maritime activities economy and social customs of the muslims of ...

MARITIME ACTIVITIES ECONOMY AND SOCIAL CUSTOMS OF 

THE MUSLIMS OF COROMANDEL COAST 

1750 - 1900 

A dissertation submitted to the Pondicherry University Pondicherry 

in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of 

Doctor of Philosophy in History 

J. RAJA MOHAMAD MA ~H~SI M A rnrchr M.A (hth~ B.G L. 

CURATOR 

GOVERNMENT MUSEUM 

PUDUKKOlTAl - 622 002. 

TAMILNADU 

Research Advis'or 

Dr. L.S. VISVANATH 

READER 

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY 

PONDICHERRY UNIVERSITY 

PONDICHERRY 

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY PONDICHERRY UNIVERSITY 

PONDICHERRY INDIA 

1997

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 

At the outset I acknowledge gratefully the kind gesture of the authorities of 

the University of Pondicherry for providing me th~s opportunity. I sincerely record my 

thanks with reverence to my Research Advisor - Guide - Dr. L.S.Visvanath, Reader, 

Department of History. Pondicherry University, for his valuable guidance, suggestions 

and encouragemznt in preparing this dissertation. I express my heartfelt thanks to 

Dr. K.S. Mathew, Professor and Head , Department of History. Pondichery University, 

who inspired me to work on this topic with his valuable suggestions. I record my 

thanks to the Director of Museums, Tamil Nadu for permitting me to undertake this 

task amidst my official works 

A few noted scholars in this field of study like Dr S. Arasaratnam (Australia) 

Dr. M.N. Pearson. (Australia), Dr. Susan Bayly ( U.K) and Dr. G.V Scammel (U K.) 

readily responded to my request for their suggestions and I express my thanks to all 

of them I am specially indebted to Dr. Susan Bayly, for constantly encouraging me 

w~th relevant informations with her vast research experience on Coromandel Muslims. 

I convey my thanks to Dr. Sanjay Subramaniyan. Delhi School of Economics lor his 

valuable suggestions Dr M. Abdul Rahim, Professor of History, Government College. 

Ttruchirappalli (Retd), a noted research scholar on the Muslims of Tamil Nadu was 

very ktnd enough to offer his suggestions from his rich experience in this field My 

sincere thanks are due to him. 

I express my heartfelt thanks to the authorities of the Tamil Nadu Archives for 

giving me access to all the required records and books for my study. 

My sincere thanks are due to the authorities of the librarieb of University of 

Madras. Tamil University Thanjavur, Institute of Objective Studies, New Delhi, 

Jamia Millia lslamia University New Delhi, Pond~cherry University. Bharathidasan 

University Tiruchirappalli, Nehru Memorial Nat~onai Library New Delhl, Saraswath~ 

Mahal Library Thanjavur, Islamic Studies and Cultural Centre Madras, French lnst~tute 

of lndology Pondicherry, World Tamil Research Centre Madras, H.H. The Rajah's 

College Library Pudukkottai. The Mussalman Library Madras, Distrlct Central Library. 

Madras and Pudukkottai. I express my thanks to the District Collectors of Thanjavur, 

Thirunelveli, Ramanathapuram and Madurai for permitting me to peruse the records 

in their respective offices. I express my thanks to the Secretary, Transport Department. 

Government of Tamil Nadu and the Inspector General of Registration for havtng 

permitted me to peruse the records In the Ports and In the Registration Offtces, in 

the State respectively. I express my thanks to Dr. Victor Rajamanickam, Department 

of Ancient Industry, Tamil University, Thanjavur for his valuable suggestions.

During my field work. I interviewed and discussed with a cross section of 

Muslims, specially a large number of Marakkayars. It will be too long to give the 

names of all such persons. However a few among them deserve mention here and 

I express my thanks to the following persons :- Syed Mohamad (Hassan) Madras, 

(Late) Kavi Ka. mu. Sherieff, (Late) Mr. M.R.M. Abdul Rahim. Captain N. Arnir Ali. 

Mohamed Sherieff, Advocate, Madras, Dr. Thaika Shuib Alirn, Madras, Dr. S.M. Kamal, 

Ramanathapuram, M. Abdul Jabbar Marakkayar. Vedalai, Syed lbrahim Marakkayar Vedalai. 

Syed Ali Marakkayar. Tondi, ldris Marakkayar Kilakkarai, MMS. Syed lbrahirn Marakkayar 

Kilakkarai, TSM. Thummani Marakkayar Rameswaram. Prof. M. Sayabu Marakkayar 

Karaikkal. Prof Naseema Banu Karaikkal. A.K. Rifayee. Kottaram. Prof M. Mohamed 

Nazar, Thirunelveli, M. Jaffar Mohaiadeen Marakkayar Nagore, Dr M. Abdul Kareern, 

Adirampattanam, Moharned Kasim Marakkayar, Mandapam (Mandapam Marakkayar). Jinna 

Marakkayar. Kayalpattanam. Sulaiman Marakkayar. Kayalpattanam. Maruff Marakkayar 

Kulasekarapattanam. M K Shaikuna Labbai. Kayalpattanoni. S.M A Basheer Marakkayar. 

Kilakkarai. 

I express my thanks to my office typist Thirumathi V. Vanjula for extending 

help in the preparation of the script of this dlssertatlon.

DR. L S VISVANATH 

READER 

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY 

PONDICHERRY UNIVERSITY. 

PONDICHERRY 

CERTIFICATE 

This is to certify that the dissertation entitled " MARITIME ACTIVITIES ECONOMY AND 

SOCIAL CUSTOMS OF MUSLIMS OF COROMANDEL COAST 1750 - 1900 " , is a bonafide 

Record of Research Workdone by T~IN. J. M A MOHAMAD (part - time. External Ph.D.. Scholar) 

under my guidance and superviaon and that the dissertation has not previously formed the bas15 for the 

Award of any Degree or Diploma, Fellowship or Associateship or any other s~milar title and that it 

represents the independent work on the part of the candidate. 

V ~ ~ 

Signature of the Gu~de 

PROFESSOR AND HEAD 

DEPARThIENT OF HISTORY 

PONDICHERRY UNlVERSllY 

PONDICHERRY

J RAJA MOHAMAD 

CURATOR 

GOVERNMENT MUSEUM 

PUDUKKOTTAI . 2 

STATEMENT BY CANDIDATE 

I hereby state that the thesls for Ph D Degree on " MARITIME ACTIVITIES ECONOMY 

AND SOCIAL CUSTOMS OF MUSLIMS OF COROMANDEL COAST 1750 - 1900 " 1s my orlglnal 

work and that it has not prewously formed the bass for the award of any degree, d~ploma. assoc~ateship. 

feilowship or any other similar tltle

1. Tamil Nadu 

2. Coromandel Coast and It's Ports ( 17th - 18 th cent. ) 

3. Fishery Coast 

4. Ports and Trade in Indian Ocean

Key to Abbrevlmtlonm 

ARE 

ARP 

BOR 

FSG 

JRAS 

JRASMB 

M C 

M.C.C. 

