Gabor Takacs, Omotic Lexicon in Its Afro-Asiatic Setting VI: Addenda To Omotic Roots With - , Ṗ-, P - (Or F-)

2021 LINGUA POSNANIENSIS LXIII (1)
DOI: 10.2478/linpo-2021-0005
Omotic lexicon in its Afro-Asiatic setting VI:

Addenda to Omotic roots with *ḅ-, *ṗ-, *p- (or *f-)a
Gábor Takács
University of Łódź, Department of Classical Philology

Egyptian Language School at Balatonederics
Corresponding member of the ISMEO1 (Roma)
Abstract: Gábor Takács, Omotic lexicon in its Afro-Asiatic setting V: Addenda to Omotic roots with *ḅ-,
*ṗ-, *p- (or *f-). The Poznań Society for the Advancement of Arts and Sciences, PL ISSN 0079-4740,
pp. 85-112
The paper is a new contribution to revealing the Afro-Asiatic heritage in the lexicon of the Omotic languag-
es by means of interbranch comparison using a.o. the ancient Egypto-Semitic evidence.
Key words: Omotic languages, the languages of Ethiopia, Afro-Asiatic comparative linguistics, African lin-
guistics, ancient Egyptian, Semitic, historical phonology, etymology.
Introduction
Omotic (Western Ethiopia) and Chadic (Rep. of Chad, Cameroon, Nigeria), i.e., the
5th and 6th, resp., branches of the immense Afro-Asiatic (Semito-Hamitic) language
macrofamily have so far been the least studied from the standpoint of their external lexical
correspondences in the other four branches: Cushitic (Ethiopian, Erithrea, Somalia, Kenya,
Tanzania), Berber (Maghreb), Egyptian and Semitic. In Chadic, at least, we have the
gigantic achievements solely by O.V. Stolbova (Moscow) over the past five decades of
her fruitful and permanent research for both the inner reconstruction and its external
comparison. This kind of research over the inherited Afro-Asiatic stock of the Omotic
root inventory, let alone the elaboration of the underlying historical pnology, has by far
been advanced in this branch in that measure as in Chadic, which, according to both the
isomorphical and provisoric glottochronological calculations, appears as the very first
unity of the Afro-Asiatic parental community to have branched off (cf. Takács 2015) and
so promises to end up as the inventory consisting of the most archaic segments of the
a
The paper has been written in the frames of an IDUB ARR project of the author.
1
Associazione Internazionale di Studi sul Mediterraneo e l’Oriente.
© 2021 Gábor Takács. This is an open access article licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-
NonCommercial-NoDerivs License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/).
86 Gábor Takács LP LXIII (1)
Common Afro-Asiatic (CAA) lexicon. In other words: all isoglosses (even exclusive ones)
that may be established between Omotic vs. core North Afro-Asiatic = Semitic or Berber
are indicative of the deepest layers of our common parental lexicon, i.a., may provide
precious pieces of linguistic evidence abour the parentla culture.
We owe much to H.C. Fleming, M.L. Bender, and M. Lamberti for their pioneering
studies in the internal lexical comparison and phonological reconstruction of Omotic. The
latter two authors even managed to come up with a few monographs on the subject
(Bender 1975, 1999, 2003, Lamberti 1993 twice, Lamberti and Sottile 1997), where,
however, a systematic phonological-lexical equation with the other branches was not even
targeted. The lexical comparisons by M. Lamberti were always, as a rule, restricted to
Cushitic and Ethio-Semitic, which is overwhelmingly true about both other authors.
Ironically, merely the very first book by M.L. Bender (1975) contains a loosely composed
list of supposed parallels to Omotic roots in- and outside Afro-Asiatic, but this attempt,
unfortunately, had not even reached the level of J.H. Greenberg’s (1955, 1963) “mass
comparison”, and is nothing more than a collection of putative guesses on often
unconvincing look-alikes. But that was half of a century before understandable as the
unity and structure of this 5th branch had not even been recognized by that time at all.
To the best of my knowledge, the only special study devoted to a systematic treatment
of Omotic/Afro-Asiatic matches is the paper presented by V. Blažek at the 2nd International
Symposium on Cushitic and Omotic Languages (Torino, November 1989), wich had also
long remained unpublished. perhaps this language branch represents the least cultivated
field within the immense Afro-Asiatic domain from the viewpoint of a systematic
etymological elaboration of the inherited Afro-Asiatic lexical treasures.
This new series for “Omotic lexicon in its Afro-Asiatic setting”2 started precisely
a decade ago for publishing those new etymologies of Omotic roots that I had observed
during my work (1994-2007) on vols. II-III of my Egyptian etymological dictionary
(EDE, with initial labials). Since then, I have managed to turn Bender’s (2003) ep-
och-maker Omotic comparative phonology and lexicon (arranged according groups and
English meanings of the basic lexicon) upside down by the work of several years (by
spring 2020) and, henceforth, now I possess an as complete as possible Common Omot-
ic comparative wordlist arranged A-Z according to initial consonants of the Omotic roots,
which may accelerate the research for a more secure estimation of the Afro-Asiatic nature
of the Omotic lexicon and, eventually, for turning Bender’s provisional sets of consonan-
tal correspondences and ad hoc lexical reconstructions into definitive ones. This new
research of mine, starting in 2020, has brought forth a formerly unseen mass of new
isoglosses between Omotic vs. esp. Semitic (Arabic) or Berber or West Chadic
2
So far threee parts of this series have been published a decade ago: ● 2011. Omotic Lexicon in its
Afro-Asiatic Setting I: Omotic *b- with Dentals, Sibilants, and Velars. In Busetto, Luca (ed., scientific com-
mittee: Mauro Tosco, Livia Tonelli, Roberto Sottile). He bitaney laagaa. Dedicato a / Dedicated to Marcello
Lamberti. Quaderni di Lingua e Storia 3. Milano: Qu.A.S.A.R. s.r.l. 57-74. ● 2012. Omotic Lexicon in its
Afro-Asiatic Setting II: Omotic *b- with Nasals, *r, *l, and Weak Consonants. In Zuckermann, Gh. (ed.).
Burning Issues in Afro-Asiatic Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Press. 161-184. ● 2012. Omotic
Lexicon in its Afro-Asiatic Setting III: Omotic *p- and *ph-. Journal of Language Relationship (Moscow) 8.
103-116. ● Part IV is still unpublished.
LP LXIII (1) Omotic lexicon in its Afro-Asiatic setting VI: Addenda to Omotic roots… 87
(Angas-Sura) which could not yet be cleared without the new Omotic wordlist. The fourth
part (simultaneously completed)3 of my series for the “Omotic lexicon in its Afro-Asiat-
ic setting” thus contains new comparanda with initial *b-, whereas this part five discuss-
es basically additional Omotic roots with *0-, *³- and the initial voiceless labials.
Om. *0-: addenda
187. NOm. *0ad- or *³ad- “long, tall” [GT]: Chara 0āTā, 0ādá [Akl. Yilma] = 0ada
[Flm.] “long, tall” (Chara: Bnd. 2003: 90, #83) | Gimirra *³ad “long” [Bender 2003: 168,
#83] | (???) Sezo pεssı, ³ı³εte [Atieb & Bender] = pεtti [Siebert & Wedekind] “heavy”
(isolated in Mao: Bender 2003: 355, #42) ||| CCh.: Mofu bŒThéy “to widen” [Rsg. 1978:
360, #804] | (?) Pus beT (m), baTay (f), pl. baTakay4 “large” [Tourneux 1991: 76] ||| Sem.
*√bsḥ “to spread, stretch out” [GT]: Ar. √bsḥ V: tabassaḥa “1. se répandre sur la plaine
(se dit des eaux), 2. s’étendre, être vaste”, cf. II “couvrir le sol de petits caillaux, de
grès” [BK I 135] | MSA: Soqotri √bsḥ “1. s’étendre, 2. se coucher” [Leslau 1938: 85],
cf. Jibbali bSssaḥ “to lie down on the belly on the soil” [Johnstone 1981: 30] || ES: Tigre
bäs belä ~ bäs bälä “être couché de tout son long” [DRS] (Sem.: DRS 59) < AA *√bsḥ
(ext. *-ḥ?) “to stretch out widely or in length” [GT]. Cf. EDE II 286.
188. Om. *0ul- “egg” [GT] > (NW)Omt. *0u0ul-e “egg” [Bender 2000 MS: 55, #41;
2003: 115, #41, also 2003: 163, #41]: Wolaita ³u³ul-e, Dache 0u0ul-e, Dorze 0ū0ul-é,
Oyda 0u0ul-e, Male 0ūl-a | SEOmt. *0u0ul-e “egg” [Bender 2003: 86, #41]: Kachama
³u³ul-e, Koyra 0u0ūl-e, Gidicho 0u0ūl-e, Zergula bu0Il-e, Zayse bu0Il-e (Omt.: Bender
1971: 252-257; Sasse 1982: 43) || SOm.: Hamer būl-a “egg” [Bender 1994: 149] = 0ula
“egg” [Flm.] = būla [Lydall] (Hamer: Bender 2003: 209, #41; Omt. + Hamer: Bender
2003: 240, #41) ||| ECu.: Burji bulbul-´ ~ bubul-´ “egg” [Sasse 1982: 43]5 | Yaaku bol-
bŏlî", pl. bolbol “egg” [Heine 1975: 124] ||| WCh.: Ngamo 0ila “egg” [Kraft 1971: 274]
|| CCh.: perhaps Banana bòló"á [b- obscure] “Eischale” [Lukas 1937: 135] ||| Sem.: Akk.
(bab.) pelû ~ palû “Ei (1. von Vögeln, 2. von Schildkröten usw., 3. von Fischen, 4. von
Schlangen, 5. von Ameisen)” [AHW 853] < AA *√Pl (perhaps *³-?)6 “egg” [GT]. Cf. EDE
II 414.
Om. *³-
189. Mao *³Vs- “thigh” [GT]: Sezo fasâ, φatt(â) [Atieb & Bender], Mao-Bambeshi
³osε [Atieb & Bender], Mao-Diddesa ³osε [Atieb & Bender] = ³εsε [Sbr. & Wdk.]
3
Omotic Lexicon in its Afro-Asiatic Setting IV: Addenda to Omotic *b-, probably forthcoming in Acta
Orientalia Acad. Scient. Hung. 74/4 (2021).
4
Apparently there is no trace of *-ḥ here.
5
H.-J. Sasse (1982: 43) treated the Burji word as a NOm. loan.
6
The data from the Ometo group display *0-, which is difficult to explain from AA *b-.
(isolated in Mao apud Bender 2003: 358, #100) ||| Ch. *pùd- “thigh” [GT] > WCh.:
Bole-Tangale *fəndo “thigh” [Schuh]: Bole pùndó [Schuh], Dera púSó [Jng.] = púndó
[Schuh], Karekare fŒntáu [Schuh] = pŒntó [Alio], Kirfi fòndó [Schuh], Ngamo hùndò
[Schuh], Galambu pŒndá [Schuh], Gera fìndí [Schuh] (BT: Schuh 1984: 213) || CCh.:
Tera-Hona fədara [Meek] || ECh.: Mubi-Toram *fùd- “thigh” [GT]: Mubi fúúdí (f), pl.
fóódàt “Schenkel” [Lukas 1937: 182] = fùúdí (f), pl. fòodàt “cuisse” [Jng. 1990 MS: 15],
Birgit fáadì (m), pl. fáadànàn “cuisse” [Jng. 2004: 353], Jegu paado, pl. paade ~ paad
“Oberschenkel” [Jng. 1961: 116], Kofa páaTè (so, -T-) (f), pl. páat “thigh” [Jng. 1977
MS: 4, #38]. The (secondary, epenthetic?) nasal reminds us of the semantically suspi-
ciously equally close isogloss of SBrb.: EWlmd.-Ayr tă-fend-it “verge (membre viril),
Taneslemt ta-fend-it “gland de la verge” (SBrb.: DRB 579, FND4: isolated) ||| SCu.: Ma’a
ki-púnde “penis” [Ehret 1980: 161, #5]7.
190. NOm. *³uE “many” [GT]: Gimirra-Benesho *³uE “many, much” [GT after Bend-
er 2003: 169, #86, so also Ehret]8 > i.a. Gimirra boE “molto” [Montandon apud CR 1925:
618] | Sheko ³úEá [Akl.] = ³uEEa “many” [Flm. 1972 MS: 3] (Sheko: Bender 2003: 213,
#86; Gimirra-Benesho + Sheko: Bender 2003: 241, #86) | (???) Hozo-Sezo *³ōš-E [-š- <
*-E-???] “ten”9 [Bender 2003: 280, #133] ||| HECu.: Sidamo baE-a “many, much” [Hud-
son 1989: 96: isolated in HECu.] ||| NBrb.: Shilh a-fT “grand nombre, multitude de”
[Bossoutrot 1900] | Nefusa sen i-fT-an “deux mille” [DRB] || SBrb.: Ahaggar ê-feT “quan-
tité innombrable (nombre qui dépasse tant ce qu’on peut compter)” [Fcd. 1951-2 apud
DRB], EWlmd. e/ə-fe/əT “se multiplier”, é-fe/əT “million, nombre immense” [PAM 1998:
59; 2003: 152], Nslm. é-feT, pl. a-fT-ăn “mille” [DRB] (Brb.: DRB 532, fT2) ||| Sem.:
Ar. √fyT I: fāTa “1. être en grande abondance, déborder et couler à profusion, comme
un torrent, 2. dépasser les limites, sortir en dehors”, IV “1. s’inonder de qqch. (p.ex.
d’eau, pour faire ses ablutions, 4. s’engager trop loin dans un discours” [BK II 653] <
CAA *√PH “many” [GT]. Root var. with glottalized C2 to the following entry?
191. NOm. *³eč- > *beš- “1. big, 2. many” [GT] > NWOmt.: Basketo ³eč- “big”
[Azeb Amha] = bεts [Flm.] (NWOmt.: Bnd. 2003: 54, #10) | Chara bεš(a) “many” [Flm.
in Bnd. 2003: 90, #86] | Gimirra- Benesho beš “to be many” 23 [Breeze] (Bender 2003:
192, #86: Benesho loan into Chara) ||| Sem.: Ar. √ftt > ma-fatt-at- “multitude, abondance”,
katīru-mafattatin “qui traite largement, qui nourrit plantureusement” [BK II 542] < CAA
*√pč “big” [GT]. A root var. with a voiced Anlaut, i.e., CAA *√bč “big” [GT], is also
attested from Sem.: Ar. batr- ~ batīr- (root ext. -r) “1. nombreux”, ma-btūr- “riche” [BK
I 84] ||| LECu.: Somali bašbaš “abundance, prosperity” [Ehret] ||| WCh.: Mushere *-bas
“large (?) [GT], only attested in: yit-bass (so, -ss) “somebody who has big, wide or large
Mistakenly equated by Ch. Ehret (l.c.) with Dahalo mbéne “vagina” < SCu. *mpïnde “vagina”.
7
8
Ch. Ehret (1995: 112, #101) equated, however, his Gimirra-Benesho *³uE “many, much” with Ar. baẓẓa
“to grow fat”.
GT: act. *“large number”? Cf. the etymology of Eg. md “10” < AA *√mg “big” [GT] (for detailed
9
discussion see EDE III 802-806).

