it
was Ethiopia who educated them. For example, these
Eritreans, who are at this very moment sitting beside me, Blata Dawit
184 Aklilu Rernembers

and Ato Gebremeskel, as well as hundreds of other Eritreans who are not
here with us, were educated in Ethiopia after they run away from Italian-
colonized Eritrea".

Ibrahirn Sultan, the leader of the Muslim League, made a

contemptuous speech.
"Eritrea has never been part of Ethiopia. We have
300,000 members in one district, 500,000 members in
the second, and 700,000 in the other, ... ."

I then addressed the following two questions to him:

"You have stated that Eritrea has never been part of Ethiopia. lf
that is the case, could you define the boundary line between the two
countries before Eritrea was occupied by Italy?"

He replied, "I do not know". (Laughter)

"You have indicated the number of your party's members in

various districts. How many are they'? The total adds up to three million
people.

"What is the total population of Eritrea?" I asked him.

He replied, "I don't know, ask the British".
I said, "The entire population of Eritrea does not exceed one
million. " (Everyone laughed).

During the debate the Soviet delegate presented a resolution

which suggested that Eritrea should gain its independence, with the
exception of the port of Asseb that should be given to Ethiopia. Many
governments, including the Arab States, indicated they could not vote
against independence.
 My Struggle to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia

PM Aklilu Habtewold with Setretary (ieneral Nikita Khrushchev (middle) ol the USSR

I was baffled by the altemative given. If I accepted the resolution

the reunification of Eritrea would never materialize; and if I accept the
second option of total independence, then Ethiopia would miss the
186 Aklilu Rernembers

opportunity to acquire the port of Asseb. I intervened with a punchy

statement.
The resolution presented by the Soviet delegate is contrary to
an article mentioned in the Peace Conference. (It states: ...on
the basis of peace and security countries which have an
interest should be given consideration...). It is clearly known
to the Soviets that this region was always used as a base to
invade Ethiopia. I still want to stress that Eritrea cannot
become an independent state; otherwise, it would only serve
as scaffolding for other governments who want to invade us.
Any member state that supports the independence will be
considered as an enemy ofpeace, and ofEthiopia. I want the
names of member states clearly pronounced during voting
time.

The Soviet delegate commented:

You have revealed that the Eritrean people are eager to be
taken back. If that
is the situation, why are you afraid to give
them their freedom? Would not they willingly reassemble with
Ethiopia afterwards?
For which I replied:
On the pretext of will of
the people for unity, Russia has
occupied Estonia and Lithuania. Why do not you grant them
independence and see if they reunite with Russia willingly
afterwards? If you are pro unity, why do you deny Eritrea this
benefit? Please give back Estonia and Lithuania their freedom
and let's see if they merge with Russia again. Let me remind
you this. Once you teach a child to walk, you cannot ask him
to commit suicide.

At this point Americans, British and other rivals of the Soviets

cracked into laughter. The Soviet delegate walked out fuming with rage.
 My Struggle to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia 187

During the recess, I talked with Dr. Fawzi, the Eglptian

representative; and with the Yemen delegate. I asked Fawzi if he had the
consent of his government to vote for independence. I notified him that
when I visited Egypt, the king had given me his word to support our
position. I suggested, he should call home if he had any doubt and
warned him all the responsibility rests on him (he was outraged). I took
aside the Yemen representative too. "There are 20,000 Yemen nationals
who live in Addis Ababa currently. If you support Russian's motion and
vote for independence, I will send a telegram to Addis Ababa right away
and get your citizens evicted," I intimidated him. Similarly, I coaxed
other delegates.

The debate and the argument continued. Another resolution was

forwarded. "So far the United Nation did not send a mission to Eritrea to
gather the public's opinion. (It was an observers' team of the Big Four
that had been dispatched until now.) This time, a delegation of five
nations should be instituted to carryout public opinion assessment," it
was requested.

The Egyptian representative jumps on the bandwagon and asked

the Soviet delegate to withdraw his proposal. The Soviet delegate refused
to do so. The Egyptian representative announced he would vote against
Russia's motion, the representatives of other Arab state declared the
same. The delegates of other governments try to moderate asking the
Soviet delegate to hold back on his proposal for the time being, and give
priority to sending an inquiry commission instead. He went on with his
defiance. Ultimately, votes were given, the Soviet's proposal gained only
three votes, it was discarded.
188 Aklilu Rernembers

5.4 Nomination of members to the Inquiry Commission

Member countries nominated for the United Nations Inquiry
Commission by the Big Four and their allies were South Africa,
Pakistan, Guatemala, Burma and Norway. When the nominees are
disclosed to the general assembly, I stood out against it strongly.

South Africa and Pakistan had already taken a position on the

issue and have openly demonstrated their hostility towards
Ethiopia. We have also seen Guatemala is a defendant of ltaly.
Of these nominees, it is only Burma and Norway who are
neutral. If these are your nominees, why don't you include
Italy in the commission then?
'fhe nominated countries fought back. As tlie Big Four had
agreed on the selected committee, it was impossible averting it. The
nominated countries were finally accepted by a majority vote as
members of the United Nations Inquiry Commission. Larer,I had to meet
personally the delegates of the commission, particularly the hard-liners
before their departure to Eritrea. I explained our position to each of the
five representatives. My discussion with the South African representative
was very promising. I distinctively informed the Pakistani delegate who
was predisposed to believe Muslim Eritreans were discriminated. "We do
not exterminate Muslims in Ethiopia like you imagined. This, I ask you
to go and see for yourself. You can notice businesses and the economy
are dominated by them. Additionally, it is wise remembering Prophet
Mohammed's statement about Ethiopia. "

I cajoled the Guatemalan and Burman representatives too. Since

Burma became a free state recently, their delegate can think of nothing
but freedom. I notified him that for Eritrea, her independence would be
 My to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia

reunion with Ethiopia. I invited them all for dinner to have casual
discussions and to bompromise their attitudes.

5.5 The United Nations Inquiry Commission's visit

Returning from a field mrssion in Eritrea, the commission held a meeting
at Ras Hotel in Addis Ababa. I presented a detailed, sixty pages report
emphasizing the historical afflation of Eritrea with Ethiopia, how it failed
into Italian hands, how instrumental it was for enemy forces that invaded
Ethiopia, and a genuine reflection of the public opinion (the British
administration had manipulated inhabitants' views).

They asked me an array of questions to which I promptly repried.

The speech I made and the dialogue can be seen from the official
government documents. (Due to exhaustion, I was repeatedly sick and a
doctor was on standby at the hotel).

we arranged for the commission to observe the Muslim

communities not only in Addis Ababa but in Gondar and Harar towns.
There, they attorded receptions to which Muslims were invited. The
Pakistani delegate was very impressed; he told me everything he heard
before was a lie, The commission also went to Somali and Egypt (it went
to Egypt because it had raised ownership right on Mitswa, perhaps.)
Returning to the united Nations Headquarters, the commission wrore a
report. (For details see the united Nations report.) Briefly, the core of the
report was the following:

' South Africa and Burma suggested, Eritrea should be federated with
Erhiopia;
' Pakistan and Guatemala suggested, Eritrea should be given its
freedom;and
' Norway suggested, Eritrea should unconditionally be reunited with
Ethiopia.
t90 Aklilu Rernenrbcrs

Except for Norway, none supported our position entirely' I

conversed with the United States and the British governments
regularly

to get an impression of their outlook. They were pro federation'

to
However, they would wait for the outcome of the inquiry commission
make a final decision. The majority of member countries (Arab states,

Latin America, Asia and the commonwealth), they told me, will oppose
the idea of simple unification after hearing the commission's report.