QJMS 

TN A 

- Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy 

- Diary of Ananda Ranga Plllal 

- Board of Revenue Proceedings 

- Fort St. George 

- Journal of Royal Asiatlc Society - Bengal 

- Journal of Royal Asiatic Society - Malayan Branch 

- Military Consultation 

- Military Country Correspondence 

- Quarterly Journal of Mythic Society 

Tamil Nadu Archlves

CONTENTS 

Acknowledgement 

Maps 

Key to abbreviations 

Introduction 

The Coromandel Coast 

The Political background 

The Muslims of Coromandel 

European on the Coromandel and it's impact on the Muslims 

Marltime Activities of Muslims 

Social Customs 

Conclusion 

Appendix 

Select Glossary 

Bibliography

Chapter - I 

INTRODUCTION 

A study of writings on lndian Muslims and their attitudes reveals that various 

analyses concerning them have always been attempted with in the perspective of 

their religion.'. Only a few scholars have concerned themselves with the study of the 

social and econcmic activities of the Muslims. Even such works concentrate more on 

the north lndian Muslims. Mrs. Meer Hussain Ali's Observations on the Muslims of 

India, Jaffur Shureeff's Qanun - i - Islam, Shaik Akbar Hussaln's Marriage Customs 

Among the Muslims in India, and Dr. lmtlaz Ahamed's recent works and Sekh Rahim 

Mondal's works on West Bengal Musllms may be cited as examples. However the 

customs and practices of Muslims In peninsular India particularly the Coromandel 

Coast, have been practically ignored. The Moplas of Western coast have received 

scholarly attention but not the Marakkayars. Labbais and Rawthars of Coromandel. 

Hitherto no serious attempt has been made to study the conditions of the Muslims 

of Coromandel Coast. 

In the recent past, Mattison ~ines' has produced some articles about the 

economic life of the Muslims in a suburb in Madras. But it is a study at the local 

level in an isolated pocket. Susan ~ayly~ has brought out a good monograph on the 

Musllms of Tamil Nadu, which is a first hand study on the social and cultural 

characters of the Tamil Islamic society. But she devotes most part of the study to 

the religious aspects. 

As rightly pointed out by Stephene F' ale^ the most striking omission of all 

the studies on Indian Muslims, is the lack of interest in their mercantile activities. 

No historical or economic study has been done on the founding and operation of the 

Muslim mercantile community nor is there any good study of their trading centres, 

nature and scale of their maritime trade and other related activities. 

Fortunately the obscured maritime history of the Coromandel Coast was brought 

to light by a few scholars, where we find references about the maritime activities of 

the Coromandel Muslims. Sanjay Subramaniyan's work on the Economic History 

of Coromandel Coast between 1500 to 1650, refers to the trading activities of some 

Marakkayars amidst the Portuguese and Dutch dominance. Sinnappa ~rasaratanam~ 

has produced a wide range of monographs and articles about the mercantile activities 

in the Coromandel Coast in 17-18th centuries. The works of this pioneer scholar 

shed new light on the dark passages of the Coromandel commerce where we find 

detalied analyses. In his writings we find many interesting references about the

maritime activities of the Muslims of Coromandel Coast, of course at a macro level. 

A few dissertations submitted to the various Universities by research scholars give some 

scattered informations about the mercantile activities and social customs of the 

Muslims of Tamil Nadu. M. Abdul Rahim's M.Lit. Thesis on Nagapattanam, and 

Ph.D. Thesis on Muslims of Tamil Nadu 1800-19007, T. Jayarajan's M.Phil Thesis 

on the Marakknyars of ~diram~altnam,~ Syed Abdul Raracks, M.Phil Thesis on the 

Social life of Nawabs of ~rcot~ are a few works to cite. 

The Muslims settled on the coastal towns of Coromandel speak Tamil and 

Tamil Language is their mother tongue. The progenetors of the early Muslims were 

the Arab Muslim merchants and navigators who settled in the port towns of Coromandel 

region right from the eighth century A.D. From here they continued their mercantile 

activities, for which the local rulers willingly extended all facilities. The Coromandel 

Coast was studded with ports like PortoNovo. Nagapattanam. Nagore. Karaikkal. 

Adirampattanam, Mandapam, Vedalai, Kilakkarai and Kayalpattanam and they served 

as passage or crossing points to Ceylon, Malacca, and other Southeast Asian lands. 

Guided by the previous experience the Arab Muslim continued their trade for which 

the local authorities offered facilities and concessions in view of the enarmous 

profits from such trade contacts. The Arab Muslim settlers on the Coromandel 

region married the native women. Their offsprings continued the Arab sea-faring 

tradition as navlgators, shipowners and overseas merchant princes. This mercantile 

population further swelled to make the Coromandel Muslim society, by conversions 

thanks to the efforts of these merchants and the influence of the zealous Sufi 

missionaries. The Coromandel Muslim communities mingled with the local population 

and lived in peace. 

The Muslim mercantile community wielded enormous power in the courts of 

the local rulers and performed yeomen service as mariners, administrators, and 

guardians of the sea coast. They were the merchant princes in the real sense. They 

ruled the waves of the Indian Ocean till about the fifteenth century and they also 

established a network of overseas depots and branches in Ceylon. Malacca and other 

Eastern countries. 

The Vasco da gama's epoch inflicted a severe blow to the commercial activities 

of the Tamil Muslims in the beginning of sixteenth century. Misfortune came to 

them in succession in the form of Dutch and the English which proved fatal to their 

maritime activities. The monopolistic and restrictive policies of the colonial European 

powers and the unsettled political condition of Coromandel hinterland pushed back 

the Muslim mercantile community to a second rank. Bearing all the brunt the Muslim 

maritime community adjusted themselves to the changed situation and continued 

their activities with their available resorces, eventhough the profits were lesser.

However the Muslims were no match to the newly emerged colonial power, the 

English, who became the masters of Coromandel by 1800. The English adopted an 

ambivalent policy towards Coromandel Muslims and their maritime activities declined gradually 

to insignificance by 1900. The Muslims by their maritime activities have contributed a 

honourable share for the economic development of the Coromandel region 

When the Muslims lost opportunities in maritime activities on the 

Coromandel many migrated to Ceylon and Southeast Asian countries and settled as 

traders, pedlers and labourers. With the closure of doors for seaborn trade by 1900, 

the Muslims with the spirit of Tennyson's Ulyses, 'To find, to seek, to strive and not 

to yield", searched for new fields and spread themselves into the interior parts of 

Tamil Nadu where they established various business houses in wholesale and retall 

trade. 