face” [Diyakal 1997 MS: 321]. Ar.-Somali: Ehret 2000 MS: 55, #127110. Root var. with
non-glottalized C2 to the preceding entry?
192. SOm.: Ari ³/0o"/kš- “to think” [Bnd. & Tully] (isolated in Aroid apud Bender
2003: 352, #101): caus. *-s-? ||| Bed. fikik “to make up one’s mind (about)” [Roper 1928:
180] ||| SCu.: Iraqw fuqraŋ “intelligence, ability, skill” [Ehret] ||| NBrb.: Shilh faγ “fais
attention (à)” [DRB 590, fγ4] ||| PSem. birad. *√p" “to be wise, intelligent” [Ehret] >
Ar. faqfūq- “1. esprit, intelligence, 2. sagacité, pénétration d’esprit” [BK I 622] = fuqfūq-
“intelligent, sagacity” [Ehret] vs. faqaha I “l’emporter sur qqn. par la connaissance du
droit divin, de la jurisprudence (musulmane)”, faqiha “1. être savant et versé dans la
jurisprudence (musulmane), 2. être doué d’intelligence et comprendre les choses”, faquha
“être savant et versé dans la jurisprudence (musulmane) etc.”, fiqh- “1. savoir, 2. en gén.:
connaissance du droit divin, de la jurisprudence qui découle du code sacré musulman”
[BK I 623] = faqaha “to surpass in knowledge of law or divinity”, fiqh- “1. knowledge,
learning, 2. intelligence, understanding” [Ehret] vs. faqim- “intelligent, ingenious” [Ehret]
(Ar.: Ehret 1995: 494, App. 1) < AA *√p" “to be wise” [GT] = *-f³"- “to be wise,
intelligent” [Ehret]. PSem.-Iraqw: Ehret 1995: 104, #79.
193. SOm.: Ari ³oqš- “to want” [Hayward in Bender 2003: 352, #105: isolated in
Aroid] ||| NBrb.: Tamazight feqqeš “1. rechercher, 2. fouiller” [DRB 952, √fγš]. Root
variety to a homorganic root with a voiced Anlaut widely attested in NAA11.
194. NOm.: Bworo ³e/ēra “to hunt” [Rottland, SLLE in Bender 2003: 341, #47:
isolated] ||| SAgaw: Awngi barabar-‹ŋ “to search” [Hetzron 1969: 96] || LECu.: Boni
búr-e" “fortjagen” [Heine 1977: 287] ||| PCh. *√br12 “1. to seek, 2. hunt” [GT] > WCh.13:
10
Equated by Ch. Ehret (l.c.) with Sem.: Ar. batr- “much” ||| NOm.: Mocha ’bäs- “to exceed” < his AA
*-³/bâc- “to exceed”.
11
Cf. NWSem. *√b"t “to seek” [GT]: Ug. √bqt “suchen” [WUS #572], Phoen. √bqš “seek” [Harris 1936:
91], Hbr. √bqš piel “1. suchen, 2. etw. zu erreichen suchen, darnach trachten, 3. verlangen, fordern” [GB 112]
|| ES: Tigrinya beqqwese “récolter” [Koldomin apud Brk.]. As noted in numerous works (e.g. GB 112; Albright
1918: 242, #84; Brockemann 1927: 31; DRS 80), this has a root variety (Brockelmann.: Reimwortbildung) in
Sem. *√bḥt ~ *√bḥš, cf.: Syr. √bḥš “scharren, wühlen, umrühren, untersuchen” [GB] = “scharren, suchen,
untersuchen” [Clc.] = “durchwühlen” [Brk.] = “rechercher, agiter, remuer, attiser” [DRS], Mandaic √bḥš “cher-
cher, examiner” [DRS] || Ar. báḥata “suchen, forschen” [Vycichl] = “to search, investigate” [Albright] =
“untersuchen” [Brockelmann] = “gratter la terre, fouiller” [DRS], Omani √bḥš “creuser” [DRS], Syrian Ar.
baḥaš “fouiller” [DRS] | MSA *√bḥt “to dig in search” [GT]: Harsusi beḥāt “to make a hole in the ground”,
Jibbali baḥát “1. to dig in sand, look for sg. in soil, 2. put sg. to grow in soil”, bStḥat (hér) “1. to search
carefully (for), 2. be easily dug, dug away”, Mehri beḥāt “to make a hole in the ground” (MSA: Johnstone
1977: 16; 1981: 25) || ES: Harari baḥsi āša “to investigate” [Leslau 1963: 40: from Ar.] (Sem.: DRS 57) |||
Eg. bḥs “jagen” (NK, Wb I 469, 13-17, so also in GHWb 258) = “to hunt” (FD 84, DLE I 160).
12
H. Jungraithmayr and K. Shimizu (1981: 146) proposed three PCh. root varieties: CCh. *√prk, W/ECh.
*√pr, Mofu-Kera *√0r “to hunt”. In JI 1994: I, 97, in turn, one common root is suggested: PCh. *√plk “to
hunt”, which was compared (following Dolgopolsky) with Sem. *√p"r “suchen”.
13
R.G. Schuh (l.c.) and D. Ibriszimow & A.M. Gimba (1994: 128) regarded the WCh. parallels as loans
from Kanuri bàrà “hunt”, which seems improbable in the light of the Chadic parallels. Perhaps Kanuri <
Chadic?
Gwnd. bìra “2. to look for” [Mts. 1972: 26] | BT *bara “hunting” [GT]: Bole bàrà “hunt-
ing” [Ibr.-Gimba 1994: 128], Kwami bàrà “Jagd” [Leger 1993: 170], Dera bárà “hunting”
[Newman 1974: 121] | Ngizim bárâ “hunting”, bàrú “to hunt” [Schuh 1981: 21-22] ||
CCh.: Chibak bàrà “1. suchen, 2. jagen, 3. wollen” [Hoffmann 1955: 133] || ECh.: Kera
0éeré [0- obscure] “jagen, Jagd” [Ebert 1976: 34] | WDangla bàrìyè “aller chercher”
[Fédry 1971: 80] ||| SBrb. *√hwr “to follow the trace” [GT: *h- reg. < *b-]: Ahaggar
hur-et “1. suivre à la trace, 2. p.ext.: voir la trace de, voir, 3. p.ext.: suivre, 4. (fig.)
marcher sur les traces de (imiter), 5. (fig.) suivre pied à pied” [Foucauld 1951-2: 638],
EWlmd. ḥur-‹t and Ayr wi0-‹t “1. suivre à la trace, 2. imiter (geste, son, personne)”
[PAM 1998: 136] (SBrb.: Prasse 1969: 65, #365) ||| Sem.: Ar. barbasa “chercher (to look
for sg.)” [BK I 105; Blachère 1967: I 496] ||| Dem. jr brbr “jagen” (DG 119, 3)14 < AA
*√br “1. to look for, 2. follow in search of, hunt” [GT]. The equation of the PCu. and
PCh. roots is due to Ch. Ehret (1997 MS: 26, #1121). Cf. EDE II 263-264.
195. NOm.: Kachama ³ālo “pietra (stone)” [CR 1937: 658 in Bender 2003: 95, #128]
||| WCh.: Hausa fàlálí (m) “1. a large, smooth rock or stone of about the same heigt as
the surrounding land”, 2. a cemented slaughter-place” [Bargery 1934: 294b] = “глaдкaя
cкaлa нa ypoвнe oкpyжaющeй пoчвы” [IS] || CCh.: (???) Mofu-Gudur beeler, beleler
[irregular b- < *p-] “dalle, pierre tombal” [Brt. 1988: 83] ||| NBrb.: Tamazight ti-flili-t
and i-flilu “grosse pierre plate, dalle”, ti-flili-t n u-ferran “pierre plate du four (sur laquelle
on cuit la pain)” [Taïfi 1991 apud DRB] | Shawya ti-fil-t, pl. ti-fil-in “pierres qui se
débitent en lames et servent de dalles” [DRB] || SBrb.: Hgr. té-fil-t, pl. ti-fîl-în “1. pierre
plate (de moyenne dimension, ayant au plus un mètre dans sa plus grande dimension),
2. p.ext. plaque de métal” [Fcd. 1951-2: 322], EWlmd.-Ayr te-fel-t “1. pièce de métal,
plaque métallique, 2. pièce de monnaie, 3. pierre plate, dalle (p.e.x. pour couvrir un
tombeau, 4. EWlmd.: spéc. pièce de fer servant à raccommoder les calebasses cassées”
[PAM 2003: 158] (Brb.: DRB 561) ||| Sem.: Akk. (m/spB, nA) pī/ū/ēlu “Kalkstein(block)”
[AHW 864].
A root variety with *-r- [GT] is more widespread, cf. Common Ch. *√pr (m-, k-, -k)
“stone” [JS 1981: 254A] = *³uHer- < *puHer- “stone” [Stolbova 1996: 20] ||| Sem.: Ar.
fihr- “pierre assez grande pour remplir toute la main et avec laquelle on casse les noix
ou on broie les aromates” [BK II 641], cf. WCh.: Suroid *pēr “sort of stone” [GT 2004:
285]: Sura k‹-pέr “Stein, Kiesel” [Jng. 1963: 70], Mupun pēer “term for any light colored
stone, including mountain quartz” [Frj. 1991: 48], Mushere peer (so, -ee-) “white stone”,
per (so, -e-) “stone sp. that is used to light fire (locally)” [Diyakal 1997 MS: 251, 255]
|| CCh.: e.g., Bura-Margi *pVlyV “бoльшoй бeлый кaмeнь для кoлдoвcтвa” [Panova
1977: 59] > Bura pyela and WMargi paya “stone” [IS] | Higi pərrä “stone” [IS] ||| NBrb.:
Qabyle i-fri, pl. i-fr-an “escarpement, rocer escarpé” [Dallet 1982: 218] || SBrb.: Ahaggar
ĕ-feri, pl. i-fer-ân “aiguille rocheuse” [Foucauld 1951-2: 339] ||| (???) Eg. bj.t [possible
< *br.t with irregular b- < *p-] “Bez. des Alabasters von Hatnub” (OK, Wb I 433, 11)
14
Apparently no earlier occurence. J. Černý (CED 26) and W. Westendorf (KHW 26) treated it as the
reflex of NEg. brbr “(pointed) loaf of bread” (CED) = “Spitze” (KHW, cf. Wb I 459, 12) and as the etymon
of Cpt.: (B) berbir (f) “missile” (CD 42b) = “Wurfspeer” (KHW), which is semantically unacceptable.
= “block (of stone)” (FD 79) = “albâtre” (AL 78.1267) = “Alabaster (Kalzit) aus Hatnub”
(GHWb 245) ||| Sem.: Akk. (m/spB) parūtu ~ paruttu “eine Art von Alabaster” [AHW
837]. Some authors (like IS 1966: 25; OS in HSED 251-252, #1123) directly equated
the BM root (where -l- is secondary due to a regular shift < *-r-) with those with an
original AA *-l-. Thus, Ch. *pVl(V)lV “stone (кaмeнь)” [IS] or CCh. *pVlyV “stone
(кaмeнь)” [Panova-Dlg.-Prh. 1972: 65] are baseless.
196. NOm.: Gofa ³ol-o (sic: -l-, Bnd.: ?) [Alm.] “light (weight)” (isolated in EWC:
Bender 2003: 319, #54): unless this is but a misrecorded reflex of extended Wolayta
cluster *³o"-o “light (weight)” [Bender], cf. AA *√fyl “1. thin, 2. weak” [GT]: Sem.: Ar.
√fyl I “to be weak and erroneous (one’s judgement or opinion)” [Lane 2474] = “être
faible”, cf. fāl-, fayl-, fayyil-, fīl- “faible, débile”, fiyāl-at- and fuyūl-at- “faiblesse d’es-
prit, manque de volonté, d’énergie, de jugement” [BK II 655-656] ||| WCh.: Angas-Sura
*fyē2l → *fye2l “1. light (adj.), 2. thin (membrane), 3. quick” [GT]: Angas fĭl [< *fyil via
*fye2l?] “thin (as a sheet of paper)” [Foulkes 1915: 177] = fíl ~ fíl-fíl (K) “leicht (Ge-
wicht)” [Jng. 1962 MS], Sura fíyέεl “dünn (von Papier), leicht” [Jng. 1963: 65], Mupun
fyēl “light in weight” [Frj. 1991: 19], Kofyar fyél “1. light of (weight), 2. swift” [Netting
1967: 14], Mushere fyel “light” [Diyakal 1997 MS], Goemay fiel “not heavy, light”
[Sirlinger 1937: 50] = fyel “to be light, quick” [Hellwig 2000 MS: 10] (AS: Takács 2004:
119). Cf. EDE II 568.
Ad 53.: add NOm.: Mao *√³yw “bad” [GT]: Hozo ³iyawti [Atieb & Bnd.], Sezo
³ââwâ [Sbr. & Wdk.] (Mao: Bnd. 2003: 353, #5) among the reflexes of AA *√by “bad”
[GT] (q.v. in EDE II 3; 2005: 210-212, #301; 2009: 322-323, #21; EAAN I 72, #324).
Om. *p/*f/*ph-: addenda
Ad #54: SOm.: Hamer (Kara of Fleming) pe “earth” [Fleming, Lydall] = pe “earth,