The 1949 United Nations General Assembly had assigned the

Little Assembly, in which all member states were represented, to study
the Eritrean case and other matters and come up with a resolution to the
1950 General Assembly. Hence I stayed for seven months in New York
debating with the Little Assembly.

Before my departure, the council of Ministers huddled with the

Emperor for consultation and they gave me instructions. I kept home
abreastof all activities by telegramming and received further
instructions. The telegram messages are available in the official
goverffnent documents. I also have most of the copies in rny personal
file.
OnmywaytoNewYorklmadeastopoverinLondon,Paris'
and Washington to have a word with their officials' Ethiopian
Ambassador in London, Ato Abebe Retta, attended the talk with the
British officials. The gist was the following.
We will not accept federation, but unity' We cannot afford to
accept real federation, like the American type - two
goverlrnents, two parliaments, two flags, two capitals; and a
third federal government, federal parliament, federal flag; on
theonehandafederalcapital,Eritreaasindividualstate,on
the other hand Ethiopia as a nation with twelve states, how
come they are considered as equals? That's unpractical' And
 My Struggle to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia l9l
the Constitution - Eritrean, Ethiopian, and the Federal. We
won't accept ttrree constitutions. For Ethiopia and Eritrea the
contemporary Ethiopian Constitution will be governing.
Utrnost, we can accept self administration similar to that of
Scotland. Alsace-Lorraine, the French territory, was occupied
by the Germans during the First World War (1914-1918), and
was returned to F'rance on the condition that it
is self-
administered.

When I reached Paris, I took medical examination. The

physicians recommended that I should be admitted to hospital for
surgery. "I had this very important national issue to take care of', I
refused their advice. The doctors warned me that I could fall sick on the
journey. I ignored the warning and got after my business. I had the
operation after the meeting, after the Eritrean issue was over.

The General Assembly had set up an ad hoc committee to study

either a federal arrangement for Eritrea or to follow the united Nations
Resolution passed on this issue. Brazil was one of the members. There
was a serious debate. The Italians and their allies fought bitterly to win
their case while Americans and British, noting our resolve, laboured to
draft something Ethiopia can accept. Throughout my stay in New york, I
held profound talks with all representatives - tndian, Pakistani and Latin
American.

The Little Assembly finally suggested a resolution for approval

by the General Assembly. Although this resolution was formulated to
resemble a federation it, gave local administrative autonomy to Eritrea,
and puts major importance (the seaports and the railway) under the
Ethiopian government jurisdiction. The resolution also suggested that the
Ethiopian constitution is applicable on Eritrea. The commission
presented the draft to the General Assembly.
t92 Aklilu Rernembers

5.6 The end of the Eritrean issue

ln the 1950 United Nations conference I participated in many debate

sessions.A detailed material of the dialogue and interventions I made are

deposited in the archive. I will, however, briefly note those issues which
I am able to remember.
When the conference begun, the Italians changed their tactic'
Knowing that their demand is unrealizable, they proposed that all Italian
colonies should be granted independence. They suddenly became
champions of freedom! All Eritrean political parties that were invited to
convey the wishes of their electorate (they hold varied aspirations -
some wished to be administrated by Italians, British, United Nations and
those who wanted total independence) fused their position on the advice
of Italians after they arrived in New York, and declared that their
ultimate goal was independence. To that effect they had formed a party
known as the Lrdependence Bloc. According to rhe report of the llig
Four the population that supported the unification was forty perccnt and
the Inquiry Commission agrees with this conclusion' On top of this,
waiver of the unification by sixty percent of the population had thrown
our request in a tight fix,

After the lndependence Bloc representatives made speeches in

tums I cross examined them. One of the questions was:
Initially, you were entrusted by the people you represented to
reflect to this convention their varied desires (to be governed
by Italy, Britain, the United Nation). How could you put aside
your people's demand and claim your own interest is also the
question of the Eritrean people? Didn't you made up this
conception on the advice of Italians while you all were in
Rome before you came here?
 My Struggle to reunite Eritrea with Ethiopia 193

When the matter became serious, the representatives said they

have sought an approval by telegram. I asked them to produce the
telegram; they could not. ln the end the meeting understood the whole
idea was an Italian fabrication. The debate continued, the resolution that
embodies the Federal Act was passed by majority vote on December
1950. (The vote and minutes of the resolution can be referred from the
archive).

The resolution lists the following major points.

lntroduction: Taking into consideration the people's wish for

peace and security, the geographical position of Eritrea and its economy,
realizing Ethiopia's necessity of having a port, and taking into account all
other important facts we have passed the following resolution:

i) Eritrea should be considered as one unit and federated with

Ethiopia. (At this point the Lebanese delegation Head suggested to
use "State" instead of "Unit". I protested and the statement was
withdrawn);
ii) The Ethiopian Government would have authority over defense,
foreign affairs, ports, railway line, etc. (see the document);
iii) The intemal government and administration should be conducted
by Eritrea;
iv) A constitution for the internal administration of Eritrea be
formulated;
v) A United Nations Commission be appointed to assist drafting of a
constitution for Eritrea's internal administration on the basis of the
desire of Eritrean people, of the Ethiopian government and British
administration laws. The Commission will submit the draft to the
1952 General Assembly; and
vi) Observe how the Federal Act and the self governance laws are
exercised.
194 Aklilu Rernembers

5.7. Exertion with the tlN Commission

For two years I struggled with the United Nations Commission. The
Bolivian Head of the Commission, Anze Matienzo, was an Italian
fanatic. Disregarding the Federal Act he did everything possible in his
power writing up the Constitution in a manner that grants Eritrea
independence. This he made bestowing the various authorities designated
to Ethiopia on Eritrea's internal administration. I often travelled to
Asmara to challenge his insidious ideas, knock them down one by one.

His intention was, when Ethiopia refuses to accept the

constitution, to call for Eritrea's independence on the pretext of Ethiopia's
dissention. For instance, he went to Europe and got an internationally
known Swedish jurist who gave him a written opinion regarding
amendment of the constitution, paying them enormous amount of cash.
The jurists' statement is available in the archive. When he arrived at
Asmara airport, he made a speech disclosing this.
The statement reads, "To perform changes on the Federal Act
(for example, to call off the federation and merge the states without
precondition) is not allowed without the consent of the United Nation."
I flew to Asmara right away and requested for a meeting with the
Commission Head. I made a declaration on the name of the Ethiopian
government.