The Tamil Muslims share many customs and practices in common with their 

coreiigionists, the Hindus. At the same time they identify themselves with their own 

customs and mannerse. They practise endogamous marriage. Matrilocal residence, 

house gift to the bride are some of the unique customs among the Marakkayars.As 

great fortune seekers, the material minded Muslims strictly perform their duties as 

expected of a devout Muslim. Charity, hospitality and philonthropy are in their 

blood. 

Apart from the policies persued by the European powers, neglect of modern 

education and technologies, limited capital resources, non cohesive nature of trade 

among themselves lack of Interest in joint ventures and absence of political patronage 

were a few causes for the economic breakdown of the Maritime Muslim community. 

As the socio economic profile of the Coromandel Muslims is not studied 

adequately a sincere attempt is made here to unfold the matrix of the maritime 

activlties, economy and social customs of this community during 1750 - 1900.Thus 

this humble study is to bring to light the role of the community in maritime activities 

on the Coromandel Coast in various capacities, in overseas and coastal trade as 

traders, shipowlters, shipping professionals; part played by them in pearl 

and chank fishing and other maritime activlties and also their social organisation and 

customs at a micro level.

REVIEW OF SOURCES 

Primary Sources 

For the preparation of this dissertation, Tamil Sangam Classics like Ahananooru, 

Pattinappalai, Nedunalvadai, Silappadikaram, Manimekalai, Seevakasinthamani, 

inscriptions found in various places such as Kilakkarai. Tiruppullani and 

Kayalpattanam; the travel accounts of Marcopolo, Wassaf, Ibn Batuta which shed 

light on the antiquity of the Arab and Muslim settlements on the Coromandel Coast, 

were consulted. 

Islamic Tamil Literature, hitherto not utilised suitably which are authentic 

source materials on the Tamil Muslim society are consulted here. Islamic literary 

works such as Palsandamalai, Saithakkathiru Marakkayar Thirumana Vazthu. 

Seethakkathi Nondi Natakam, Yakobu Siddhar Padalgal, Deen Vilakkam and 

Seerapuranam, which are the social documents of the Coromandel Muslims, were 

consulted for study on social customs and practices. 

For the data on maritime activities, the Archival materials in the Tamil Nadu 

Archives, constitute the prime source materials. Dutch Records. English Records 

such as District Records of Madurai, Thirunelveli, South Arcot, Thanjavur, Diary and 

Consultation Books, Records of the Mayor's court. Public Consultation, Political 

Consultation, Marine Consultation, Judicial Consultation, Records of the Board of 

Revenue, Native News Paper Reports and Records of Marine and Commercial 

departments were profitably utilised. A few records from India office Library London 

were also consulted 

The census Records and Reprots, the Dlstrlct Gazetteers particularly those of 

the coastal districts like Thirunelveli, Ramanathapuram, Thanjavur, South Arcot, 

books, monographs and periodicals published prior to 1900 were also consulted. 

The famous Tamil Bell in the Wellington Museum. ~ewz;!and (bell with Tamil 

inscription, reading, the bell of the ship Mohideen Bux) is considered as a source for 

the Tamil Muslims' trade intercourse in the Indian ocean region in the eighteenth - 

n~neteenth centuries. Literature and photocopies on this bell were scrutinised.

Secondary Sources 

Castes and Tribes of Southern lndia by Edgar Thurston, is a magnum opus in 

seven volumes, the fifth volume contain sketch on the Muslims. But for some 

inaccuracies and abrupt endings, this is a varitable mine of source material. M.R.M. 

Abdul Rahim, a noted Islamic scholar, writer and publisher, has brought out an 

Islamic Encyclopaedia in Tamil in three volumes. These volumes give particulars 

about various Muslim centers and their social customs. But the Information contained 

therein had been collected from informants many of whom are without historical 

sense or perception; source materials have not been cited, rendering verification 

difficult and the whole approach has been from a religious angle and some times 

religious fervour has stolen march over historical facts and realities. Modern writers 

on Muslims of Tamil Nadu use these materials scruplously as sosurce materials. But 

here it is carefully utilised wherever they are found to be authentic. 

A few popular books and articles have been produced by a few Muslim scholars 

in the recent past on Muslims of Tamil Nadu. Kavi Ka.Mu.Sheriff 's, Vallal Seethakathi 

Varalaru. Captain Amir Ali's, Vallal Seethakkathiyin Vazhvum Kalamum, Dr. S.M. 

Kamal 's, Islamum Tamilagamum, A. K. Rifayee 's. Tamilagathil Islamiyar Varalaru, 

ldris Marakkayar's Keerthi migum Ktlakkarai, K.S. Abdul Latheef 's Kayalpattanam 

Varalaru, J.M. Sali 's, Tamilagafhu Dargakkal and some articles published in different 

magazines and souvenlrs can be cited as examples. Many of these works are short 

of historical facts and conjunctions, making it difficult to use them as authentic 

source of information. However references are cited where ever datas are accurate 

and authentic 

Published standard works on travel accounts of European travellers; trad~ng 

activities of Portuguese, Dutch, Danes, French and the English in lndia by learned 

scholars; unpublished M.Phil and Ph.D. thesis by Research Scholars in various 

Universities, articles published in standard journals, periodicals and magazines 

and papers presented in various seminars and conferences are also profitably utilised. 

A cross section of leading Muslims-Marakkayars, Labbais and Rowthars in the 

coastal towns of Tamil Nadu were interviewed and relevant ~nformat~ons incorporated 

whereever appropriate. Members of the leadlng trading Marakkayar families of the 

past, in places like, Nagapattanam, Nagore, PortoNovo, Adtrampattanam, Muthupet, 

Tondi, Mandapam, Vedalai. Rameswaram, Kilakkarai, Kayalpattanam and 

:Kulasekarapattanam were collected from the family records in their possession. 

Though such materials were few in number it was very useful for filling up the gaps 

yn the study of their maritime activities in the second half of 19th century.

METHODOLOGY 

The methodology is one of the case study, partly historical and partly sociological. 

Data were collected from literatures, inscriptions and archival records for the historical 

studies. For socialogical studies, extensive field survey was undertaken to study the 

significance and relevance of folklore traditions, customs, practices and ceremonies. 

The materials thus collected are analysed and synthesised. Apart from primary 

sources a few published works on this theme were also consulted. The sources are 

allowed to speak themselves. 

'The study is divided into eight chapters. They are as follows : 

1, Introduction 

2. The Coromandel Coast 

3. The Political Background 

4. The Muslims of Coromandel 

5. Europeans on the Coromandel and it's impact on the Muslims 

6. Maritime Activities of the Muslims 

7. Social Customs 

8. Conclusion 

A short note on the salient features as discussed in the relevant chapters are narrated 

here. 

the study. 