soil, ground” [Bnd. 1994: 148] (Bnd. 2003: 347, #24: isolated in Aroid)15 ||| WCh.: Sura
p¥ε “1. Grund, 2. Ursache” [Jng. 1963: 78] | Pero péepè [redupl.?] “earth” [Frj. 1985:
45] || CCh.: Gude apaa (adv.) “on the ground” [Hoskison 1983: 158] < AA *√p “ground”
[GT].
197. NOm.: Male pū ́ pì [Azeb Amha] = fufi [Lewis apud Flm.] “big” (Bnd. 2003:
54, #10) ||| WCh.: Goemay ³uoep “to overflow (said of a river only)” [Sirlinger 1937:
186], cf. Goemay ³ip “1. to fill, 2. surround” [Srl. 1937: 181] || CCh.: Mofu mbáf “full,
to fill” [Brt. apud JI 1994: II 157], Gisiga mbáf “full” [Rossing 1978: 258, #298].
198. NOm.: Sheko pādu “hunger” (n.) [Fleming] (isolated in Dizoid apud Bender
2003: 349, #46) ||| Common Brb. *√fd “avoir soif” [GT after Cohen 1947: 170, #376;
DRB 524-525] ||| Sem.: cf. Ar. fatfata I “ne boire que fort peu et pas assez pour étanch-
Unless this is somehow an erosion of a SOm. *pEE-, cf. more apud Ari *PeE- “earth” [GT] below.
15
er le soif” [BK II 535]. Eventually akin to CAA *√ft “1. to desire, 2. demand” [GT] >
ES *√ftw > e.g., Geez fat(a)wa “to desire, wish, love, lust for, have a liking for” [Leslau
1987: 171]16 vs. ES *√ftt: Amh. "aftätä “vouloir, plaire” [DRS 30: isolated in Sem.] =
fättätä “he wished, liked” [Lamberti]17 ||| EBrb.: Ghadames a-ftək “1. chercher, 2. de-
mander, 3. quémander” [Lanfry 1973: 87, #375] || SBrb.: EWlmd.-Ayr nə-fəffəd “cher-
cher (un petit objet) parmi d’autres” vs. Ayr i-fətw-an “recherche conjointe” [PAM 1998:
59 and 73, resp.] ||| LECu.: Boni fed- (östlich auch fad-) “wollen” [Sasse 1980: 97] |||
WCh.: Hausa fààtáá “to hope that” [Abr. 1962: 259]. Hausa-Ahaggar: SISAJa I #132.
Hausa-ES: HSED 178, #782.
199. NOm. *pVd(Vn)- “mountain” [GT]: Dorze peduntsa (?) “mountain, hill” [Linton
et al. in Bender 2003: 20, #90] | Gimirra *pad “mountain” [GT after Bender 2003: 169,
#90] ||| WCh.: uncertain Angas-Sura reflex18 | Bole-Tangale *pand- [GT]: Tangale pandi
“1. stone, 2. hill, mountain, 3. rock” [Jng. 1991: 129], Dera póndó-póndí “rocks, boulders”
[Newman 1974: 131] || CCh.: (?) Mofu-Gudur p‹raT [-r- < -n- possible]19 “rocher plat”
[Brt. 1988: 219] ||| WBrb.: perhaps Zenaga a-fund “petite dune” [DRB 579: isolated in
Brb., not found in TC 2008] ||| Sem.: Ar. find- “a great mountain or a mountain apart
from others or a portion of a mountain, head or peak of a mountain” [Lane 2448] =
fand- and find- “1. grande montagne, grande hauteur qui s’étend au loin, 2. Find (nom
d’une montagne entre la Mecque et Médine”, findīr-(at)- “grand rocher détaché de la
masse de la montagne et qui menace de rouler en bas” [BK II 637-638] || MSA *√fdn
“stone” [GT] 20: Jibbali fdún “pierre” [Lsl.] = fúdún “rock, stone” [Johnstone], Soqotri
fídehon ~ fédehon21 “montagne” [Leslau] = f‘dhQn “mountain” [Johnstone] (MSA: Leslau
1938: 333; Johnstone 1981: 51) < AA *√[p]nd ~ *√[p]dn “1. stone, 2. hill” [GT].
200. NOm.: SEOmt. *poTor-o “lip” [Bnd. 2003: 109, #57]: e.g., Koyra póTToro
[Hayward] = φoddoro [Sbr. & Hoeft], Ganjule poToro [Fleming] = (?) kQ’soro (sic: k- and
-s-) [Siebert & Hoeft], Kachama pQt”o’rō [Siebert & Hoeft] “lip” (SEOmt.: Bender 2003:
334, #57) ||| Sem.: Ar. bu[r- “bord, lisière, frange” [DRS 77, b[r5: isolated in Sem.]. For
the semantic shift, cf. Eg. sp.t “1. Lippe, 2. Rand, 3. Ufer” (PT-, Wb IV 399-400).
16
E. Ullendorff (1956: 192-193, quoted by Leslau 1987: 171) affiliated the Geez root with Ug. √pty “to
copulate”, Hbr. pittah “to seduce”, and Ar. √fty “to be youthful” to reconstruct a Common Sem. root with
a basic sense “to desire, love”. Semantically vague.
Already M. Lamberti (1988: 26) combined this Amh. root with ES *√ftw and Hbr. √pty “to seduce”.
17
Perhaps here belongs WCh.: AS *³aŋ “stone” [Stl., GT] (AS: Hoffmann 1975 MS: 17, #8; Stolbova
18
1977: 156, #176), provided AS *-ŋ was a resolution of the cluster *-nd or *-dn, i.e., AS *³aŋ < *pand- or
*padn-.
Although -r- might be derived from *-n-, its unexpected -T is obscure.
19
Affiliated by W. Leslau (l.c.) with Akk. padānu “chemin” and Hbr. paddān “champs”, which is hard to
20
trace back to one common source. Cf. perhaps also Ar. √fdn II “élever à une certaine hauteur, construire,
bâtir (un édifice)” [BK II 557]?
Extended with a secondary parasitic -h-, not uncommon in Soqotri.
21
201. NOm.: Mao *√ps “to pour” [GT]: Hozo pʊṭɪ, ³âti [Atieb & Bender], Sezo pisε,
pitε [Atieb & Bender] = pâtε [Sbr. & Wdk.] (isolated in Mao apud Bender 2003: 356,
#69) ||| Ch. *√mbT “to pour” [JS 1981: 207J] > WCh.: Angas-Sura *vwet, var. *fwet ~
*fwat (ultimately from *vwet) → *fut “1. to throw, 2. scatter” [GT 2004: 117, 395]: Sura
fwɛ̀t “1. werfen, 2. schlagen” [Jng. 1963: 66], Mupun vwét “to throw away” [Frj. 1991:
64], Kofyar fút “a shoot” [Netting 1967: 13], Mushere fwat (so, -a-) “to scatter, disperse”
[Diyakal 1997 MS], Goemay fût [fǖt] “2. shake off” [Sirlinger 1937: 54] ||| ES: Gurage:
Soddo fafat, Amh. fwafwate “waterfall” (ES: Leslau 1979: III 228 with dubious HECu.
etymology).
202. Om. *p/ph/fet- “to jump, fly, flee” [GT] > Haruro pet-āys- “volare” [CR 1937:
657], Ganjule pet “to fly” [CR in Bender 2003: 333, #32] | Dizoid *phet- “to run” [GT]:
Dizi hεt- [Fleming], Nayi fet- [Aklilu] “to run” (isolated in Dizoid apud Bender 2003:
350, #77) vs. Nayi petuki “to fly” [Fleming apud Bender 2003: 348, #32: isolated] ||
SOm.: Ari pēd- “fliegen” [Lamberti] = Ari fēt- “to fly” [Bender 1994: 150] vs. Ari-Gali-
la fēt- “to fly” [Fleming] (isolated in Aroid apud Bender 2003: 348, #32) ||| LECu.: Afar
fitītik- “to run fast” [PH 1985: …] | Oromo futta"a “1. to spring back, 2. be suddenly
released, 3. fly off (under pressure, explosively)” [Gragg 1982: 151], Baiso fid-am- “sprin-
gen” [Lamberti] || SCu.: (???) Iraqw fīt- “to drive, run after” [OS] = fi"īt22 “to run to
attend after a call for help” [MQK 2002: 34] ||| WCh.: Boghom pit “to jump” [Shimizu
in JI 1994: II, 210] ||| Eg. pd “laufen” (XVIII., Wb I 501, 2; GHWb 273) = “to flee,
run” (DLE I 185-186)23 vs. Eg. ftft “springen, hüpfen” (Med., Wb I 581, 3-6) = “to leap”
(XVIII., FD 99) = “springen, hüpfen, sich losreißen, aufspringen (aus Schlaf), hochschnel-
len (Fisch)” (GHWb 308), from the same root: nftft “Art des Fliehens” (MK, Wb II 263,
4) = “to leap” (FD 132) = “springen, springend fliehen” (GHWb 411) ||| Sem. *√pdd:
Syr. √pdd “evanuit, discessit, defecit de siiti” [Ast./Dlg.] | Ar. √fdd “courir (se dit d’un
homme)” [Belova] = “1. to tread upon the ground (of camels), 2. run away” [HCVA] vs.
√fdfd “to run, flee, escape enemy” (Sem.: Dlg. 1967: 306) < AA *√pd ~ *√fd ~ *√ft
(all three represented in Eg., elsewhere hard to determine) “1. to run, 2. jump, 3. fly”
[GT]. The isogloss of triradical Eg. jfd “davonrennen, durcheilen” (XVIII., Wb I 72, 1-2)
= “to flee” (FD 17) ||| Sem.: Ar. "afida “se dépêcher, arriver” [Belova] = “eilen” [Vergote]
= “to hurry” [Hodge] = “se hâter, venir promptement” [DRS 28], cf. Ar. "aft- [-ft- assim.
< *-fd-?] “rapide (chamelle)” [DRS 30] may ultimately belong here as noted by A. G.
Belova (l.c.i.)24. The root has been known outside Omotic in the AA comparative litera-
22
Where the root seems to be merely fī"- “sound of fast movement” [MQK l.c.].
23
For equating Eg. pd with Ar. √fdd see Belova 1991: 88, #1; 1993: 53; HCVA I #4; HSED #2020.