On behalf of Ethiopian government, I strongly oppose the

statement given by the jurists. The United Nations resolution
is simply a recommendation for the people of Eritrea and
Ethiopia. We may or may not take it, but we are not bound to
it. Once we accept the resolution, we can adjust it between us.
Neither Ethiopia nor Eritrea is administrated under the
guardianship of the United Nations. We are free people and
state. I officially request the commission to include this
declaration when it presents the report to the United Nations.
The meeting closed and I flew back to Addis Ababa.
 My Struggle to rzunite Eritrea with Ethiopia

Aklilu (then Foreign Affair Minister) being welconrcd by the people of Eritrea when
he anives at Asmara airport to negotiate with the United Nations Inquiry
Commission in early 1950's.

The Eritrean constitution lbr the intemal administration was

prepared in accordance with the Federal Act. The Eritrean people elected
their representatives for the assembly. The Emperor approved the United
Nations Resolution on the Federal Act, the Bylaws for the lnternal
Administration and the Constitution of Eritrea. Afterwards, the Emperor
visited both the city of Asmera and the port of Mitswa. I was with the
Emperor. No words can express the happiness of Ethiopian and Eritrean
people. As for me that was the happiest moment of my life.

Ras Andargachew Messai was appointed as the Emperor's

representative and AtoTedla Bahru (Chairman of the Unionist Party) as
Chief Executive and we began to administer Eritrea.
 Aklilu Rernembers

In traditional Ethiopian white cloth. F)mperor Haile Selassie and PM

Aklilu celebrating one of thc Ethiopian national holidays.

The daunting exertion to get back Eritrea affected my health

badly that I often felt sick: of exhaustion, sleeplessness and allergies.
European doctors advised me that the only cure for my sickness was a
prolonged rest for at least six months. If all the air journeys I did were to
be aggregated into a single flight, I stayed between heaven and earth for
one full month (700 hours). The speeches and interviews I delivered on
this case run in thousands of pages (All these are deposited in the
archive).
 6
Strive to Reunite Afambo

Afambo lies near the border of Ethiopia and the French Somaliland
(Djibouti), located on a strategic site inside Ethiopia. This elevated area
allowed control of Awssa and the French Somaliland. Primarily its
benefit is due to the availability of plenty of water in the area. The
French, with an ambition of extending their colonial territory of Djibouti,
always coveted the Awssa and Dire-Dawa regions. (Refer to the 1906
agreement between France, Britain and Italy with the aim of dividing
Ethiopia into different zones.)

After the 1944 agreenent, when the British left Ethiopia they
told us that the French had occupied Afambo. I summoned the French
Ambassador and firmly protested that France had to leave our territory at
once. He rejected my appeal arguing Afambo belonged to France. I
discussed the matter with the Emperor and the Council of Ministers. I
proposed to use military force to evict them, and also to occupy Djibouti.
The Defence Minister Ras Abebe Aregay, however, informed the
Council that we did not have a strong army to take on the French Army
stationed in Djibouti. As resort to military power was not a viable
solution, the Council instructed me to use diplomatic means.

I summoned the French Ambassador once again and calmly

explained to him, "To settle the controversy over Afambo, we should
look at the boarder agreement signed between Djibouti and Ethiopia;
there is a map annexed to it. Let's sign a protocol to delimit the tiontier.
The actual delimitation will show to which side Afambo belonged."

On behalf of his government the French Ambassador responded,

"My government is currently at war and I have no time to discuss this
198 Aklilu Remembers

particular issue, nor is my govemment ready to hand over Afambo to

Ethiopia."
I replied,
If you refuse to hand over the territory, and do not want to
negotiate for a peaceful settlement of the issue, then my
govemment has decided to withdraw your diplomatic
privileges from this very time onwards. For a long time you
had refused to recognize Ethiopia's sovereignty and supported
the Italian occupation. Similarly, you have been occupied by
the Germans for four years during the Second World War.
Therefore, we do not recognize the independence of France.
When your government is ready to accept Ethiopia's proposal
and sign an endorsement, we'll release a statement, an official
cognizance in which both nations acknowledge each other as a
free state and government. Until then you are a private person.

I told the traffic police to ban him hosting his flag on his Core
Diplomatic vehicle.
He informed his govemment of his diplomatic immunity ban and
waited for the reply. A few days after, the French government (led bv De
Gaulle) instructed the ambassador, Monsieur De Blesson, to sign the
agreement. We also signed the cognizance protocol. Ultimately, his
diplomatic status was restored.

It was clearly stated in the agreement that the two countries

recognized each other's independence and a commission was formed
based on the previous agreement signed (in the year 1897) during the
reign of lrse Menelik. The task of the commission was to delineate the
border between French Somaliland and Ethiopia: first, to survey and
draw the map, and secondly, to mark the delimitation on the land. The
members of the commission representing Ethiopia were Colonel Kifle
 Strive to Reunite Afambo 199

Ergetu, Chief of security (later he became Dejazmach) ar,.d Ato Abebe

Gebretsadik,

6.1 Problems encountered

The map we obtained was imprecise and drawn in a vague manner. It
must have been drawn without exploring the actual places. When we try
to trace the actual frontier, we realized that the French colonial
administration had already changed the names of several places
including the name of a lake, in a way that solidifies their tenure,

We asked the local people to help us trace the border, but they
had been bribed and testified the land belongs to France. There were no
installations-houses or other infrastructural signposts-we had built in the
area, As the names were switched and the witnesses bought off by the
French, we were troubled to gain a toehold for our claims.

Having realized the deadlock in regaining Afambo on the basis

of the previous agreement between the two goverffnents, I resented to
diplomatic means. I travelled to Paris and met Monsieur Reni Mayer, the
Prime Minister, a personal friend of mine, and indicated to him that
France had many interests in Ethiopia like the long-standing and mutual
relationship between the two countries; France's stake in the Djibouti-
Addis Ababa railway line; the French Archaeological Mission; the
Pasture Lrstitute and Lycee Grammar School. I mentioned all these as a
bargaining chep to persuade him that French should relinquish Afambo.

He promised to give the matter a thought and took me for lunch.

The second day, he called back informing me to meet the Foreign Affairs
Minister, Monsieur Bedau [?]. Bedau informed me that the French
governrnent has agreed to delimit the borders between French
Somaliland and Ethiopia. Ato Abebe Gebretsadik bore all the necessary
documents and accompanied me during the visit.
 Aklilu Remembers

With this understanding and the help of Atse Menelik's

Agreement, the border between Ethiopian and French Somaliland was
delimited enclosing Afambo within Ethiopia's terrirory, (For details see
the archive.)

French newspapers criticized their government's action and

agitated the public saying that "A territory was unlawfully handed over
to Ethiopia; the Emperor and Aklilu are enemies of France; ..." It also
triggered off a debate in the French Parliament. (All this information can
be found in the French archives.)

6.2 Negotiations to reunite Gambela (1954-55)

The treaty signed (in the year 1902) between Atse Menelik and the
British colonial Administration (in the least it limits the frontier Ethiopia
shares with Sudan) stated that Gambela would remain in British hands,as
long as Sudan was governed by the British.