First Chapter introduces the space, time, theme, sources and objectives of 

The objectives of the study being, to focus on the facts about 1. antiquity of 

the Muslim society in the Coromandel region 2. Vital role played by them in maritime 

activities in the coast and their economic life 3. the interesting features about their 

social organisation, ceremonies, customs and practices.

Chapter two outlines the geographical position of the Coromandel Coast and 

it's features, definitions, meaning and extent of Corornandel Coast and ihu nature 

of the ports of the ancient renown, major and minor ports in the middle and modern 

ages are discussed. A majority of the ports had settlements of Muslims (Marakkayars 

and Labbais). The commodities of export and import in these ports through ages. 

the economic viability and prosperity of these port towns due to the settlement of 

Muslims are discussed in this chapter. 

Chapter three is a brief survey of the political conditions of the region since 

it was cioseiy linked with the trade of the region. Prior to the beginning of the period 

of our ,study, the political condition of the Coromandel hinterland was very confused. 

The Europeans and the native powers were engaged in bitter contest for supremacy. 

A few important political events of the region from the victory of Kumarakampana, 

the commander of the Vijayanagar in 1370, to the proclamation of the English East 

lndia Company as masters of the land in 1800 are also included here, because each 

and every course of operation affected the economy, trade and traders of the coast. 

The events that lead to the disruption of the local ruling houses like the Nayakdoms 

of Ginjee. Thanjavur and Madurai, the Marathas of Thanjavur, the Sethupathis of 

Ramanathapuram and the Nawabi of Arcot are narrated. The position of the Tamil 

Muslims in the political background is also discussed here. 

Chapter four focuses in a bird's eye view the mile stones in the Arab's contact 

with South India, later the spread of Islam and development of Islamic society on the 

Coromandel Coast. The age old trade contact between South lndia and Arabia from 

the Sangam period ( 2nd cent A.D.) strengthened further after the birth of Islam. 

The spread of Islam was cioseiy linked with the wide ranglng maritime trade network. 

These merchant missionaries also spread the message of the Prophet Mohamed 

among the local population and people were attracted towards Islam. The social 

inequalities and rigid caste system then prevalent in the South Indian society was 

favourable for this process and thus the Islamic society swelled by such conversions. 

The antiquity of Islam, the earlier names of the Muslims of Coromandel Coast are 

traced with the help of literature, inscriptions, and tradition. Definitions of 

nomenclature of the titles of the people constituting the different segments in the 

present day Tamil Muslim society such as Rowthar, Labbai, Marakkayar and Deccanis 

are discussed in detail.

Chapter five Is n ahorl nrcaunl of Irndin!l atid polillrnl nctivitlaa of Ihe various 

European Companies on the Coromandel Coast, and it's effects on Muslim maritime 

Community. The footfng of Europeans on the peninsular india shattered the monopoly 

of the Arabs and the native Muslims in maritime activities. For better understandingof 

the circumstances in which the Muslims of Coromandel Coast entered into the period of our 

study, a preview of their economic activities during the dominance of the Portuguese and 

Dutch are given in a nutshell. The Portuguese who arrived first in the South Indian coast 

were vey hostile towards the Muslims and used force to prevent their commercial activlties. 

The native rulers like Nayaks, Sethupathis and Vijayanagar kings supported the activities of 

the Portuguese. In due course of time, they interfered In the internal affairs of these 

kingdoms and gained political importance along with commercial monopoly. The Muslims 

and other native traders were forced to trade only with the permit ( Cartar ) issued by the 

Portuguese. Due to their religious bias towards the Muslims, the Portuguese encouraged the 

Paravas (the local Hindu fishermen community), baptised them in large numbers and prepared 

them as a local force against the Muslims and their maritime actlvlties. Pulicat. PortoNovoand 

Nagapattanam where the important ports w$re the Portuguese were concentrated. In all 

these places their trading activities were aimed against the Muslims. This is the beginning 

of the economic downfall of the Muslims of the coast and it continued in the succeeding 

periods. 

The Dutch-Hollanders-commenced their trading activities on the Coromandel Coast 

from 1605 A.D. onwards and they also considered the Muslims as their prime competitors. 

The Dutch appeared on the Coromandel when the native rulers were in search of a strong 

power to counter the Portuguese. Now the local powers in support of either of these powers 

and these aliens freely acquired territories in our land and obtained economic concessions 

at the cost of the natives. Nagapattanam. Tuticorin. Manapad, Alandalai. Virampattanam, 

Pinnaikayal, Vaipar and Vembar were important ports of Dutch trade. The Dutch also used 

force to curtail the maritime activities of the Muslims and patronised the Paravas. During 

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Dutch continued the economic suppression over 

the Muslims. The French came into the Coromandel trade in 1672 and their main concentration 

was at Pondicherry. They rose as opponants to the English East India Company. However 

they met with failures in the Anglo-French wars in the middle of the eighteenth centuy and 

they 'were confined in some limited pockets in South India. The French were helpful to the 

Muslim traders at PortoNovo and Karaikkal. The Danish settlement was founded in 1620

at Tranquebar. Their trading activities were limited due to the lesser resources with them 

and the absence of support from their home government. They were very cordial to the 

Muslim marltime traders and freighted goods for them in their ships during the time of wars 

in Europe and it's consequent reflection in Indian ocean area. 

The English East lndia Company entered into the Coromandel trade in 1614. 

Throughout the period of our study the English East lndia Company - British powercontinued 

as a powerful force in political and commercial history of the Coromandel Coast. 

The Dutch power was vanishing, the Danes were weak and the French were behind in the 

race. When the English became the political masters of the land the maritime activities of 

the Muslims suffered further. 

During the earlier period of their ascendency the English East lndia Company 

encouraged the Musiim merchants and extended concessions for their trade. They 

appointed Muslim crews in their vessels. The English ships freighted the commodities 

of the Muslim traders to far off countries whenever possible. Some of the rich 

Muslim merchants lent money to the Company. 

But when the economic ambitions 

of the English grew, they showed conflicting feelings towards Muslims. They showed 

favours to the Chettlar merchants than the Muslims. The racial dircrirninatlon 

followed by the English in shipping and trading activities were much against the 

Muslims and affected ail their maritime activities, i.e., overseas trade, interportal 

trade, pearl and chank fishing, salt manufacture etc. Besides encouraging their own 

white race private merchants, the Nabobs, they also encouraged the Paravas much 

to the detriment of the Muslims. 

the economic interest of Muslims. 