L. Homburger (1931: 257), followed by H. Abel (1933-4: 304) and E. Zyhlarz (1934-5: 168, 175) compared
Eg. pd with ONubian pad “entlaufen”, Nile Nubian: Kunuzi & Dongola bōd “laufen” [Abel] = bod ~ bot
“(ent)laufen, eilen, fliehen” [Rn. 1879: 21].
24
For Eg.-Ar. see Ember 1930: #4.a.15; Vergote 1945: 144, §23.a.1; Hodge 1968: 22; Vycichl 1985: 169-
170, #1; Belova 1987: 279; 1991: 88, #1; 1993: 53.
ture25. This is one of the PAA roots whose varieties (below) are often confused in the
literature (surveyed in EDE II 594)26:
1. CAA *√bt “to jump” [GT]: Sem.: Akk. (bab., m/nA) nābutu ~ na"butu ~ nābudu
“fliehen” [AHW 700] ||| SBrb.: Hgr. e-bet “faire sauter (en coupant)” [Fcd. 1951-2: 107]
||| NOm.: Kaffa bit “saltare” [Crl. 1951: 417] = bit “to jump” [Lsl.] = bit- ~ bitit- “sdruc-
ciolare” [Cecchi apud Rn. 1888: 276], Mocha bì:tti-yé “to fly” [Lsl. 1959: 23] ||| WCh.:
(?) Bole butu “to run” [OS 1990: 83, #27, not found in Lukas 1971].
2. CAA *√bs “to jump” [GT]: ES: Geez basasa “to jump up, leap up (animal), hop”
[Lsl.], Tigre bess bela “to jump” [Rn.], Amh. bassäsä, bass alä “to jump” [Lsl.] =
“подскакивать, подпрыгивать при езде на муле, осле” [Gankin apud Dlg.] (ES: Dlg.
1973: 244; Lsl. 1987: 114) ||| NOm.: PKefoid (PGonga) *bis- “to jump” [GT]: Shinasha
(Bworo) bis- “to jump” [Crl.] (NOm.: Dlg. 1973: 244) ||| WCh.: Kupto 0ùutò “fliehen,
weglaufen” [Leger 1992: 18] | Guruntum 0əTi “to jump” [Cosper 1994: 23].
3. CAA *√bd “to jump” [GT]: WBrb.: Zenaga o-bbud “sauter, franchir d’un bord,
voler, bondir, trembler” [Ncl. 1953: 176] || SBrb.: EWlmd. & Ayr budəd “faire saillie,
former une ligne saillante sur le corps (un coup) ou sur une surface qcq. (une écriture
en relief)” [PAM 1998: 3; DRB I 18: isolated in Brb.] ||| LECu.: Omo-Tana *bōd- “sprin-
gen” [Sasse 1981: 156]: Somali bōd “springen, hüpfen” [Rn. 1902: 71], Jabarti bgd-o
“Sprung” [Rn. 1904: 52] ||| NOm.: Shinasha-Dangur bôd-a “to fly” [Flm. 1990: 27].
203. NOm.: Chara fítt-a “all” [Akl. Yilma in Bnd. 2003: 82, #1: isolated] ||| WCh.:
Angas-Sura *pwēt ~ *pyēt > *pēt “1. all, complete” [GT 2004: 295]: presumably Gerka
pat-uk (so, pat-!) “all” (-uk obscure) [Ftp. 1911: 214], Angas peet “all, completely (used
often with numerals)” [Foulkes 1915: 263] = pyéét (so, py-!) “alles”, péet ~ pέt “1. alle(s),
total, komplett, 2. umgekehrt, dafür” [Jng. 1962 MS: 32, 34], Mushere weet ~ uweet (so,
w-! false vowel length?) “all”, mun weet ha “are we all?” [Dkl. 1997 MS: 301, 341] =
pwèt “fully” [Jng. 1999 MS: 14] (AS: Takács 2004: 295) | Pa’a peit (adv.) “all, com-
pletely” [M. Skinner 1979 MS: 200] || CCh.: Higi páhέ “all” [Mohrlang 1972: 98] |
Gulfei bado “alle” [Lukas 1937: 149] | Muskum fét “tout” [Tourneux 1977: 29] || ECh.:
Somray pwʌ́t “tout/s” [Jng. 1978: 206], Tumak péd “tout” [Caprile 1975: 90].
204. NOm.: Sezo φıtkwà “to wash, bathe” [Sbr. & Wdk. in Bnd. 2003: 281, #144]
||| Sem.: Ar. fadaγa I “2. graisser un mets en y jettant de la graisse fondue”, VII “être
mou, tendre, ramolli” [BK II 556] < CAA *√Pdγ “to dip into liquid” [GT].
205. NOm. *Paz- “sharp” [GT]: (???) Konta potetsa “sharp” [Allan] (isolated in
NWOmt.: Bender 2003: 320, #80) vs. Malé "a@ε-’bazi27 “sharp” [Siebert in Bender 2003:
329, #80] | Sezo pazâ “sharp” [Atieb & Bender apud Bender 2003: 357, #80: isolated in
Cf. HSED #783 (Eg.-Iraqw) and #810 (Eg.-Boghom-Oromo); Ehret 1997 MS: 39, #1174 (Eg.-Afar).
25
Cf. also SISAJa I, 113, #137; HCVA I #54 with further unconvincing parallels.
26
Cf. Dlg. 1973: 244 (Somali-Gonga-ES); Leslau 1987: 114 (ES-Somali); HSED #296 (Kefoid-Boghom);
Ehret 1997 MS: 14, #1076 (Boghom-Mocha).
For the first component cf. Ometo *hOEE/ss-o “sharp” [GT].
27
Mao] ||| SBrb.: EWlmd.-Ayr buz-ət “1. limer, 2. égratigner (peau, pour apaiser une
démangeaison, etc.)” [PAM 2003: 62; DRB 149, BZ(T): isolated] ||| Sem.: presumably
Ar. bazu«a “être fin, gracieux, intelligent” [DRS 55]28.
206. NOm.: Malé ’pizi “straight” [Siebert in Bnd. 2003: 329, #94] ||| Common Brb.
(attested in E/N/WBrb.) *√fs “droit(e)” [GT after DRB 655-656, FS3 and 666, FSY2].
Remotely related root variety to SAA *√Pt (perhaps *Pit?) “straight” [GT]: LECu.:
Rendille fita “to be straight (of a person or thing), run straight (of a road etc.)”, fít
“1. straigntness, 2. (adv.) straight (of direction)” [PG 1999: 115] ||| WCh.: Angas [ví:t]
“perfectly straight” [Burquest 1971: 31] (Takács 2004: 391: isolated in AS).
207. NOm.: Yemsa fizō “goat” [Akl. & Sbr., Crl., Flm., Lmb. apud Bnd. 2003: 341,
#40] ||| WCh.: Hausa-Zar bòòǯóó “stunted goat” [Abr. 1962: 109]. A root variety with
a voiceless C2 sibilant has been retained by the parallels discussed s.v. NOm.: Chara
b(u)osā “goat” [Crl.] = bōsa [Flm.] (part IV, #105 in Acta Orientalia Hung. 75/1 (2022), 135).
208. NOm.: Hamer *fa@C3- (?) “to spit” [GT] > fâsma (v.) “to spit”, fa[iwâsa (n.)
“saliva” [Bnd. 2003: 217, #125] ||| Ch. *√p[- “to spit” [JI 1994: I 156] > i.a., ECh. *√0s
< **√p@ (via usual metathesis of glottalization) “to spit” [GT]: Somray 0əsə “cracher”
[Jng. 1978: 186] | Dangla 0eese “to spew, spray” [Newman] = WDangla 0èèsè “cracher
de l’eau en fines goutelettes” [Fédry 1971: 106], EDangla 0éesé (m) “cracher le sésame
en pluie pour semer” [DM 1973: 58] ||| Sem.: Jibbali fé[əγ “to spit”, fi[Sγ “spittle, sali-
va” [Johnstone 1981: 64] < CAA *√p@ “to spit” [GT], whose root variety with a plain
non-glottalized sibilant as C2 is thoroughly discussed in EDE II 515-516 s.v. Eg. psg
“bespeien, ausspeien” (PT, Wb).
209. NOm.: Gimirra-Benesho pas-ap (cf. ≈ inč-ap) “worm” [Breeze apud Bnd. 2003:
345, #110: isolated] ||| Sem.: Ar. fasfas- “1. punaise, 2. certaine plante puante”, fisfis-at-
“punaise” [BK II 594] = fasfas- “bug” [OS]29. Remotely related root variety to CAA
*√bʒ “an insect sp.” [GT] discussed s.v. NOm.: Sezo *bizil-E “louse” [GT] (see part IV,
#100).
210. NOm.: Gimirra *pāž/ǯ- “day” [GT]: Benesho pažn [Alm.], She pāǯez [CR]
(Gimirra: Bender 2003: 339, #19) ||| SBrb.: EWlmd.-Ayr făzz-ăt “1. éclater, 2. être répan-
du, 3. (Ayr) se répandre (lumière), 4. (Ayr) jeter de la lumière (sur), éclairer (lampe)”
[PAM 1998: 74; 2003: 188; DRB 686: isolated30 in Brb.]. This biradical isogloss (so far
exclusively attested from Gimirra-Twareg) may well be akin to the triradicalized one (by
28
For its semantic spectrum, cf., e.g., Eg. spd “spitz (sein)” (PT-, Wb IV 108) > spd “tüchtig, geschickt
(wohl übertragener Gebrauch des vorstehenden Wortes)” (PT-, Wb IV 108-109).
29
Equated by V. Orel and O. Stolbova (HSED 422, #1968) with ECh.: Mokilo pesso and LECu.: Oromo
fāča – both “mosquito”.
30
Any connection to NBrb.: Shilh i-fizw ~ i-fizu “1. très forte chaleur, canicule, 2. sécheresse” | Tamazight
i-fizu “sécheresse” (NBrb.: DRB 687)? Perhaps the “heat of the sun” is underlying here.
a medial *-w- extension) attested from Eg. wpš (Belova’s law: regular < √pwš) “1. um-
herstreuen, 2. erleuchten” (PT-, Wb I 305, 11-19) > wpš “Licht” (PT-, Wb I 306, 1) |||
WCh.: Angas-Sura *pūs, var.*pwūs (or *³ūs?) > *p½s “1. sun, 2. day” [GT 2004: 293]31
= *pūs “day” [Stolbova 1977] = *pAHAs “sun” [Stolbova 1987] = *pəs [Skinner]. The
above Gimirra-Twareg match would prima vista suggest an AA *√pZ, but with the Egyp-
to-Chadic isogloss, so evidently speaking for an underlying *√pwĉ according to Belova’s