1954 when I visited Britain together with the Emperor, I

In
summoned up the matter to Mr. Eden, (Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs), reminded him Sudan would soon be independent and that
Britain should handover Gambela to us as per the agreement. He stoutly
argued, "Sudan's independence will not materialize for the next two to three
years, according to the treaty you should wait until such time."

I replied, "We don't wish to wait until

Sudan is freed and argue
later with our brothers asking to handover Gambela. Therefore, I insist
that you handover Gambela to us without delay."

Finally we reached an agreement over a deal, which stated that

Gambela should be handed over to Ethiopia three months before Sudan
is declared an independent state.
 Strive to Reunite Afambo 20t
Four months later, Marshall Tito of Yugoslavia came on visit to
Ethiopia. I was in Mitswa with the Emperor and Marshall Tito when I
listened on a radio broadcast that the British govemment will give back
sudan its independence after five days. And the British wourd leave
Sudan without handing over Gambela to Ethiopia. The news also
speculated that con{lict might brew between Sudan and Ethiopia. The
British word of their three years tenure of sudan was pure deception!

I explained the seriousness of the matter to the Emperor and

immediately returned to Addis Ababa (this happened on Friday) and
wrote a notification. on Saturday, I summoned the British Ambassador
and gave him the note. Brietly the memo said,

According to the agreement Gambela would be administrated

by the British government until Britain has control of Sudan.
Now that Britain has suddenly decided to leave that country,
Ethiopia is going to take over Gambela as of the coming
Monday (in two days time), in accordance to agreements with
Britain and Sudan.

The ambassador protested on our action and said he would

forward the message to his government. ln the meantime, I prepared a
telegram and sent it to the Sudanese lnterior Minister through our
Liaison officer in Khartoum, Ato Meles Andom (who subsequently
became our ambassador in cairo) to hand it in. The content, briefly,
conveyed,

we are greatly delighted on your independence and that we ile looking

forward to a fraternal cooperation between Ethiopia and Sudan; that the
British colonialists had occupied our territory, Gambela, by force, and
we will rake it back starting the coming Monday; that this will not
affect the relationship in any way,

Furthermore, the message assured that any installati<ln and

property belonging to the Sudanese goyenment will be looked after for
 Aklilu Remembers

the time being, overwhelmed by the rejoice on their independence, they

replied with appreciation that we have their consent concerning our
action over Gambela.

As planned, Ethiopian police positioned in a nearby station

marched into Gambela and raised the Ethiopian flag on Monday
morning. It also took over the administration of the region without any
mishap.

After three months, a Sudanese delegation led by the Vice

Minister of Foreign Affairs came to Addis Ababa to discuss Sudanese
property a1d installations in Gambela. During the discussion the
delegates annoyedily asked, "Why do you expropriate us, Africans,
Gambela which you willed to the British to occupy? Give it back to us." I
explained,
Gambela is taken away by force from us when British
colonialists divided up Africa. And now, when the total
independence of all colonies is declared, how could you seek
to regain our own territory? Rather, it would be appropriate to
sort out brotherly the list of properties. Our correspondences
also imply this discuss will dwell on the handing over of
installations and property, Discussion that concerns other
matters is beside the point and contrary to the normal
procedure.

The Sudanese delegates were mad at my statement and walked

out of the meeting. (Present with me on this meeting were the vice
Minister Blata Dawit and the Director General 17 Endalkachew
Mekonnen). Alarmed by the incident Endalkachew nervously asked what
we should do. I told him, "Don't worry, we'll amend'" He admiringly
said, "I do not have as much experience as you do'"
 Strive to Reunite Afambo

The Sudanese delegates petitioned to foreign ambassadors

residing in Addis Ababa (including the American and the British) of the
denial. I invited the Sudanese Vice Minister to come to my office alone,
explicated him the whole affair, and reconciled with him. We made a
conciliatory agreement. Ever since that agreement was signed, the
Sudanese did not make any claim on Gambela.

6.3 Demarcating the border with Kenya

When I took office at the Foreign Affairs Ministry, I made it first priority
to demarcate Ethiopia's frontier with all our neighbours in accordance
with international laws. This was because of our experience of the
Walwal and Afambo incidents. A small nation as we are, surrounded by
colonialists,. it was very crucial to fence off our territory tightly. The
tiontier agreements made with Atse Menelik (1897-1908) were geatly
imprecise and often vague. Before Ethiopia was invaded (1935) it had its
boarder demarcated only with one of its neighbours - with the British
Somaliland. Because of this Ethiopia experiences frequent frontier
clashes with neighbouring countries. (Bevin once remarked, "The
protestation letters you wrote regarding incidents at the Ethio-Kenya
boarder will fill up a room.)
Enlightening the Emperor the volatility of the situation, when I
first went to London in 1946, delimitation of the border was one of the
points I had talks on with the British govemment. (Tsehafe T'ezaz
Teferawork Kidanewold was with me.) The British government agreed
on the idea and announced it will send a delegation to Addis Ababa
shortly to sign a demarcation protocol. The British delegation arrived, a
joint commission was set up, drawing the border on a map continued
based on.4sre Menelik's agreement, Colonel Kifle Ergetu and Ato Abebe
Gebretsadik and others represent Ethiopia in the committee. They
 Aklilu Remembers

scouted the area often. Finally, the commission submitted its draft to the
respective governments and it was approved.

Getting the approval of both governments, the actual

demarcation on the ground started. After many years of work and
consuming huge finance the work was completed. A few years after, the
local population claimed that the Kededuma [?] water wells were
indispensable water sources, regarded as sacred by the community. The
query was examined by a commission. The suggestion for rationing was
to enfold nine of the wells with Ethiopia while two are dispensed to
Kenya. We came to this agreement in order to avoid possible clashes
between communities of both countries that live along the frontier in
search of water. I requested the British government to handover
Kededuma as a lot of public interest hinges on in. The British received
our request in good faith and responded, "You have sufficient water
wells but you insist on more; in exchange for the water wells give us
back the territory we gave you earlier."

Everything was done in this fashion and frontier marks for this
part of the region were remade on the ground. A few years later, Kenya
became an independent state (1963). As our border with Kenya had been
delimited since long, we live in harmony and eamest brotherhood with
Kenyans.

ln accordance with the international law I managed to straighten

the frontier problems with French Somaliland; the dispute with British
Somaliland was ended before the war; we are at peace with Kenya; what
remained was the discord with Italian Somaliland and the Sudan.

A dozen of negotiations were held with the Italians to demarcate

the limits with Italian Somaliland following the United Nations
Resolution, when this nation was still under the trusteeship of the United
Nations and under the ltalian colonial administration (1952-1960). We
 Strive to Reunite Afambo

endeavoured a lot.A status report is regularly presented to the United

Nations and many resolutions were passed. The ltalians, however, were
always sabotaging to
delay the resolve by misinterpreting the
agreements. When agreement is not reached on an issue, the case is
referred to arbitrators hence ltalians can sit on it. We never refrained
from appealing to the United Nations of the lagging. Our delegation was
headed by Ato Haddis Alemayehu. (For details see the official document
of the United Nations.)