Thus the stand taken by the English was against 

Bearing all these setbacks the Muslim merchants continued their maritime 

trade, with their limited resources and old sails, to Ache. Malacca, Burma, Ceylon 

and West Coast. The woes of the Muslims who lost opportunities in shipping, pearl 

and chank fishing and other maritime activities are discussed with the evidences of 

archival data. However the animosity of the English is not one like that of the 

Portuguese and Dutch and they showed no religious bias towards Muslims.

Thus the economic onslaughts inflicted by the political activities and trade 

policies of the various European powers pushed down the Muslims of Coromandel 

Coast, never to rise again. 

Chapter nix outlinee the varlous marltlrne actlvlties of the Musllms of the Corornandel 

Coast. They were ship owners, ship crews, maritlnle merchants, pearl merchants, 

pearl and chank divers, boat builders, fishers, salt manufacturers and merchants in 

other marine products. The Tamil Muslim traders took over a dominant role in 

Indian Ocean trade from 13-14th centuries. Spread of Islam in Southeast Asian 

countries and the consequent religious ties extended them new avenues. On the 

Coromandel. Pulicat, PortoNovo, Nagapattanam, Nagore, Muthupet, Mandapam, 

Tondi, Kilakkarai, Kayalpattanam, Virampattanam, Kulasekarapattanam etc., were 

busy ports, where the export and import trade and other maritime activities were in 

the hands of the Muslims. In fact the records of Europeans call these ports as " Moor 

Ports " and Susan Bayly names them as " Marakkayar Ports". Horses were imported 

from Arab countries and it was the important trade of the Muslims. The Muslim 

traders of Coromandel were influential in the ports of the Southeast Asian countries 

and Ceylon and were king makers in the courts of the Sultans of many countries in 

the Far East. 

The challanges and economic competitions and hostilities of the Portuguese 

and the Dutch during sixteenth and seventeenth centuries brought down the maritime 

activities of the Muslims gradually. However they avoided the competitive routes 

and picked up the favourable areas and continued their overseas trading and other 

activities to the extent possible. Their ships were on trade with Ache, Johore, 

Perak. Pegu. Arakkan, Burma, Malay Peninsula and Ceylon. Interportal and coastal 

trade was In their hands. 

When the English gained the upperhand, they wanted to grab every thing into 

their fold. They plied their ships in all the traditional routes where the Muslims were 

trading. They began to procure commodities directly from the producers there by 

eliminating Muslim small traders who were dealing in commodities for export andhome 

con&rnption. They interfered in pearl and chank fisheries, salt trade and tried to 

introduce the people of their own race replacing the Muslims. The records of the 

English give the names and list of Muslim ship owners and maritime traders in 

Coromandel Coast during 18-19th centuries. However by about the third quarterof 

the eighteenth century the Muslim merchants lost ground and voice in East India 

Company trade, which was then concentrated at Madras. The Chettiar merchants 

were close to the company.

At the beginning of nineteenth century. PortoNovo. Nagore, Nagapattanam 

and Kilakkarai were in the main stream of oceanic trade and the Muslims carried on 

brisk trade with Ache, Burma. Malacca. Ceylon and west coast but the quantum was 

lesser. The wars among the European nations who had interest in Indian ocean 

trade affected even this prospects of the Muslim shippers. The ships of many 

Muslims were captured by enemy nations and they lost their ships and commodities 

Many active traders withc!rew from seaborn trade By about the third quarter of 

nineteenth century the English records show only a few ship owners at Nagapattanam, 

PortoNovo. Kilakkarai. Mandapam. Kayalpattanam and Kulasekarapattanam 

The Conquest of Malay Peninsula and Ceylon by the English robbed the 

maritime enterprises of Coromandel Muslims The English private merchants replaced 

most of the prominant Muslim merchants in the ports of these countries. 

The decline of shipp~ng activities along the coast forced the Muslims to 

search for better avenues. A large number of them m~gratged to Southeast As~an 

countries, Burma and Ceylon. The cargo vessels of the Muslims, freighted such 

passengers in their vessels. At later per~ods, many went as plantat~on workers to 

Penang and Singapore. 

At the close of nineteenth century there were only a handful of Muslim ship 

owners and a few marit~me traders on the Coromandel Coast. Interportal and 

coastal trade also slipped out of their hands. The data found in the archival records 

show that the Muslims were let down by the English administration. The Muslim 

maritime traders could not withstand the economlc challenges of the period and only 

a few survived the storm The countries they traded during the period of our study, 

commodities of export and import, trade practices, their relationship with other 

mercantile communities etc.. are discussed in deta~l in this section 

The Muslims of Kilakkarai. Nagapsttanarn. Kayalpattanam and other coastal 

villages were renters of salt pans, Introduction of monopoly on salt by the English 

drove away the Muslims from this field and English private merchants dominated. 

The Muslims in the lower strata of the society in Ramanathapuram and 

Thriunelveli coasts were living on pearl fishing. They were expert divers and used 

a special type of vessel for this fishing. Many rich Muslims at Kilakkarai. Vedalai.

Mandapam and Kayalpattanam owned fleets of such fishing vessels. Wealthy 

Muslimmerchants at Ramanathapuram. Kilakkarai, Mandapam and Kayalpattanam 

were traders in pearl. They owned chavadis ( Muthuchavadi-godown cum market 

place for pearl ) in all these places Like all other maritime activities this also got 

muddled in the European and native power struggles. The Portuguese and Dutch 

favoured the Paravas than the Muslims. in pearl fishing. There wore a lot of claims 

and conflicts between the Europeans and the native powers with regard to pearl 

fishing and hence it was conducted at irregular intervals. By 1900 the pearl fishery 

of the Coromandel Coast deteriorated completely. Muslim divers, who were depending 

on pearl fishlng were thrownout to seek alternate Jobs. 

Chank fishing was another important activity of the Muslims. Kilakkarai was 

a prosperous centre for chank trade. There was good market for chank in Bengal. 

The chank fishery also met with ups and downs like the pearl fishery. But it was not 

so badly affected like the pearl fishery. When the English introduced rental system 

for chank and pearl fishing, the Muslims of Ramanathapuram and Thirunelveli districts 

became rentiers. In due course, English private merchants also entered this field. It 

is interesting to note the available data that the pearl and chank fisheries have 

contributed a considerable share in the economic development of the region in which 

the role of the Muslims was primary. 

A considerable population of Muslims, particularly in the lower strata of the 

society on the Coromandel Coast were engaged in fishing, for a very long time. 

Their fishing vessels and nets were different in different areas. Rich Marakkayars 

controlled a large number of such people under them. At the close of nineteenth 

century, many of the Muslims who were engaged in shipping activities as labourers 

and crews and in pearl and chank fishing. had to take up fishing as alternate job. 