Law, we are at once entangled in the delicate debate about the Proto-Chadic word for
“sun”, whose reflexes32 have until now evoked ambiguous views on its C2 as the older
and commonly accepted view favours a plain dental plosive *t33 in this Chadic word,
which is more recently opposed by the position of Russian scholars34 who reconstructed
the PCh. root with a glottalized *-@- (instead of *-t-). The common Chadic word for
“sun” is, to the best of my knowledge, lacking any reliable AA parallel with this basic
meaning35, which has made some think of an extra-AA origin36 etymology, but more
31
Attested in Gerka bis (so) [act. 0‹s? irreg. 0- < *p-?] “1. sun, 2. day” [Ftp. 1911: 214-5, 218, 220] =
0½s (so, 0-) [irreg. 0- < *p-?] “sun” [IL], Angas pus “1. sun, 2. daylight” [Ormsby 1914: 207-8, 313, 315] =
pus ~ puus “1. the sun, 2. the day” [Foulkes 1915: 268] = puus ~ pus “sun” [Jng. 1962 MS: 34] = pùs, pl.
pwas “sun” [Jng. 1963: 273] = pus [phùs] “day” [Burquest 1971: 49] = puus “sun” [Hoffmann] = pus “sun,
day” [ALC 1978, 43, 53] = pus “sun” [Kraft] = pūs “sun” [Gochal 1994: 26, 38], Sura puus “1. Sonne, 2.
Tag” [Jng. 1963: 79] = puus “sun” [Hoffmann] = puus “sun” [Kraft], Mupun pūus “1. sun, 2. afternoon, 3.
time” [Frj. 1991: 50], Mnt. p‹γ‹s [reg. < *pw‹s] (B) ~ puus (La) “Sonne” [Jng. 1965: 169, 171], Kofyar fuus
[fu- < *pu- appears to be reg.] “sun” [Netting 1967: 13] = pfuus (so, pf-) “sun” [Hoffmann], Msr. puus “1.
sun, 2. day” [Dkl. 1997 MS: 231, 243] = puus “1. day, 2. sun” [Jng. 1999 MS: 14], Chip pùs “sun” [Kraft],
Tal phūu:s “sun” [IL], Mnt. pos (so, -o-) “sun” [Ftp. 1911: 214-5, 218, 220], Gmy. pus “sun” [Ftp. 1911: 214,
220] = pûs [p°s < *p½s] “1. sun, 2. time” [Srl. 1937: 187] = pw‹‹γ‹s (sic! perhaps recorded for Mnt.?)
“Sonne” [Jng. 1962 MS: 5] = ³uus (so, ³-, -uu- instead of *-°-) “sun” [Hoffmann] = pis [püs] “sun” [Krf.]
= pιs [piis < *p½s] “sun, time” [Hlw. 2000 MS: 28] (AS data: Hoffmann 1975: 17, #13; Stolbova 1977: 156,
#172; 1987: 145, #10; GT 2004 l.c.).
32
WCh.: Ron *fat “sun” [GT] | Bole-Tangale *pUdV vs. *futi “sun” [GT] > i.a. Kupto fíší “sun” [Jng.-
Leger 1993: 166] | Diri fàtéé [Skinner] = fátáh [IL] | SBauchi *piti “sun” [GT] || CCh.: Tera f‹Tà [Newman]
| Bura-Margi *p‹či “sun” [GT] = EMargi group *pəči [Skinner] | PHigi *v‹či “sun” [GT] | PBata *fete “sun”
[GT] | PMandara *f-c-y- [Skinner] = *f/vačiy “sun” [GT] | Mafa-Mada *afac “sun” [GT] > i.a. Gisiga-Dog-
ba pas [Lukas], Mofu-Gudur pás “1. soleil, 2. jour, 3. lumière” [Brt. 1988: 220] (MM: Rossing 1978: 338,
#705) | PDaba *pič “sun” [GT] | PMusgu *fa/utiy “sun” [GT] | PMasa *fat “1. sun, 2. dry season” [GT] ||
ECh.: Dangla-Migama *pāt [GT] | Mubi-Toram *fāt (perhaps < *fāT-?) “sun” [GT] (Ch.: IS 1966: 21;
NM 1966: 21; Hoffmann 1971: 225; Wolff 1974: 15; Newman 1977: 32; Ibriszimow 1990: 82-84; JI 1994:
II 312-313; Stolbova 1996: 18; Skinner 1996: 67).
33
Cf. PCh. *phVtV [IS] = *F-t- “sun” [NM 1966: 239] = *fati “sun, day” [Newman] = *p-t [JS 1981:
256] = *p-t “sun” [JI 1994: I 161].
Panova & Dolgopol’skij & Porhomovskij 1972: 65; SISAJa I, #10; Stolbova 1977: 65; 1987: 65, 145.
34
Whereas O.V. Stolbova (1987: 145, #10) still accepted a common WCh. *pa@A[r] “sun” for both reflexes with
-t- and a sibilant C2, a decade later she assumed for Proto-Chadic at the same time (!) both an etymon
*pa/u/?u@i vs. *fati/a for “sun” > *fawVt-/*fa"at-/*fawat- “sun, God” (Stolbova 1996: 18 and 28, resp.).
35
C.T. Hodge (1968: 27) presumed a biradical Eg. *pt (with -t part of the root) “sky”, which he con-
nected to our Chadic root. Rejected in EDE II 378 in the light of a semantically more attractive match for
the former.
Thus, H.-J. Sasse (1981: 159) compared it to Kuliak: Ik fet “sun” [Sasse] = fweta [Tucker], which,
36
isolated in Kuliak, hardly convince of its having been a source of borrowing for the common Chadic etymon.
likely appears O.V. Stolbova’s old idea on an Arabic cognate reflecting *-@- as C237, whose
correctness I can now basically confirm by new cognates corroborating a CAA *√p@
“(heat) of light” [GT]38. Besides, both O.V. Stolbova (1996: 18) and N. Skinner (1992:
21; 1996: 67) affiliated the Chadic word also with SCu.: PRift *pac- “sky”, which may
appear misleading and quickly disprovable in this form. In fact, Ch. Ehret’s (1980: 339,
#B.1) SCu. *pas- or *pac- can hardly be associated with the notion “sky”39, most of his
comparanda reflect WRift *pis “to dawn, become day”, whence *pisarú “daylight, dawn”
[KM 2004: 225]40. All in all, although we are still far from understanding the full histo-
ry of Chadic “sun”, perhaps we may venture assuming three or even four diverse PAA
root varieties, all connected with the sunshine, namely *√pZ ~ *√pwĉ ~ *√p@ ~ *√ps
(?).
211. SOm.: Ari *PeE- “earth” [GT] attested from φεča “earth” [Bnd. & Tully] = féEé
“earth” [Hyw.] = (Galila of Fleming) ³/fiEa “soil” [Flm.] (Aroid apud Bnd. 2003: 347,
#24: isolated) ||| SCu.: Ma’a mpuŝé (-hl-) “earth” [Ehret]41 ||| WCh.: Ngizim páĉâ “floor
or ground of house or compound” [Schuh 1981] || CCh.: Muktele fcú (-ts-) “earth”
[Rossing 1978: 242, #224; JI 1994: II 117: isolated] ||| Sem.: (???) Ar. faTT-at- “terrain
rocailleux, élevé” [BK II 604]42. The SCu.-Ngizim isogloss is due to Ch. Ehret (2000
MS: 30, #1156) deriving it from his PAA *pu/aH- “ground”.
212. NOm. *pāš- “to plug into earth (?)” [GT] > Gimirra-Benesho pošt “grave, tomb”
[Breeze in Bnd. 2003: 166, #64] | Sezo pāšε “to plant” [Atieb & Bnd.] (isolated in Mao
apud Bender 2003: 356, #67) ||| WCh.: Pa’a pisù “to bury”, pìsau “burial” [M. Skinner
37
O.V. Stolbova (1987: 145, #10; 1996: 18) equated the Chadic etymon with Sem.: Ar. fa[aḥa I “1.
apparaître à qqn. dans tout son éclat”, fa[uḥa “être clair, intelligible dans son parler”, IV “3. être (éc)clair(ci),
pur, clarifié (se dit des liquides), 4. apparaître, briller (se dit de l’aurore), 5. apparaître, être manifeste, évident”,
fa[(ī)ḥ- “1. clair, clarifié, pur (se dit du beurre fondu, etc.), 2. clair, lucide (discours, orateur)” [BK II 599].
38
A root var. with an original lateral affricate C2 has been retained by Ar. faTaḥa I “apparaître à qqn. et
l’envelopper de sa clarté (se dit de l’aurore)”, IV “1. briller, apparaître (se dit de l’aurore)”, VIII “1. apparaître,
être mis au grand jour”, faTḥ-at- “coulur entre le gris et le rouge, comme celle d’aurore quand son éclat se
répand sur l’horizon”, fāTiḥ- “1. qui apparaît, qui brille”, "al-fāTiḥu “aurore”, "afTaḥu “1. rougeâtre” [BK II
605] ||| WCh.: Hausa fácíí (m), fácáá (f), pl. fácààcéé “light red-skinned person” [Abr. 1962: 261]. On the
other hand, the special isogloss of SBrb.: EWlmd.-Ayr fəẓəẓẓək-ət “être extrêmement chaud (jour, soleil)”
[PAM 2003: 189; DRB 691: isolated in Brb.] ||| WCh.: Hausa fácàr-fácàr (n./adv.) in: ráánáá táá yí fácàr-fácàr
“noonday heat is intense” [Abr. 1962: 261] = “heat of the sun” [Skinner] has preserved the association to
“heat of sunlight”.
39
Solely reflected by ERift: Qwadza pas-iko “sky”, for which cf. better the entry for Om. *bVz- “star”
[GT] in part IV (#97) of this series (in Acta Orientalia Hung. 75/1 (2022), 131).
Iraqw pisu “shining” [Ehret], Burunge pisaru “daylight” [Ehret, KM], Alagwa pisarú “daylight, dawn”
40
[KM] = pisema “dawn” [Ehret].