In 1960, before we resolved the frontier problem, Somalia was

liberated. One of the reasons Italians sit on the case was their fear of
Somalians'reaction. After its independence, we made several proposals
to negotiate with Somalia. However, the Somalian government refused to
come to the negotiation table insisting that Ogaden was part of Somalia.

As far as the Sudan is concerned, after rounds of discussions we

came to a mutual agreement. (For details, see the official documents.)
 7
Efforts to Draft New Constitution (1955)

While we were debating about Eritrea and other important matters/ I

persistently advised the Emperor to replace the 1930 constitution because
of the following reasons:
i) As the society advances, the state must be a step ahead revitalizing
its govemance in a timely fashion; the old constitution had served its
purpose, but it is presently outdated.

ii) After the Second World War, the state of affairs had changed
dramatically throughout the world that we have to attune ourselves
for such changes.
iii) Having a modern, democratic constitution could earn us a favourable
image from the intemational community, that impression would give
impetus for our request.
Though the Emperor approve of the improvement, there was,
however, strong resistance from the nobility who pronounced the
amendment was uncalled for. After intense debating, it was agteed to sct
up a consultative commission that would marshal the change' The
members of this commission were Bitweded Mekonnen, Tsehafe T'ezaz
Woldegiorgis, Ato Yilma and myself. Amidst the members, I was the
only person who had legal training. Some expatriate lawyers, particularly
Monsieur Spencer used to work with us. At times, another foreign legal
specialist used to comment on our work.

The lawyers and I would present the draft we prepared to the

commission members. Following a profound discussion, the commission
would switch whatever needs to be changed, crgssed out progressive
ideas, and then will send the amended draft to the Crown Council for
 Efforts to draft new Constitution (I 955) 207

further consideration. The Emperor chairs the council in which the

crown Prince Asfa wossen and prince Ros Kassa attend ex officio. I
elaborated to the council why an article is written in a particular maruler
drawing examples from the constitution of other countries. Ras Kassa
then asked me to provide justification for each article. we produced
about fifty constitutions of other countries to justiff the newly introdr/ced
articles. (This issue is very detailed, refer to the official document.)

ln general, the nobility removed the articles loaded with

progressive ideas contending that no one would question it. Despite
:onsiderable resistance, I succeeded in finalizing the existing
lonstitution. The Emperor always backed me. "Aklilu, the government
proclaims this constitution in spite of strong resistance from the nobility
putting great faith and trust on you," the Emperor's caveat resonares in
my mind.

I thanked the Emperor for the faith and trust he had on me,
assured him that the new constitution is essential for the legacy of his
Majesty's rule and for Ethiopia. I canvassed, in due course of time, a
more progressive constitution should be formulated and reassured His
Majesty this would not entail any harm but will boost the governance. To
circumvent undue responsibility, I wrote a note to the Emperor.
(Although the new constitution could not be considered fully democraric
because it was resisted, it markedly changed the pattern of the old
constitution.)

As the Emperor pointed out on the day of the proclamation, it

had indeed taken many years of great challenge to formulate the
constitution. The new constitution was presented to parliament for
approval and it was promulgated on 24 Tikemet lg4g (04 November
1 ess).
208 Aklilu Remernbers

The preparation phase of the constitution took the following

course:

(a) In lg5g, I called for amendments to the 1955 constitution.

Accordingly, a commission was formed and a proposal was
presented to the EmPeror'
(b) I would like to emphasize that even after the resigrration of my
cabinet, I applied to the Emperor to change the constitution with
apposite decrees. I made these propositions as a private citizen, who
could freely air his opinion, without using my authority or
interference. The Emperor was wrapped up in the application, then it
was disclosed to the Public'

7.1 Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister

Although I was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs
Minister ftom Hedar 1950 (November, 1957) for three years, I did not
have full authority over my post. The President and Chairman of the
Council of Ministers, Ras Abebe, had to approve all decisions. My major
duty was to forward the decisions approved by the Emperor to the
various ministries. Apart from this, I also carried out my duties as the
Minister of Foreign Affairs. ln spite of my limited responsibility, I
managed to accomplish the following.

After the constitution was proclaimed, I proposed to the Emperor

the need to draft statutory laws regarding civil and c<;mmercial activities'
These were the Civil Code, Panel Code, Commercial Code, Maritime
Code and Procedure Code. The Emperor agreed to my proposal' I was
well aware that we needed professional lawyers and specialists, and that
it would take a long time to prepare these codes.

I
went to Europe to search for well-seasoned professionals.
Having located world class specialists, I employed Professor David to
 Efforts to draft new Constitution (1955)

draft the Civil Code, and another Professor to draft the Conunercial
Code. Both professors taught at the Sorborure University. A professor
from a Swiss University was assigned to draft the Criminal Law, All
three specialists came to Addis Ababa and were taken in by the
commission which was formed to write the codes.

7.2 Prime Minister and Minister of Pen

I become Prime Minister and Minister of Pen (17 April 1961) just after
the 1960 coup d'6tat. I was quite aware that many reforms had to be
made in different ministries and persistently reminded the Emperor how
ripe our country was for accepting a substantial set of reforms. The
Emperor agreed on many of the reform proposals.
I sought for advice from my colleagues General Abye (who was
then a colonel), the lnterior Minister; General Mered, the Def'ense
Minister; and Ato Yilma, the Finance Minister. They agreed with my
view and decided that I should draft the reform proposals and together
we planned to present it to the Emperor for his approval.
On 18 July 1961, the Emperor gave me his consent. The core
areas that needed reformation were the following:
i) constitutional amendment,
ii) juridical reform,
iiD land reform,
iv) provincial Internal Administration Laws reform,
v) Local Governance Bylaws revision,
vi) bureaucratic (administration) reform,
vii) Prime Ministerial and Ministerial authority provision,
viii) spreadingeducation,
ix) Government Employees Bylaws,
x) Labour Relation Laws and the establishnient of Labour Union
Office,
xi) Pension Law for government employees,
210 Aklilu Remembers

xii) Civil and Penal Codes procedure,

xiii) National Five Years'Action Plan,
xiv) A Conflict of Interest Code,

PIvI Aklilu Ilabtewold with his cabinet nrinisters:

I;irst row: General Mered Mengesha, Defence; Teshafe T'Ezaz Aklilu Habtewold, Prime
Vlinister; Ato Yilma Deressa, Finance; Ato Abebe Retta, Agriculture; Dejazmaci Kebede
Tessema, Territorial Army.

Second row'. Ato 'Iadessc Yakob, Commissioner of Perrsion and Civil Service; ,4lo
Amanuel Abrham, Post, Telephone and Telegraph; Dejazmach Kefle Ergetu, National
Security; lto Seyoum Haregot, Minister of States, PM's office; Ato Ketwta Yifru, Foreign
Affairs; Dejazmach Germachew Teklehawariat, Public Health; Bitwoded As/Jrra
Woldemichael, Justice; Major Assefa Lemma, Mines; Dr Minasse Haile, Information.