The Muslim maritime professionals had good knowledge in astronomy, geography 

and geology and weather condition of the oceans and followed them as handed down 

by tradition. The different practices followed by them in calculating the distance in 

the sea, identifying the nature of winds, waves etc., are gathered exclusively from 

field study for this work. 

The Muslims were experts in building ships and boats. Cuddalore, PortoNovo, 

Nagapattanam, Tuticorin and Kilakkarai were important ship building yards. The 

archival record attest to the fact that Muslims built ships for the Sultans of Far 

East,the English and for themselves. They were skilled crew members of the ships. 

The Marakkayars hold appellations like Nagudha, Sukkani. Thandaiyar, Malumi etc., 

along with their names, even to this day, which shows their age old expertice in 

shipping profession.

There were Muslim weavers in large number in Ramanathapuram, Thirunelveli 

and Thanjavur districts who were supplying textiles to Muslim traders who in turn 

brought them to the port towns for export. Textiles were important commodity of 

export from Coromandel Coast till the middle of nineteenth century. 

The maritime enterprises of the Muslims of Coromandel Coast slowely declined 

to near total by about 1900 due to various causes. The violent attack and monopolistic 

policies of the Portuguese and Dutch had shattered their economic activities. The 

general policies of the English were no better to them. The English started to feather 

their own nest. During the first half of the nineteenth century. the English textiles 

sealed the fate of thousands of south Indian weavers, small traders and exporters, in 

which there were considerable number of Muslims. English administration supported 

the white race in every field of economic activity in which Muslims were engaged. The 

Chettiar merchants came close to the English because of their vast capital. 

The English private merchants, the Nabobs, with their vast resources 

encroached the trade of Southeast Asian countries and pushed back the 

Muslims to second rank. On the coast itself the English nurtured the Paravas 

and made them to compete with the Muslims. The Muslims could not withstand 

all these competitions. 

The pearl and chank fisheries were left unexploited. Many of the busy 

minor ports, where Muslim maritime traders were concentrated, decayed and 

were ;educed to fishing outlets. Muslims lost employment on all these counts. 

either went in search of other trades or migrated to Southeast Asian countries, 

Ceylon and Burma. lntrodution of Railways scathed the interportal and coastal trade to 

some extent. Coming to their own faults, the Muslims of the region never acted as a 

cohesive force. They failed to understand the concept of modern world capitalism. The 

Muslim shipowners and maritime traders in Coromandel Coast operated with a limited 

capital resources. Such being the case they did not rise up to organise joint ventures 

(like the joint stock companies of the Europeans) to avoid the economic misfortune. 

Further, the Muslims of Coromandel Coast ( Tamil Muslims ) had no political patronage. 

They failed to pick up the modern navigational technologies and were depending on the 

old fashioned traditional sails. Hence the Muslims were lagging behind in overseas 

trade. They neglected modern English education. Not knowing the technological and 

economic revolutions around them, they were in slumber. At the dawn of twentyth 

century, the masters of maritime commerce of the middle ages, met with a drastic 

economic downfall and their enterprises nearly collapsed. 

The seventh chapter depicts the social organisation, manners, customs and 

practices and religious life of the Muslims of Coromandel Coast. Much has not written

on this subject, leading one to speculations as warrants and often misunderstood.Hence 

a brief account on the principles of lslam and the social life of the Tamil Muslim society 

are described in this chapter. 

The Divine Commands of five pillars of lslarn are 1. Codession of the faith (Kalima: 

that there is no other God but Allah and Mohamed is His Prophet) 2. Five time prayer 

for a day. 3. Fasting for 30 days during Ramzan month. 4. Zakath or alms giving 5. 

Ha] or Pilgrimage to Mecca for those who are able to do so. How these principles 

are followed are discussed. In lslam the sacred law is one for all. There is no 

distinction of caste or class. There is no priesthood in lslam. Islamic brotherhood is 

an institution. The prayer in the mosque is on equal terms without any difference of 

colour, rank or social superiority. Some of these principles of lslam clashed with 

Indian culture but the assimilative power of India, particularly the quiet Tamil 

society, fusing the new culture in to unity, made lslarn as a product of assimilation, 

as it stands today. 

Though Islamic society is one and indivisible social organisation recognlsed by 

the Cannon law but still arose some divisions on the basis of Khilafat ( Political) 

movements. The two main religious sects of lslam are Sunni and Shia Schools. The 

Muslims of Coromandel profess Sunni school which is divisible in to four sub-sects, 

Hanafi,Shafi, Hanbali and Maliki. The Sunni follow Sunna. (tradition) a term used 

to express customs and manners of Islamic life. The traditions which records either 

the sayings or doings of Prophet Mohamed are the traditional law, Sunna, which 

were later compiled and called Hadeesh. The Hadeesh and the Cannon law of Holy 

Quarn are the basic laws governing the Muslim society. Among the people adhering 

various sub-sects (of Sunnis) the basic concept and principles are the same and there 

are only some minor differences in celebrations, customs and practices. Among the 

Tamil speaking Muslims, Rowthars and Labbais follow Hanafi sub-sect and the 

Marakkayars, Shafi. 

There is no place for caste or class in Islam. Social incompatibility with regard 

to either intermarriage or interdining whether due to difference of race or occupation 

is the essential element of caste. There is no prohibition for interdining and 

intermarriage among the sects and scbsects of Islam. The appellations like Marakkayar, 

Rowthar, Labbai and Dekkani are not caste names. But Muslims of Coromandel 

region will look as if affected by caste system (Jathi) as in the Hindu society. Socially 

all subsects of Muslims are equally ranked.

The Tamil speaking Muslims of Coromandel identify closely with Hindu culture 

in many respects. How their manners, customs, dress, food, festivities have been 

influenced by the larger society is discussed. 

Marriage in lslam is a social contract entered in to by the parties on a footing 

of equality and free consent of parties. lslamic marriage Is a simple process in 

which the consent of the bride, a man to give in marriage the girl ( usually father of 

the bride), payment of dowry (mahar) by the groom to the bride, two witnesses, a 

khazi to recite holy verses, are essentials and with these the solamnisation of the 

marriage can be complete. But very elaborate celebrations and rituals are followed 

in the marriage of the Tamil Muslims, due to the influence of Hindu manners and 

customs. A detailed account on the practices and ceremonies in marriages of the 

Tamil Muslims are narrated here. 

The birth of a chiid is well celebrated and naming of the child takes place with 

pomp and show. Kathna or circumcision is traditionally performed to the male children. 

Circumcision is neither a Quranic law or a religious injunction. But it is a tradition 

followed from the time of the Prophet Mohamed. To the converts and to those who 

embraced lslam it is kept as optional. Circumcision ceremony is celebrated as 

"Markkakalyanam", by the Tamil Muslims, i.e., as an initiation cerenomey in to the 

religion as in the Hindu society. When a girl attains puberty it is also celebrated with 

a number of ceremonies and rites. The dead are burried and elaborate ceremonies are 

there before and after burial and for succeeding forty days. In all these celebrations the 

influence of Hindu culture can be seen in many aspects. Matters connected with all 

these ceremonies are well described. 