41
Derived by Ch. Ehret (1980: 145, #19) from his SCu. *puH/ŝa"- “patch of earth” in comparison with
Dahalo paŝŝa"ámo “glade”, which, however, semantically much better fits Ar. faTā"- “2. cour, place entre les
édifices ou les tentes, 3. plaine très-vaste, 4. intérieur, tout l’espace compris entre les murailles d’un temple
etc.” < √fTw I: faTā “être large, spacieux (se dit d’un lieu)” [BK II 609].
42
Unless this is to be equated with Ar. faTTa “casser, rompre, briser, écraser” [BK].
1979: 200] ||| NBrb. *√fs “1. f/bourrer, 2. enfouir, 4. introduire” [GT]43: Shilh a-fs “1.
fourrer (ajouter en pressant), 2. ajouter, 3. introduire, 4. fouler aux pieds, marcher sur”
[DRB] | Tamazight a-fes “1. bourrer, 2. tasser, 3. enfouir, enfoncer, fourrer, introduire,
faire pénétrer, 4. être enfoui, introduit, pénétrer”, a-fas “action d’enfoncer, d’enfouir, de
fourrer, introduction, pénétration” [Taïfi 1991: 131b] | Figig a-fes “1. bourrer, 2. enfouir”
[DRB], Shawya a-fes “1. (en)tasser, 2. bourrer” [DRB] | Qabyle a-fes “enfoncer”, ttwa-fes
“1. être enfoncé, 2. être enfoui, caché” [Dallet 1982: 231] ||| Eg. pjs “(das Korn mit
Eseln) einbringen” (MK, Wb I 502, 9) = “to tread in (?) (seed)” (FD 88) = “faire pénétrer
les semences” (Berlev 1978: 191, n. 9) = “transporter (du grain) à dos d’âne” (AL
78.1431: cf. already CT III 138b-139a in obscure context) = “eintreten, eintrampeln (Saat
in Boden), *einbringen” (GHWb 273) ||| Sem.: Akk. (ass.) pasû “pressen (?) (Dämonen
Brustkorb)” [AHW 839] < CAA *√ps “to press into” [GT]. Remote root variety to CAA
*√bs “1. to tread in, 2. thresh” [GT]44. Hardly related even as root var. AA *√p@ “to
descend” [GT]?45 But certainly to be carefully distinguished from NOm. *bōs-a “grave”
[GT] (part I of this series, #8.). Cf. also the following entry.
213. NOm. *pāš- “to cover, hide” [GT]: Haruro pāš-āys “coprire” [CR 1937: 657] |
Chara pāš “to hide” [CR in Bnd. 2003: 89, #70] ||| HECu.: Burji faš- “to cover (vt.)”
[Sasse 1982: 44: isolated in ECu.] ||| Sem.: Ar. faša«a I”1. envelopper, envahir, couvrir”,
II “être par-dessus au point de couvrir qqch.”, V “4. entrer les maisons et se cacher, 8.
être couvert de smilace (se dit d’un arbre)” [BK II 596-597] vs. Ar. fašila V “3. se
cacher derrière un rideau, être couvert de son voile étant dans la litière ou mettre sous
soi son voile, sa robe, etc., et s’asseoir dessus (se dit d’une femme qui voyage dans une
litière à dos de chameau)” [BK II 597].
214. NOm.: Yemsa fašò “clothing” [Lamberti in Bender 2003: 339, #14] ||| WCh.:
perhaps46 Bade •fč-ân [Kraft] = Gashua-Bade ǝ̀fčí vs. WBade ǝ̀fčà ~ ǝ̀fčáa-n “mat” [Schuh
43
K. Naït-Zerrad (DRS l.c. pace Dallet 1982 l.c.) equated the NBerber root with Ar. «afasa I “piétiner,
fouler, terrasser” [DRB] = “1. retenir, 2. ne pas ménager son habit, 3. mener, pousser avec vigueur, 4. ter-
rasser et traîner par terre, 5. donner un coup de pied dans le derrière” [BK II 299].
Attested in Sem.: Hbr. √bws qal “mit Füßen treten, (die Feinde) zu Boden treten, zerstampfen”, pilel
44
“zertreten (einen Ort), ein Heiligtum entheiligen”, hitpalel “stampeln, zappeln” [GB 89], JAram. √bss and
Mandaean bsus and NHbr. √bss qal “fouler aux pieds” [DRS] = MHbr. √bss “to stride, tread” [Zaborski] ||
Ar. bassa “se disperser, s’égailler” [DRS] = “to crush” [Zaborski] (Sem.: DRS 73; Zaborski 1971: 57, #23)
||| HECu.: Burji būs- “to thresh” [Sasse 1982: 44-45] ||| NOm.: Mocha bučči-yé “to thresh with a thick”
[Leslau 1959: 21] ||| CCh.: Mafa mbac- [-ts-] “piétiner” [Barreteau & Bléis 1990: 249]. The AA etymology
of Hbr. √bws in HSED #237 is false. O.V. Stolbova (1996: 117) derived Mafa mbac- from her PCh. *baE- “to
trample, pus”, where the glottalized affricate was based solely on the semantically vulnerable comparison to
ECh.: Bidiya bàTàk “(se) heurter”, bàTy “boxer” [AJ 1989: 56].
45
Cf. Sem.: OSA (Sabaic) f[y “to inter (enterrer)” [SD 47], cf. Ar. √fy[ > fā[a “s’en aller et s’engager
dans l’intéreur des terres” [BK II 653] (GT: lit. *“to descend”?) ||| WCh.: NBauchi *p‹@- “to descend, down-
load” [GT]: Warji and Kariya p‹@- [-ts’-] (NBauchi: Skinner 1977: 18). Cf. Takács 2011: 26, 179.
The Bade word strangely is opposing in form to all the rest of the Common Chadic parallels for “mat”
46
uniformly reflecting a stem *buči [GT], just like even its closest relative = Ngizim bùučî [Schuh 1981: 27]
= bučì [Kraft 1981: #232], for whose sake O.V. Stolbova (1987: 147), mishandling these words as cognaes,
was compelled to reconstruct a strange WCh. *³uči “mat” with a nowhere attested *³-. We may either assume
1975: 114] || EBrb.: Ghadames (a-Tu n) ti-fes-t “(odeur de) vêtement qui brûle (?)” ||
NBrb.: Nefusa ti-ffas-t “lin” | Sened ti-fes-t “toile” | Shilh ti-fs-t “chanvre”, Ntifa ti-fes-t
“chanvre” | Rif ti-fes-t “lin, filasse” | Qabyle ti-ffes-t “lin” (Brb.: DRB 658, FS11) ||| Eg.
psš.t (hence NK vars. pš.t ~ pš) “Matte” (MK, Wb I 555, 1) = “vielleicht: Flachs” (Er-
man 1892: 111) = “carpet, matting (of reeds)” (FD 95) = “Matte (*aus psš-Pflanze)”
(GHWb 294) ||| Sem. *pitt- (m) < fossilized fem. stem **pit-t- (???) [GT]: Akk. *piššu
~/< *pištu “Flachs” (meines Wissens nach unbelegt) [AHW 869, otherwise in CAD p] ||
Ug. ptt (m), pl. ptt-m “flax, linen for making garments” [Gordon 1955: 315, #1606] =
“Linnen” [WUS #2296] = “1. linen (for garments), 2. linen fabric (weighed in shekels
or measured in rods)” [DUL 688], Hbr. pešet- (st. cstr.), pl. pištīm “Flachs, Lein” [GB
665] = *pēšet- (probably a primary noun), pl. pišt-īm, st. cstr. pištē- “flax, linen (the
plural really means ’stalks of flax’)” vs. pištā, st. cstr. *pešet- “1. flax in the field, 2. wick
made from flax” [KB 983a]. The Bade and Ugaritic parallels clearly indicate AA *č (in-
directly also Yemsa š instead of *s), which strangely coincides with that of the Common
Chadic terms for “mat” reflecting an etymon *buč- [GT] in such a coherent manner
(overwhelmingly with b- and -č-) that these are rightly considered as result a recent
loanword that has usually47 been explained from Kanuri instead of being directly mis-
compared as genetic cognates of the Sem.-Eg. match48 in an Afro-Asiatic context as the
Russian authors maintained49. But the Egyptian match, apparently denoting a flax mat,
poses the puzzle of where the Kanuri word itself stems from. Perhaps its parental etymon
was equally borrowed from some AA reflex of this cultural item? The Macro-Canaanite,
Egyptian, and their new Berber parallels evidently indicate a NAA *√pč “1. a plant (flax,
linen?) used for plaiting, 2. cloth and mat made thereof” [GT], whose SAA reflexes I have
so far managed to locate in Yemsa and (???) Bade.
215. Aroid *³is/š- (?) “to cough” [Bender 2003: 253, #A15] = *³is/š- (no question
mark) [Bender 2003: 305, #A15] = *pVš- (no *³- is attested here) [GT]: Ari (Galila of
Fleming) pošin- ~ pōšin- “to cough” [Bender & Tully, Fleming], Hamer piskilla “to
cough” [Fleming], Dimé fıš-t- “to cough” [Fleming in Bender 1994] = phə’bešth- [Siebert]
= fıfıš- [Fleming in Bender 2003] (SOm./Aroid: Bender 1994: 147; 2003: 347, #15) |||
CCh.: Mofu-Gudur peŝ peŝ “vomir abondamment” [Barreteau 1988: 221] | Gude fəši ~
fisə “to spray water out from mouth”, cf. vuši “to spit out mouthful of sg.” [Hoskison
1983: 184]. The underlying SAA root can hardly be directly unified with CAA *√bŜ “1.
the Bade form (1) is merely one of these recent Chadic loans but transforming this Wanderwort (direct source:
Kanuri?) via assimilation by applying its peculiar syllabic pattern "əC1C2V onto this item too, or (2) that it
stands from the Ngizim parallel so distinct that both are by no means to be to traced back to a common
WCh. etymon (à là Stolbova), which can in principle signify an inherited nature of the Bade form.
47
In Chadic linguistics (cf., e.g., Lukas 1970: 118; Schuh 1981: 27; JS 1981: 176 F; Rossing 1978: 289,
#456), derived from Kanuri búǯi “mat” [Mouchet] = b‘ǯì [Schuh 1981: 27].
48
The Eg.-Hbr. parallel has long been known, mentioned already by A. Erman (1892: 111) and F. von
Calice (1936 = GÄSW #607).
Cf. SISAJa I, 33-34, #40 (NWSem.-Eg. related to Ch. “mat”); HCVA I #9 (NWSem.-Eg.-Ron-Gisiga);
49
HSED #1975 (Hbr.-Eg.-Ron-Kera).