Third row: Dr Hailegiorgis Workneh, Mayor; Dejazmach Mohammed Abdurhman,

Minister of State, Interior; Ato Salah Hinit, Public Works.

Fourth row: llo Worku Habtewold, Vice Minister for Municipalities, lnterior; Ato Belete
Gebretsadik, Land Reform; Ato Gaahun Tessema, Community Development, ,4/o
Akalework Habtewold, Education; AtoMammo Tadesse, Minister, PM's office.
 Efforts to draft new Constitution (1955) 2tt

To study and adopt these changes seven or eight commissions,

drawn from different ministries, were established under the Prime
Minsiter's office. The Supervisory Commission under my chairmanship
included General Abye, General Mered and Ato Yilma. (For details see
existing official documents.)

The Constitutional Reform Commission was chaired by Ato Abebe

Retta and its members were Colonel Tamirat Yegezltt, Zy Endalkachew
Mekonnen, AtoMammo Tadesse, AtoKetema Yifru, Dejazmach Seyum
Mammo, Ato Getachew Kibret and Mr. Paradise [?]. The rest of the
commissions were also staffed by prominent government figures. The
Land Reform Commission, for instance, was first chaired by Colonel
Tamirat, succeeded by Ato Tadesse Yakob and later by Ato Akalework
Habtewold.

When the commissions are through with one stage of the work,
we sat for debriefings with the supervising committee. The meeting's
deliberations were broadcasted on radio and newspapers.

The Constitutional Reform Commission submits its proposal for

the supreme commission's consideration. After examining the proposal
and endorsing it, we presented the final version to the Emperor. The
Emperor did not comment for fundamental changes to be made. We
followed the same ritual to assess the work of the commissions and to get
it endorsed. The reform proposals were endorsed by the Emperor after
consultation with the Crown Council and Council of Ministers. (For
details, see the official document.)

Consequently, while I was Prime Minister, the following laws

were formulated and became operational.
i) The second and third Five Years Strategic Plans of Ethiopia;
ii) Pension Policy and laws for Government Employees;
iii) Policy and Bylaws of Government Employees Administration;
212 Aklilu Remembers

iv) Employees and Employers Liaison Laws (Labour Relation Law);

v) Bylaw for Internal Administration of provinces (parliament did not
want to promulgate this as a Law);
vi) PublicCooperatives'Policy;
vii) The Land Reform; the abolishment of tribute payment on church
land; parliament was debating on a proposed law that concerns the
relationship between tenants and the landlord. As members of
parliament refused to pass the Land Reform I.aw, an alternative
Article was prepared - the Landholding Limitation and a
Registration form. (For details see the record from the Ministry of
Land Reform file);
viii) Policy of Governance;
ix) Judges'Appointment Law and the extent of their authority;
x) Civil and Penal Codes procedure;
xi) Prime Minister's and Minister's authority and duties; and
xii) Military Service Law.

7.3 Organrzation of African Unity

Much effort was geared to establish the Orgaruzation of African Unity
(OAU). I will briefly point out the major tasks accomplished,
a. The African continent was divided into three blocks, namely:

i. The Casablanca goup,

ii. The Monrovia group, and
iii. The Arab League groups.
b. The first meeting took place.in Lagos, in 1961. Ethiopia played a
major role at the meeting. While other African states were speaking
in English, French and Arabic, Ethiopia was the only country which
used a native official language: Amharic.
 Efforts to dralt new Constitution (1955) 2t3
c. we made substantial effort to nest the Headquarters at Addis Ababa,
where the preparation and signature of the charter of organization of
African Unity ultimately took place.

7.3.1 The Addis Ababa Conference

' My office drafted the charter with the help of a Latin American
expert.
' It was presented for deliberations at the African Foreign Affair
Ministers' meeting.
' The Foreign Affair Ministers wanted African leaders to examine the
draft when they convene after eight days. Hence they wanted to
postpone its signing for the next year.
r I began lobbying key Foreign Affair Ministers, such as Dr Fawzi, the
Egyptian Foreign Affairs Minister, to get the charter signed before
the closure of the Head of States, meeting.
' The Foreign Affairs Ministers unanimously agreed on the final draft
of the Charter before the meeting of the Heads of States began.
' while the Heads were making opening speeches, a commission of
Foreign Affairs Ministers was pulling together the draft into shape.
(we only had five days.) we get the Emperor to recommend to the
Heads of states not to conclude the meeting without signing The
Charter.
' The Foreign AtTair Ministers' council presented its report on which
the members debate.
. We exhorted the Ministers who insist on postponing it.
' Finally, the charter of organization of African union was officially
signed on May 1963 at 5:00 a.m. at daybreak.
214 Aklilu Remembers

A'ILI

:t
I, ;^*t?
t

i ,t, .?*r,
Yr,' ,,

rl ,l* {
Aklilu welcoming Ghanaian President Kwame Nkunltna rvhen the president came to Addis
Ababa for sisnin{ of lhc Alrican I Inion Charter'

7.3.2 The Cairo Conference

r ft1 1963, it was agreed that the first meeting of the Organization of
African Unity should be held in Cairo.
. we tried to the utmost to make Addis Ababa the seat of the
headquarters of the Organization of African Unity'
. while the meeting was in session and the debate was in progless
(August 1964), I proposed Addis Ababa to be the seat of the
 Efforts to draft new Constitution (1955) 2t5
Headquarter of Organization of African Unity. The Heads of States
welcomed my proposal with a warm ovation.
r At the meeting the leaders unanimously passed a decision that
boundaries of all states will sustain as were demarcated during the
colonial period.

7,3.3 OAU's benefit to Ethiopia

Ethiopia has benefited tremendously from the settlement of the
organization of African Unity in Addis Ababa. Some of the advantages
can be listed as:
a. Economic: At present the number of embassies has reached seventy;
Addis Ababa became a centre for intemational meetings; and the
Organization of African Unity became a source of employment.
b. Prestige: various international organizations also based their
Headquarters in Addis Ababa.
c. Political: The oAU contributed greatly when I experienced difficult
political circumstances, e.g. with Somalia etc.

I persuade leading Western countries such as the USA, UK and

France to nestle the t{eapquarters of the Economic commission fbr
Africa (ECA) in Addis Ababa way to early before the opening of African
Unity.