The food habits of Muslims and their culinery art are also given. Majority of them 

are non-vegetarians. It is interesting to note that the Holy Quran prohibits eating the 

flesh of certain animals as unlawful. 

Muslim women are very fond of jewellery. During marriage the quantity of jewels to the 

bride is an important offer. Apart from the common jewels that are in use in Tamil 

society, the Muslim women have some special types also. The names of such jewels are 

brought out from the evidences of Islamic Tamil Literature and inscriptions. 

Position of women in lslamic society is always a subject of interesting debate. 

This is also one of the most misunderstood subject by many-scholars as well as common 

men. Islamic law protects the rights of women than any other religious laws. A true 

picture about the position of women-as given in the Holy Quran and the Hadeesh-her

ights and privileges etc., are discussed in brief. It is a fact that the law of divorce is 

misused on occasions, but It is not universal. A woman can also divorce her husband 

if she so wants. Polygamy is not an institution in Islam and it is an allowance made for 

the ardent human nature. Polygamy and divorce are met at a very low percentage only. 

Veiling and purdha system is an accepted custom of the women in Islamic society. It 

is not a part of Islamic law. The origin, practice and scriptural message on the system 

are discussed. lnspite of all these laws, the position of the women during the period of 

study does not seem to be appreciable. Except the riyt~t on property, other rights and 

privileges were at the minimum at their disposal. They were ignorant and illiterate. But 

they were trained to read Arabic there by to read Holy Quran and other religious books. 

There were even a few women Sufl saints. They were also trained to read and write 

Arablc Tamil (Tarnil in Arablc character) This some what helped them to manage their 

household accounts. 

The Muslim scholars have rendered yeoman service to the Tamil literature by 

producing a number of literary works in Tamil. Due to the contact of the Arabs and 

Persians in this land, thousands of Arabic and Persian words came into use along with 

Tamil words. Some of the kinship terms of the Muslims are also given. A few words 

that are in common usage among the Muslims due to the influence of European 

languages and their contact are also listed. The Muslims also introduced new techniques 

and designs in to the architecture of Tamil Nadu. They have also contributed their 

share in medicine, mathematics, astronomy and music. 

The celebration of important festivals like Ramzan. Bakrid etc.. are also 

described. The Muslims of Coromandel Coast are influenced by the Dravidian form 

of worship of the Hindu society as we see in the dargahs or the tomb shrines of the 

Muslim saints. The Muslims, particularly women, visit the dargahs regularly. Though 

worship in darghas is not sanctioned in Islam, it has come to be accepted as a part 

of the religious life of Muslims. In dargahs the method of worship, offerings made 

etc.. are much in the Hindu fashion. It is no surprise that the orthodox lslam 

fluctuates here to accomodate the folk tradition. People of diverse culture meet in 

the dargah shrines. A large number of Hindus and Christians also visit and worship 

in the dargahs. Nagore is an important dargah shrine in Tamil Nadu. A detailed 

study about the worship in dargahs, its origin and various festivals celebrated there 

are also discussed. Thus the aspects of the social life of the Tamil speaking Muslims 

are brought to light in this chapter. 

The concluding chapter is a discussion on how the Muslims of Coromandel 

Coast could not continue their operations in maritime activities in an unfriendly 

environment and heavily 'increased risk. Data were collected from all possible sources

and they have been pooled together to present a micro study on the maritime 

activities of the Muslims of Coromandel region. An overall analysis show that the 

policies of the European companies combined with the absence of awareness among 

the Muslims and their satisfaction in the residual opportunities at their disposal were 

responsible for their economic failures. 

A study on the social behaviour of the Tamil Muslims has proved that their 

customs and practices are continuing process from a very long period to the present 

day. Many of the customs are handed down by tradition. 

The present day Tamil Muslims-Rowthar. Labbai and Marakkayars-many of 

them in multifarious business-sharing a few of the social customs of the co-religionists, 

the Hindus, are living in peace as Tamils in true sense as an integral part of the 

Tamil society. Their sails that steered the winds of oceans have embraced cold 

storage but pages of history reminds us their past glory. 

LIMITATIONS OF STUDY 

The study is confined to the maritime activities and social customs of the 

Tamil speaking Muslims in the period - 1750 - 1900. The leading Muslims who were 

approached for information and materials lauded the project but pleaded ignorance 

about accurate details on their ancestoral maritime activities. 

Being a member of a segment in the Muslim community, I had the privilege 

to knock at the door of many leading Muslims but many attempts were unfruitful. 

Even the Archival materials were found to be insufficient on many points for 

the study. Only the published source materials about the Portuguese, Dutch and 

Danes could be utilised. 

I however, venture to submit that this study is the first of it's kind, which sheds 

some new light on the hidden historic facts about the Tamil Muslim maritime 

community of the Coromandal which dominated the seaborn trade of the region for 

centuries. Thus this study is a voyage in unchartered seas in the true spirit of the 

maritime Muslims.

References 

A.R. Sayeed, "Indian Muslims and Some Problems of Modernisation", 

Dimensions of social changes in lndia (ed) M N. Srinivas, (New Delhi, 1977)p.217. 

Mattison Mines, "Social Stratification among the Muslims in Tamil Nadu, 

South India, " Caste and Social Stratl/lcat/on, Among Musl~ms in India (ed) lmtiaz 

Ahamed, (New Delhi 1978); " Muslim Merchants" - The Economic Bhaviours 

of the Indian Muslim Communlty, Shri Ram Centre for Industrial Relations 

and Human resources (New Delhi, 1972) 

Susan Bayly, Saints, Goddesses and Kings-Muslims and Christians in South Indian 

Society (Cambridge, 1989) 

Stephen F'Dale "Recent Researches on the Islamic Communities of 

Peninsular India", Studies in South lndia /ed) Robert E. Frykenbers and Paulin Kolenda 

(Madras 1985) 

Sanjay Subramanian, The Political Economy of Commerce, Southern lndia 1500 . 1650 

flew Yark 1990) 

Sinnappa Arasaratnam, Merchants, companies and commerce on the Coromandel Coast 

1650 - 1740, (New Delhi 1986); Marlime /ndh in the seventeenth century 

flew Delhi 1994): Maritime Commerce and English Power (Southeast India). 