to spit, 2. vomit” [GT]. Two distinct root vars. in Omotic with voiced/less C1-? Cf. also
#115 in part IV (in Acta Orientalia Hung. 75/1 (2022), 140).
216. NOm.: NWOmt. *phag- “to pour” [GT]: Gamu págo “to pour” [Hayward],
Kullo-Konta hagg- “to pour” [Alemayehu] (isolated in NWOmt.: Bender 2003: 320, #69)
||| WCh.: Goemay phuk (so, ph-) “to empty the contents of a vessel into another one
with short and sudden movements” [Sirlinger 1937: 178] || CCh.: Hitkala (Hide, Lamang)
pγa “1. verser, renverser, 2. déshabiller” [Eguchi 1971: 224] ||| EBrb.: Audjila e-ffok, ffok
(tr., intr.) “1. versare, 2. colare” [DRB 551, FK pace Paradisi 1960: 177] || WBrb.: Ze-
naga a-ffug “verser” [TC apud DRB 541, FG16] || SBrb.: Ghat ə-ffək “verser, être versé”
[PAM 2003: 156] (Brb.: DRB 551): < AA *√pk (var. *√pQ?) “to pour out” [GT].
Ad 65. NOm.: Mao: Bambeshi φ¥gá ~ ’à fεká “to fall” [Sbr.-Wdk. 1993: 15] |||
PCh. *√pk “to fall” [GT] add also NOm. *pVk- “to fall” [GT]: Malo pokk- [Alemayehu]
= pQkh- [Siebert & Caudwell] “to fall” (Bender 2003: 317, #28) | Gimirra-Benesho/-She
puk “to fly” [Breeze, CR, Fleming apud Bender 2003: 340, #32] | Mao-Diddesa pεki “to
fall” [Atieb & Bender] (Mao: Bender 2003: 354, #28) || SOm.: Ari bukâl- “to fall”
[Bender & Tully], Hamer 0a"/"a “to fall” [Fleming] (SOm.: Bender 2003: 348, #28) |||
WCh.: Kofyar pok “to sink in, be depressed” [Netting 1967: 33].
217. Om./TNDA *pug- “to blow” [Bnd. 2003: 305, #A8]50 > NOm. *fug- “to blow”
[GT]: TN *³ug- (symb.) “to blow” [Bnd. 2003: 197, #8] = TN *pug- (symb.) “to blow”
[Bnd. 2003: 253, #A8 and 305, #A8] > POmeto *³ug/n- “to blow” (symbolic) [Bnd.
2003: 140 and 197, #8]51 > ext. Wolayta cluster *³ug/n- “to blow” [Bnd. 2003: 47 and
325, #8]: e.g., Gofa fugg- [Alm.], Malo pugg- [Alm.] = phúg- [Siebert & Caudwell]
(NWOmt. data: Bnd. 2003: 315, #8) | SEOmt. *pug/N- (p. 140: *pug/m-!) “to blow”
[Bnd. 2003: 109, #8]: Zayse fug- “to blow” [Lamberti], where Koyra pug- [Hayward]
and Kachama pum [CR] can hardly belong to (contra Bender) | Chara fúg-na “to blow”
[Akl. in Bnd. 2003: 140, #8] (SEOmt.-Chara: Bnd. 2003: 331, #8) | Yemsa (Janjero)
*fug- (?) “to blow” [Bnd. 2003: 197, #8] > fug- “to blow” [Akl. & Sbr., Lmb. in Bnd.
2003: 338, #8] = fug- “(mit dem Mund) blasen” [Lmb.] = fūg-ā “wind” [Akl.-Sbr. 1993:
19] | Kefoid *fugg- “to blow” [Bnd. 2003: 197, #8]: Kafa hug- [h- < *ph-] “soffiare,
immettere aria in ...” [Cerulli 1951: 453-4] = “blasen, Blasinstrumente spielen” [Lmb.],
Mocha pùggí-yé “to blow” [Leslau 1959: 44], Shinasha (Bworo) fug- “to blow” [Lam-
berti/Bender] = fugg- [Lamberti, SLLE] = hu/ūg- [Rottland, SLLE] “to blow” (Kefoid:
Bender 2003: 338, #8) | Sezo φògì = φRgì “wind” [Sbr.-Wdk. 1994: 18] | Sheko fug- “to
blow” [Lamberti] (Cu.-NOm.: Lamberti 1993: 341; 1993: 301) || Aroid *p/fug- “to blow”
[Bnd. 2003: 253, #A8 and 305, #A8]: Ari fug/k- [Bender & Tully] = pug [Daniel Aber-
50
M.L. Bender (2003: 305, #A8) traced back Mao *pūš- “to blow” to his TN(DA) = POm. *pug- (q.v.),
which, in turn, he extracted from a primary monoradical Om. *pu/ū-. Both ideas are untebale. In Mao, we
have a solid reflex with a velar C2 (cf. Sezo above), whereas the uncountable AA parallels with this C2 make
it evident the underlying PAA root had the same sequence.
51
Bender l.c.: “probably symbolic”, although he compared here AA *pəg [HCVA #20], WCh. *pk [JI
1994 I 15], Hadiya fug-, NK *funka, NS *fu [Bender 1996: 264].
ra], Hamer púga [Fleming] “to blow” (isolated in Aroid apud Bnd. 2003: 346, #8; Om.:
Bnd. 2003: 253, #A8: symbolic, extra-AA areal parallels) ||| Cu.-Om. (“OCu.”) *fug- “to
blow” [Lmb.] > NAgaw: Bilin fīgw “blasen” [Rn.], Hamir fig y ~ fīg y “(p)fauchen,
blasen” [Rn.], Hamtanga figya “wind” [Apl. 1987: 506], Qwara fəngəya “wind” [Apl.],
Falasha fingea “wind” [Apl.] (NAgaw: Apl. 1996: 18) vs. Agaw *fi¯w- “to breathe” [Apl.]:
Bilin fīγw- ~ fī¯w- “blasen, atmen, ausschnaufen nach anstrengender Arbeit, sich ausruhen,
sich erholen” [Reinisch 1887: 118] = fi¯w- “to breathe” [Apl.], Hamir fåw ~ faû “sich
ausruhen, schnaufen” [Reinisch 1884: 358] = faw- ~ fäw- “to breathe” [Apl.], Qwara
fīhū ~ fīû “atmen, blasen, sich ausruhen” [Reinisch 1884: 358], Qemant fīw “respirer”
[CR 1912: 193] = fiw- “to breathe” [Apl.] || SAgaw: Awngi fiγw- ~ fiqw- “to breathe”
[Apl.] (Agaw: Rn. ll.c.; CR l.c.; Apl. 1984: 39, 54; 1989 MS: 9; 1991: 18; 1991 MS: 3)
|| LECu.: Saho-Afar fug-ô “Geist, Gott” [Reinisch] | Oromo fug-ā “Blasrohr” [Reinisch]
vs. fag-ā “trumpet” [Cerulli] = fāgg-a" [Lamberti], Konso fukk- [k < *g] “to blow”
[Lamberti] | Sidamo fug- “soffiare” [Cerulli], Hadiya (Gudella) fug-Zkko “to blow” [Le-
slau], Darasa (Gedeo) fūgg-is- “durch ein Rohr blasen” [Lamberti] | Dobase fug- “blasen
(mit dem Mund)” [AMS 1980: 157] (Cu.: Reinisch 1884: 356; 1885: 57) ||| PCh. *√pk
“to blow” [JS 1981: 15, 47C] = *fiqu “to blow (wind)” [Stolbova] = *√fk ~ *√pk [GT]:
WCh.: Mushere puk “(describing sound of breathing)” [Diyakal 1997 MS: 256] vs. Kof-
yar fuk “to blow, operate bellows” [Netting 1967: 13] | Sha fùk “fächeln, (Feuer) blasen,
anfachen”, Fyer vivìk “blasen (Feuer, Instrumente)” (Ron: Jng. 1968: 12, #144; 1970: 90,
284, 391) | Siri fīku ~ fikū [Skn.], Pa’a fakì [M. Skinner 1979: 176] = fÃki [IL] “to
blow” (NBauchi: Skinner 1977: 13; WCh.: JI 1994: II, 32) || CCh.: Bura mpika “1. breath,
life, 2. to breathe” [BED 1953: 140] | Higi-Nkafa mpikàtε “to blow” [Kraft], Higi-Baza
³ìkàndQ ~ ³ìkàTQ “to blow” [Kraft], Higi-Futu p¯àta “to blow” [Kraft], Fali-Gili p¯aki
“to blow” [Kraft] | Mafa fukw “siffler” [Brt.-Bléis 1990: 136] | Lame fùókú “to blow”
[Kraft], Misme fok “to blow” (CCh.: Kraft 1981: #426) || ECh.: Mokilko pûukìyó “1.
Atem, 2. Leben” [Lukas 1977: 219, 221] = púùkè “respirer” [Jng. 1990: 164] (Ch.: Stol-
bova 1996: 129) ||| Sem. birad. *√p¯ [Djk.] > Akk. (jB) apu¯¯u “etwa: Seufzen”, (m/jB)
pu¯pu¯¯û “Kampfschnauben, Streit” [AHW 62, 876, cf. Djk. 1967: 205, fn. 72] || Hbr.
√pwḥ qal “wehen”, hifil “hauchen lassen” [GB 636] || Ar. √fw¯ I “1. geräuschvoll wehen
(vom Winde), 2. Duft verbreiten” [GB] = I “to spread (odour)”, IV “to fart” [Zaborski],
Ar. √f¯¯ “schnarchen” [Soden] (Sem.: Zaborski 1971: 79, #170; Soden 1968: 180, 183)
< CAA *√pq ~ *√fq ~ *√f¯ (presumably *√puq/*√fuq/*√fu¯) “to blow” [GT]. In the AA
comparative literature, the Sem., Cu. and Ch. parallels have already been equated sine
Om52.
218. NOm.: Gmr.-Bns. pug “sick” [Breeze] (isolated in Gmr.: Bnd. 2003, 343, #85)
||| ECu. *ba"k-/*bu"k- “1. to become ill, 2. illness” [Sasse]: PSam *buk-i “to be sick,
sickness” [Heine 1977: 289; 1982: 102 & 127] etc. (ECu.: Black 1974: 210; Sasse 1979:
53; 1982: 42) ||| ECh.: Bidiya bàak, pl. bàkàw “attraper un rhume, avoir de la fièvre”
52
See Reinisch 1885: 57; 1887: 118; 1904: 63, adopted in Hohenberger 1958: 444 (Agaw-Sem.); Dol-
gopolsky 1966: 58-59, #2.1 (Agaw-Sem.); Mukarovsky 1987: 103 (Bilin-Ch.); HCVA I 20, #61 with AA *pəg
(4), adopted in HSED #814 (Sem.-Bilin-Ch.); Stolbova 1996: 129 (Ch.-Sem.). See also OS 1992: 175.
[AJ 1989: 55] ||| Eg. bt.w “Bez. einer unheilbaren Krankheit” (MK, Wb I 485, 13) =
“incurable disease or person” (FD 86) = “unheilbare Krankheit (wobei man den Kranken
aufgeben muß, viell. auch ansteckende Krankheit)” (GHWb 266).
219. SOm.: Ari fuga “fox, jackal” [Bender 1994: 150] ||| ECh.: Mubi-Toram *fuka
“dog” [GT]: Mubi fúgá (m), pl. fàgè “Hund” [Lukas 1937: 181-182] = *fúgá “dog”
[Doornbos-Bender] = fúgá (m), fágé (f), pl. fàgè “chien” [Jng. 1990 MS: 15], Minjile
*fugà “dog” [Doornbos-Bender], Kajakse *fùká “dog” [Doornbos-Bender] = fúká, pl. fìkè
“chien” [Alio 2004: 242, #129] (Mubi: Doornbos-Bender 1983: 76, #19) < SAA *√Pg
“sort of dog or jackal” [GT].
220. NOm.: Ari figz- “to work” [Grottanelli in Bender 2003: 220, #150] ||| NBrb.:
Shilh ffukks “être adroit, habile” | Qabyle s-fukkes (caus.) “1. deviner, 2. percer, 3. ren-
dre compte” (NBrb.: DRB 554, FKS1). For the semantics see the entry for NOm.: Bworo
*f/φin- “to work” [GT].
221. NOm.: Sezo *√P" “heavy” [GT] > p¾"", ³ēk- [Atieb & Bender] = -φ¾"ε [Sbr.
& Wdk.] (isolated in Mao: Bender 2003: 355, #42) ||| Sem.: PAr. biradical Ar. fa¯uma I
“1. être gros, corpulent”, II “1. prononcer une lettre avec emphase et pour ainsi dire
enfler le mot ou la lettre en les prononçant, 2. honorer, respecter qqn., témoigner à qqn.
que l’on en fait grand cas” vs. tafa¯¯ala V “2. avoir une tenue grave, décente et distin-
gué” [BK II 553], variation with -q-: Ar. faqama I “1.être grave, de la plus haute impor-
tance (se dit d’une affaire)”, faqima I “4. être repu de mets au point d’avoir une indi-