7.4 Efforts to boost our National Defence capacity

7.4.1 Meeting with American top officials
ln 1953, I contended the Mutual Assistance Agreement signing with
officials of the United States govemment in ttre following manner.
216 Aklilu Rernembers

A) The Emperor instructed me to travel to the United States to purchase

12,000 firearms. At that time we were not allowed to buy any
military weapons, even with our own money'
B) Upon my arrival in Washington D.C., I refused to discuss my mission
with any other member of the United States government except for
President Eisenhower. This was to forward our request to the most
senior authority to give the matter greater weight. The officials
refused my request and I kept waiting for five days. Finally I was
given an appointment to see the president.
c) I explained to the president the purpose of my mission, he was
greatly impressed. (The issue is too detailed.)
D) Right away he telephoned the Foreign Affairs Minister, Mr' Dulles
and told him to alrange a meeting with me.
E) I requested General Mulugetta Buli to come immediately to assist me
in the negotiation with Mr. Dulles. We were the only delegates
throughout the discussions. I reminded Mr' Dulles of our previous
dialogue at the Paris Peace Conference. The meeting was held in a
good and friendly atmosphere. I expressed our need for assistance
from the United State conceming weapons supply instead of
purchasing them with our own budget. He said his department has
the willingness but suggested that we need to convince Pentagon.
F) The State Department organized a grand meeting for us with
Pentagon officials and Generals. We did a profound questioning and
answering, Impressed with our explanations they gave us favourable
responses.
G) We pressed on our discussions with the State Department on the
following issues.
i) The case ot MAAG (Military Assistance Advisory Group),
iD The annual provision of arms and military equipment,
iii) The Kagnew Base (telecommunication centre) at Asmara.
 Efforts to draft new Constitution (1955) 2t'7

Discnssion with tlSA President l)wrght l-lisenhower in 1960.

Of these three, we endorsed with our signature the Military

Assistance, and the Kagnew Base (telecommunication centre) at Asmara.

ln summary, I can state it was generally due to my own efforts

that we succeeded to obtain all the above-mentioned military equipment.
The Emperor's felicitations telegram that was sent to me is deposited in
the archives.
218 Aklilu Remembers

7.4.2 Dialogue with US government officials

During the United States - Cuba crisis, General Mered Mengesha, the
Minister of Defence, visited United States. ln 1966, the Emperor visited
President Kennedy. As a result, the following military hardware were
obtained:
. F5-8[?]
. 2000 LB (for training) [?]

In the same year, the Emperor visited President Johnson and

discussed the same issue. Present with the Emperor were General
Woldeselassie Bereka, AtoKetema Yifru and Dr Minasse Haile,

In1970, the Emperor visited President Nixon and further

discussed the issue of military assistance. Present with the Emperor were
General Kebebe Gebre, Ato Mammo, Ato Ketema and l/o Minasse
Lemma.

The Emperor again visited President Nixon in

1973 and
discussed the same issue. President Nixon assured us that his govemment
would give the matter a serious consideration. Present with the Emperor
were General Kebede, General Assefa Ayene and Ato Minasse Lemma.

7.4.3 The Ogaden issue

Regarding the Ogaden controversy, the Council de Defence 64 was
established, staffed by General Kenede, General Assefe and General
Deresse Dubale. The discussions focused on financial, foreign issues and
inter:ral affairs. After my repeated appeal last about 7 to 8 months, in 7ir.
1965 [January 72?) the Americans agreed to give us six million dollars.
 Efforts to draft new Constitution (1955) 219

7.4.4 List of requisites

The American goverrment requested us to submit a requisition and
estimation of the cost. We submitted a list requesting the United States
governrnent $400 million for defence. The United States Treasury
Secretary was asked to endorse the requisition. However, the Secretary
delayed the matter on the pretext that it was still under review.

The Emperor's visit approached, and subsequently he made

official visit in 1973. To avoid any further delay of our request by the
United State government, I discussed the matter with General Assefa,
General Kebede, and Ato Minnaase Lemma. We prepared another list
with our minimum requirernents.

7.4.5 Preparation to Travel

Itwas agreed that I should travel and present the new proposal. An
appointment was requested with the United State govemment; however,
before I could undertake this mission, the governmental crisis fof 1974)
occurred.
220 Aklilu Remernbers

Prime Minister and Madame Aklilu Habtewold.

 List of Prominent Ethiopians Rel'erred in the Book

(Names are listed alphabetically and dates are given to the

Gregorian calendar)

Abebe Aregaye, Rcs (1905-1960).

Governor; Minister in the Ministries of Defence, Interior; as well
as Chairman of the Council Ministers.

Abebe Retta, Ato (1909-1974).

Minister in the Ministries of Public Health, Commerce and
Industry, Agriculture; Ambassador and Crown Counsellor.

Abiye Abebe, Lieutenant-General (19 | 6-197 4).

Governor; Ambassador; the Emperor's Representative in Eritrea;
Minister in the Ministries of Justice, Defence, Interior; President of
the Senate.

Akalework Habtewold, Ato (797 Fl97 4).

Minister in the Ministries of Education, Agriculture, Justice; and
Ambassador.

Andargachew Messai, Ras Bitwoded (circa 1900-?).

Governor, the first Imperial representative in Eritrea; Minister in
the Ministries of Justice, and Interior; and Crown Counsellor.

Asfa Wossen Haile Selassie, Crown Prince (1916- ?).

Haile Silassie's eldest son, Governor of Wello province and Crown
Counsellor.
222 Aklilu Rernembers

Assefa Ayene, Major General (1917-1974).

Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force; Minister of Transport and
Communication.
Dawit Eqube'igzi, Blata (circa 1900-1974).
Deputy Mayor of Addis Ababa; Minister of State, Foreign Affairs.
Endalkachew Mekonn en, Lij (1927 -197 4).
tIN Permanent Representative; Ambassador; Minister in the
Ministries of Commerce and Industry, Post, Transport and
Telecommunication; and Prime Minister.
Ephrem Teweledmedhin, Blata (circa 1900- ).
Counsellor; Charge d6 Affaire; Ambassador; and Crown
Counsellor.

Haite Selassie I Atse, Emperor (1929-1975).

Emperor of Ethiopia from 1930 to 1974.

Kebede Gebre, General (1918-197 4).

Governor; Minister of Defence.

Kefle Ergetu, Dej azmach (1907 -1994).

Minister in the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Commerce and
Industry.

Lorenzo Taezaz, (Dr) Blatengeta (1900-1947).

Minister of Foreign Affairs; PM and Ambassador'
Mammo Tedesse, Ato (1924- ?).
Minister of State in the Prime Minister's Office; Minister in the
Ministries of Justice, and Finance.
 List of Prominent Ethiopians Referred in the Document 223

Mekbeb Damte, Ato (1,901- 1996).

Vice Minister of Transport, Electric Power Authority,
Municipality, Minister without Profile; Minister d'Eta of Post and
Telecommunication.
Mekonnen Habtewold, Ato (1900-1 960).
Minister in the Ministy of Agiculture, Finance, Interior; and
Commerce.

Mered Mengesha, Lieutenant-General (I9 12-19 66).

A.D.C. to the Emperor; Governor; Chief of Staff; and Minster of
Defence.

Minasse Haile, Dr. (1930- ?).

Ambassador; Minister in the Ministries of Information; and
Foreign Affairs.

Minasse Lemma, Ato (circa l9l2- ?).

Minister in the Ministries of Finance, Mines and State Domain;
Govemor of National Bank of Ethiopia.
Mulugeta Buli, Major-General ( I 91 7-1 960).
Commander of the Imperial Body Guard; Chief of Staff; and
Minister of National Community Development.
Negga Haile Silassie, Major General (circa 1910- ?).
Govemor and Ambassador.