gestion, 5. (so also V) être grave et important (se dit d’une affaire)”, "afqam- “3. difficile
(se dit d’une affaire)” [BK II 622]. Cf. a SAA root var. with *-"/«- described sub NOm.
*pa"- “heavy” [GT].
222. Om. *fak- “to split” [GT] > Sheko fäkus “to split” [Akl.] (isolated in Dizoid
apud Bender 2003: 351, #90) || SOm.: Ari fak- “to hit, beat” [Bender & Tully] (isolated
in Aroid apud Bender 2003: 349, #43) vs. Ari-Galila fʌk- “to split” [Fleming apud Bender
2003: 351, #90: isolated], also Ari päkk- (?) “to cut” [Daniel in Bender 2003: 208, #33]
||| NAgaw: Bilin fakak [Rn. 1887: 119] = “to open, break, separate” [Lamberti]53 ||| WCh.:
Goemay piak “dividing”, piak soeng “the fork of a tree” (soeng “tree”) [Sirlinger 1937:
179] ||| Sem.: Syriac pak “zerbrechen” [Müller]. Syr.-Cu. (basic sense “öffnen”) due to
W.W. Müller 1975: 69, #78.
223. NOm.: Mao *pēk- “frog” [Bnd. 2003: 305 and 355, #A38]: in fact, merely Sezo
pē"(ı) [Sbr. & Wdk.], Mao-Bambeshi fɛ̄kε [Sbr. & Wdk.] “frog” (isolated in Mao: Bnd.
2003: 355, #38) ||| Eg. pgg.t “ein Tier (dessen «mm offizinell verwendet wird)” (Med.,
53
Equated in LS 1997: 450 with Bilin fa"w- “to split one’s head, make a wound”, which may represent
a remotely related and much more widespread AA root variety, cf. Cohen 1947: #373; Dlg. 1966: 62; 1973:
46; HCVA I #17; HSED #772, #1998.
Wb I 563, 8) = “toad or frog” (FD 96) = “Frosch («mm pgg.t in einem Verband)”
(Deines-Grapow 1959: 209) = “Frosch, Kröte” (GHWb 298). Cf. also EDE II 528.
224. NOm. *fik-n “1. belly, 2. heart” [GT] > Gmr.: She pikn “belly” (cf. #69: “heart”)
[CR in Bnd. 2003: 159, #9] vs. She fikn “heart” [Flm.] = ’fikn [Muldrow] “heart” (Gmr.:
Bnd. 2003: 167, #69) | (???) Yemsa fiko “throat”54 [Flm. in Bnd. 2003: 170, #93] | She-
ko fik-n “heart” [Flm. in Bnd. 2003: 211, #69] (NOm. = She + Sheko: Bnd. 2003, 240,
#69) ||| CCh. *√vK “body” [GT]: Matakam v‘k [Rsg.] | Glavda v‹ghá [Rapp], Dghwede
vgà [Frick] | (?) Lamang ghǝ̀và [metathesis?] “Körper” [Lukas] (CCh.: JI 1994: II,
34-35) ||| NBrb.: Shilh ta-fkka “charogne” [DRB] || SBrb.: Hgr. ta-fekka, pl. ti-fekk-aw-
în “corps (partie matérielle d’une personne ou d’un animal vivant ou mort)” [Fcd. 1951-
2: 313]55, EWlmd. ta-f‹kka, pl. ši-f‹kk-aw-en, Ayr to-f‹kka, pl. to-f‹kk-aw-en “corps”
[PAM 1998: 60], Ghat ta-fekka “corps” [Nehlil 1909: 145] (Brb.: DRB 550): < CAA
*√Pk “body” (*p- or *f-) [GT]. Root var. to CAA *√bg “body” [GT]56.
225. NOm. *pa"- “heavy” [GT] = TN *³a- [Bnd. 2003: 198, #42] = *pa- [Bnd. 2003:
254 and 305, #A42]: PGimirra *p/fa- “heavy” [Bnd. 2003: 198, #42] > Gimirra pa"-
[Bnd.] = fa"-esku [Flm.], Benesho pa" [Breeze] = fa’esku [Flm.] (Gimirra: Bnd. 2003:
341, #42) | Yemsa (Janjero) fàyà [Akl. & Sbr.] = fa"yà [Lmb.] = fa(")ya [Bnd.] = fa"yà
[Lmb.] “heavy” (Yemsa: Bnd. 2003: 341, #42) | Chara bāyá “heavy” [Akl. in Bnd. 2003:
333, #42] (NOm.: Bnd. 2003: 198, 333, 341, #42) ||| WCh.: AS *pwo ~/> *fwo “difficul-
ty” [GT 2004: 295]: Angas la-pok (sic: -pok) “difficult” [Ormsby 1914: 208] = gyi-po
“to look for trouble” (cf. gyi “to search”), le-po “to be difficult, hard, serious (not of a
person”) [Gochal 1994: 120]57, Kofyar la-fwó ~ la-fwú “difficult” [Netting 1967: 23] (AS:
Takács 2004: 295) ||| NBrb.: perhaps Qabyle u-fay ~ u-ffay “1. être gros, corpulent, 2.
être abondant”, oriental Qabyle u-fay “être gros” (NBrb.: DRB 682, FY8): < SAA *√pH
“heavy” [GT]. Root var. to that described s.v. NOm.: Sezo *√P" “heavy” [GT]?
54
Phonologically, it is very hard to assume any of its connection with NOm.: Male ba"ana “neck” [Bnd.
2003: 60, #93: isolated] (see part IV). For the same considerations, its cognacy with the birad. stem of NOm.
*fik-n “1. belly, 2. heart” [GT] is so much apparent, although hard to explain semanatically.
55
M. Cohen (1947: 151, #320), “en supposant que t fait partie de la racine”, with right doubts about
this “raprochement douteux”, affiliated the Ahaggar word with NAgaw: Bilin batka “charogne, cadavre” ||
LECu.: Somali ba¯ti “charogne”, which phonologically certainly fails.
56
Attested in Sem.: perhaps Ar. buğr-at- “navel” [Ehret] (albeit it derives from Ar. bağira “avoir une
hernie” as cognate with Akk. bagarr-ān- “hernieux” and Amh. bəgər “furoncle, bouton”, cf. DRS 43) ||| PCu.
*bôg- “belly” [Ehret] ||| CCh.: *√bg “body” vs. W/CCh. *√mbg “belly” [JS 1981], from which Ch. Ehret (2000
MS: 4, #1024) se up an AA *bôg- “torso”.
G. Gochal (l.c.) mistakenly identified Angas -po in both compounds (gyi-po and le-po) with po
57
“mouth”.
Special symbols
P: any labial stop (f, p, b, ³), T: unspecified dental stop (t, d, s), S: any voiceless sibiland and/or affricate (s,
š, ŝ, c, č, ĉ), Z: unspecified voiced sibilant and/or affricate (z, µ, ¸), K: any velar stop (k, g, "), Q: unspec-
ified uvulear or postvelar etc. (q, –, ", ¯), H: any of the pharyngeals or laryngeals etc. («, γ, ḥ, h, "). The
vertical strokes signify the the degree of closeness of the language groups (e.g. Kotoko | Masa), subbranches
(e.g. North Berber || East Berber), and branches (Semitic ||| Egyptian), from which the individual lexical data
are quoted.
Abbreviations of languages and other terms
(A): Ahmimic, AA: Afro-Asiatic (Afrasian, Semito-Hamitic), Akk.: Akkadian, Alg.: Alagwa, Amh.: Amharic,
Ar.: Arabic, Aram.: Aramaic, AS: Angas-Sura, Ass.: Assyrian, (B) Bohairic, Bab.: Babylonian, BAram.: Bi-
blical Aramaic, Bed.: Bed’awye (Beja), Brb.: Berber (Libyo-Guanche), Brg.: Burunge, BT: Bole-Tangale,
C: Central, CAA: Common Afro-Asiatic, Ch.: Chadic, Cpt.: Coptic, CT: Coffin Texts, Cu.: Cushitic, Dem.:
Demotic, Dhl.: Dahalo, E: East, Eg.: Egyptian, ES: Ethio-Semitic, ESA: Epigraphic South Arabian, Eth.:
Ethiopian, Eth.-Sem.: Ethio-Semitic, (F): Fayyumic, GR: Ptolemaic and Roman period, Grw.: Gorowa,
H: Highland (in Cushitic), Hbr.: Hebrew, Hgr.: Ahaggar, Hrs.: Harsusi, Jbl.: Jibbali, L: Late, L: Low(land),
lit.: literature, LP: Late Period, M: Middle, Mag.: magical texts, Med.: medical texts, MK: Middle Kingdom,
MSA: Modern South Arabian, N: New, N: North, NE (or NEg.): New Egyptian, NK: New Kingdom, O: Old,
OK: Old Kingdom, Om.: Omotic, Omt.: Ometo, P: Proto-, PB: Post-Biblical, PT: Pyramid Texts, reg.: regular,
S: South, (S): Sahidic, Sem.: Semitic, Sqt.: Soqotri, Syr.: Syriac, Ug.: Ugaritic, W: West, Wlm(d).: Tawllem-
met.
Abbreviations of author names
Abr.: Abraham, AJ: Alio & Jungraithmayr, Akl.: Aklilu, Alm.: Alemayehu, Apl.: Appleyard, Ast.: Aistleitner,
BK: Bieberstein & Kazimirski, Bnd.: Bender, Brg.: Bargery, Brq.: Burquest, Brt.: Barreteau, Cpr.: Caprile,
CR: Conti Rossini, Crl.: Cerulli, Csp.: Cosper, Dbr.: Djibrine, Djk.: D’jakonov, Dkl.: Diyakal, Dlg.: Dolgo-
polsky, Drn.: Doornbos, Ehr.: Ehret, Fcd.: Foucauld, Flk.: Foulkes, Flm.: Fleming, Frj.: Frajzyngier, Ftp.:
Fitzpatrick, GB: Gesenius & Buhl, Grt.: Grottanelli, GT: Takács, Hds.: Hudson, Hfm.: Hoffmann, Hsk.: Ho-
skison, Hyw.: Hayward, Ibr.: Ibriszimow, IL: Institute of Linguistics, IS: Illič-Svityč, JA: Jungraithmayr
& Adams, JI: Jungraithmayr & Ibriszimow, Jng.: Jungraithmayr, Jns.: Johnstone, JS: Jungraithmayr & Shimi-
zu, KM: Kießling & Mous, Lmb.: Lamberti, LS: Lamberti & Sottile, Lsl.: Leslau, Mch.: Mouchet, Mkr.:
Mukarovsky, Mnt.: Montgolfier, Mts.: Matsushita, NM: Newman & Ma, Ntg.: Netting, Nwm.: Newman, PAM:
Prasse, Alojaly, Mohamed, PG: Pillinger & Galboran, PH: Parker & Hayward, Prd.: Paradisi, Prh.: Porhomo-
vskij, Rn.: Reinisch, Rsg.: Rossing, Rsl.: Rössler, Sbr.: Siebert, Skn.: Skinner, Smz.: Shimizu, Srl.: Sirlinger,
Stl.: Stolbova, TC: Taïne-Cheikh, Tf.: Taïfi, TG: Takács, Trn.: Tourneux, Vrg.: Vergote, Wdk.: Wedekind, Zbr.:
Zaborski, Zhl.: Zyhlarz.
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Gabor Takacs, Omotic Lexicon in Its Afro-Asiatic Setting VI: Addenda To Omotic Roots With - , Ṗ-, P - (Or F-)

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2021 LINGUA POSNANIENSIS LXIII (1)

Omotic lexicon in its Afro-Asiatic setting VI:

University of Łódź, Department of Classical Philology

Om. *0-: addenda

discussion see EDE III 802-806).

Om. p/f/*ph-: addenda

Ad #54: SOm.: Hamer (Kara of Fleming) pe “earth” [Fleming, Lydall] = pe “earth,

[KM] = pisema “dawn” [Ehret].

HSED #1975 (Hbr.-Eg.-Ron-Kera).

Abbreviations of languages and other terms

Abbreviations of author names

Abel, H. 1933-4. Nubisch-ägyptisches Sprachgut. Zeitschrift für Eingeborenen-Sprachen 24. 303-306.

Jungraithmayr, H. 1970. Die Ron-Sprachen. Tschadohamitische Studien in Nordnigerien. Glückstadt: Verlag

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