Petros Sahilu, Ato (circa 1920- ?).

Assistant Minister, Ministry of Foreign Affairs; and Ambassador.

Tedla Bahiru, Dejazmach (1914 -?).

Chief Executive of Eritrea; Ambassador; and Senator.
 Aklilu Remembers

Teferaworq Kidanew old, Ts e h afe T' ez az (l 9 06' I 97 4).

Private Secretary to the Emperor; Minister of Pen; Minister of the
Palace and Crown Counsellor.

Weldegiorgis Woldeyohannes, Ts e h afe T' ez a z (l 9 02 -? ) .

Minister in the Ministries of Interior, Justice; and Governor'
Woldemariam Ayele, Blatengeta (circa 1900- ?).
Minister of Interior; Head of Mining Department; and Minister to
France.

Workneh, Martin, Hakim (Dr) (?).

Minister of the Ethiopian Legation in London.
Yelma Deressa, Ato (1907-?).
Minister in the Ministries of Finance, Foreign Affairs, Commerce,
Industry and Tourism.
Zewde Gebrehiwot, Bitwoded (?).
Ambassador; Major; Minister of Interior; Governor; and President
of the Senate.
 Glossary

Aleqa Chief Priest.

Ato Common male title of respect, an English
equivalent is Mr.
Atse Emperor.
Blatta Honorific title normally for court officials.
Blatengetta Administrator of the palace, prominent court
official.
Bitwoded "The Favourite". High court Title often used
with Ras.
Dejazmach General, and normally governor, second
only to Ras.
Fitawrari Commander of Vanguard.
Grazmach "Commander of the Left". Middle ranked
military or administrative officer.
Kegnazmach "Commander of the Right". Middle ranked
military or administrative officer.
Lij "Child/Son". Honorific title usually born by
a descendant of a r<lyal farnily.
Negus King.
Ras "Head". Duke, govemor, held by leading
nobility, second only to Negus.
Tsehafe T'ezaz Head of the Royal Scribes; Keeper of the
Royal Seal, a title for the Minister of Pen.
Weyzero Common feinale title of respect, an English
equivalent is Mrs.
 Index of Personal Names

De Blesson, Ambassador 224

A De Fozay, Bizzar 224
AbebeAregaye,.Ras 218,223 De Gaulle, Charles 224
Abebe Gebretsadik 196,201,223 De La Warr, Lord 224
Abebe Retra 148, 187,208,218, Denia, Mr 224
223 Deresse Dubale, Lt. General 224
Acheson, G. Dean 223 Dewey, T. Edmund 224

Afek, Colonel 223 Dulles, Foster 224

Akalework Habtewold 97 , ll5, E

208,218,223
Alemu Chekol t22,223 Eden, Anthony 224
Alula Engeda, rRas 223 Eisenhower, D.Dwight 224
Amanuel Abraham 135,150,223 EndalkachewMekonnen,.LT 219,
Ambaye Woldemariam, 223Dr 224
AndargachewMessai 193,218, Ephrem, Teweldemedhen,
223 Blata 224
Asfa Wossen, Crown Prince 223
F
Assefa Ayene, General 223
Farouk, King 225
B Fawzi,Mahmoud, Dr, 225
Bedau, Monsieur 223 Feleke Ergefu, Kegnazmach 225
Bentwich, Norman, Professor 223 Femandez, Mr, 225
Bemr Woldegebriel, Ras 223
G
Bevin,Ernest 223
Blum, L6on 224 Gasperini, Signor, 225
Gebremeskel Kifle'igzi, 225
C Getachew Kibret, 225
Chauval, Ambassador 224 Getachew, Bitwoded, 225
Churchill, Sir Winston 224 Goulet, Jean, 225
Cigoloti, Signor 224 Graziani, R. Marshal, 225
Madame 224 Griaule, Marcel, 225
Colette, V. Aklilu,
D H

David, Professor 224 Haddis Alemayehu, 225

Dawit Iqube' igzi, Blata 224 Haile Selassie, Atse,EmPetor, 225
 Index 227

Havas, Mr. 225 Mekonnen Endalkachew, Ras

Herriot, Edouard 22s Bitwaded 227
Hiruy Woldesilassie, Mekonnen Habetewold 227
Blatenageta 225 Meles Andom 227
Hitler, Adolf 22s Meles Areyaselassie 130,227
Hoarem Sir Samuel 225 Membere Yayehyared, Lij 227
Hutter, Mr. 225 Menelik Atse,Emperor 227
Menen, Empress 227
I Mered Mengesha, General 227
Ibrahim Sultan 181,226 Meshesha Hailu 227
Imeru Zeleke 226 Minasse Lemma 220,227

J
Mulugetta Buli, General 227
Mussolini, Benito 227
Jeze, Gaston, Profesor, 226
N
Johnson Lyndon 226
Nasser, Jamal Abdel 227
K
P
Kassa Hailu, Bas 226
Kebede Gebre, General 226 Paradise, Mr. 228
Kennedy, John 226 Paulo$ lro 228
Ketema Yifru 208,226 Peron, Domingo 228
Kifle Ergetu, Dejazmach 226 Petros Sahelu 228
Porjeze, Mr. 228
L
R
Langford, Mr. 226
Laval, Pierre 226 Rav Mores 228
Leahy, Admiral 226 Reni,Mayer 228
Lorerlzo Taezaz, Blatenageta 226 Reynaud, Poul 228
Lugar, Mr 226 Roosevelt,Theodore 228
Lukas, Mr. 226
S
M Seyum Birhane 228
Malgli, Mr. 226 Seyum Mammo, Dejazmach 228
Malik, Mr. 226 Count
Sforza, Carlo, 228
Mammo Tadesse 208,226 Spencer, John 228
Marshall, G.C. 226 Stafford, Frank 228
Mathew, Sir Charles 22',7
T
Matienzo, Eduardo Arze 227
Mekbeb Damte 131,220,227 Tadesse Yakob, 228
Mekonnen Desta 227 Colonel
Tamirat Yegezu, 228
 Aklilu Remembers

f'edla Bairu, Dejazmach 228 w

Tefera Seifu 228
Woldeab Woldemariam 229
Tefera Sheshu 110
Woldegiorgis Woldeyohannes,
Teferawork Kidanewold, T'ezaz 229
Tsehafe
Tsehafe, T'ezaz 228
Woldemariam Ayele,
Teferi Mekonnen,
229
Blatenageta, 229
Crown Prince Haile, 229
Woldemariam
Tekelehawariat Wayeh,
WoldeselassieBereka 215,229
Fitawrari, 229
Woldetsadik, Dejazmach 229
Tesfaye Tegegne t73,177
Workneh, Martin 221,229
Tessema, Ras 229
Thorez, Maurice 229 Y
Tito, Broz, Marshal 229
Yilma Deressa 95, l4l, 149,229
Tomas Wold 229
Truman, Harry 229
Yohanaes, Patriach 229

Tubouis, Rapatel 228 Z

Zay, Monsieur 229
Zewde Gebrehiwot, Bitwoded 230