1750 -1800) (New Delhi 1996); . 'Dutch East Indian company and the Kingdom of 

Madura 1650 - 1700': Tamil Culture Vol. 1, 1963, pp-48-74; " A Note on Periathambi 

Marakkayar, 17th century Commercial Magnate " Tamil Culture," Vol. 10 No.1 1964 

pp. 1-7; "Indian Merchants and the decline of Indian mercantile activity, the 

Coromandel case, " The Culcutta Historical journal, Vol VII No. 2/1983, pp 27-43; 

"Commerce, Merchants and Entrepreneurship in Tamil Country in 18th 

Century", paper presented in the 8th world Tamil conference seminar 

Thanjavur - January 1995: 

M. Abdul Rahim, "History of Nagapattanam and surroundings from 16th 

century", unpublished M.Lit.Thesis. University of Madras -1971; 

"Muslims of Tamil Nadu, 1800 - 1900". unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, 

University of Madras. 

T. Jayarajan, "Social and Economic Customs and Practices of Marayakkars, 

of Tamil Nadu - A case study of Marakkayars of Adirampatttanam," unpublished 

M.Phil Thesis. Bharathidasan University, Tiruchirappalli - 1990. 

Syed Abdul Razack, "Social and Cultural life of the Carnatlc Nawabs and 

Nobles as gleaned through the Persian sources", unpublished M.Phll Thesis, 

University of Madras - 1980.

Chapter I1 

THE COROMANDEL COAST 

The east coast of peninsular lndia was called as the Coromandel Coast by the 

European writers and the European trading companies have adopted it in their 

official documents. Portuguese were the first to apply the term "Charamandel" to 

the coast of present day Tamil and Telugu countries. Barbosa wrote it as 

"Choromandel" as against the original printing of the term Charamandel, and 

it stayed for further period ' . Yule and Burnel and other modern historians adhere 

and accept the etymology of this term from Cholamandalam, the country of Cholasz 

Coromandel had no well defined limits and often was held to extend as far as 

Krishna river or even to the coast of Orissa. Barbosa defines the limit from Point. 

Calimere to Krishna delta 3. Some modern writers follow this. Nachinarkkiniyar in 

his commentary on Tholkappiam, a classical Tamil epic, mentions the limit of east 

coast as Verkadu (Pulicat) Arasaratnam bifurcates the area north of Pennar as 

Northern Coromandel and south up to Point Calimere as Southern or om and el" A 

modern research scholar bounds the Southern Coromandel from Cape Comerine to 

~adras~. Arasaratnam names the coastal territories from Point Calimere, to Tuticorin 

as Madura Coast and beyond south of it as Fishery Coast. To Burtan Stein, the 

Coromandel Coast corresponds more or less with the territory of the Imperial Cholas 

of the tenth -thirteenth century, extending to the southern tip of the Peninsula to the 

Krishna deltaic region7 

The east coast of South lndia was known to the Arab geographers , travellers 

and traders as Mabar. Mabar, the Arabic word, meaning a ferry or a crossing 

places. The Arabs might have named the coast as Mabar since all the vessels 

habitually touched the ports of this coast before they crossed to Ceylon and other 

Eastern countries. The word Mabar was used first by Yakut, the Arab geographer 

(1179--1229), in his Geographical Dictionary to denote the east coast of the 

Peninsular India. It is not possible from the accounts of Yakut and other Arab 

geographers to locate the boundaries and the area it comprises. Abul Fida, another 

Arab geographer says that, " the first locality of Mabar from the side of Malabar 

is Cape Comerine". Diminisquo, yet another geographer says, "after Quilon comes 

the country of Sulyans (Chola) the ~abar".~ 

It will be seen from the above that different authors have followed different 

standards as they fancied it or to suit their convenience. Here, we confine, with 

regard to our study on'the Muslims of Coromandel, the Tamil Speaking Muslim

TAMIL NADU

community of the present day Tamil Nadu, from the shores of Pulicat to Cape 

Comerine, since it is well with in the limits of the former Cholamandalam and later 

the Co~omandel. Thus the Coromandel Coast of our study consists of the present 

districts of Chingulpet, South Arcot, Thanjavur, Ramanathapuram 

'I'l~iru~~elvull and 'l'utlcorlr~, Il~u laal lour t)ul~~u callutl nu 111nrll1111u tllrlrlclw. 

Throughout the stretch of the eastern coastline there were many ports from 

ancient times. The Sangam Tamil classics of the second century A.D. have reference 

to the ports of Cauverypoompattinam (Puhar), Tondi and Korkai. Silappadikaram, the 

Tamil Classic of the second century A.D. gives a very realistic description of Puhar. 

Here, immense quantity of goods of various descriptions were brought from distant 

lands and exchanged for gold. In this port one could see sailors from all countrieslO. 

Korkai, the pearl port of ancient Tamil Nadu, was at the mouth of river 

Tamiraparani. It is Kolkhol, and Colchi respectively of Ptolemy and the author of 

Peripius. Korkai became an inland city due to the accumulation of silt at the mouth 

of the river Tamiraparani and was abandoned and it gave place to a new port namely 

Kayai l' 

Some of the modern writers have identified Korkai with Kilakkarai, in the 

present Ramanathapuram district12 . A correction is needed here. Caldwell has rightly 

identified Korkai, with the small village at the mouth of river Tamiraparanl in Thirunelwli 

district13. Tamil, literatures of Sangam age speak of the port of Korkai and it's famous 

pearls.'4 Archaeological finds confirms the antiquity of the present Korkai village as 

referred to by Caldwell. Hence identification of Korkai with Kilakkarai is fancyful and 

cannot be sustained. Nagapattanam, Tondi and Saliyur were other ports of lesser 

importance during ancient times. Archaeological finds at Arikkamedu near Pondicherry 

confirms the antiquity of the Pondicherry port.'5 

Under the Pallavas (575-900) Mamallapuram was a prosperous port which attracted 

foreign ships laden with gems, riches and elephants. Later it lost it's importance16. 

Under Chola Raja Raja I, the status of Mamallapuram port was shifted to 

~a~a~attanam'~, which emerged as a vital port for the maritime trade of the various 

groups of merchants of South India. Epigraphs of eleventh century amply testify the 

trading activities in the port of ~agapattanam" . Mylapore (Santhome) was another 

port of considerable importance during this period19. 

Kayal, a few miles south east of Korkai was an important port in the medieval 

period. Marcopolo, Wassaf, Rashiduddin, Abdul Razack, Nicolos Conti, Varthama and 

Barbosa refer to Kayal as a prosperous portz0. Kayal was said to be a great and noble city.

All ships from the west touched this port. It was a meeting place of traders from 

Hormuz, Klr and Aden. Horses were brought from Arab countries to thls port in large 

numbers for sale. Vasco da gama mentions Kayal. Kayal is now called as Old Kayal. 

In the course of time, Kayal ceased to be a sea port and present Punnaikayal was 

founded (etymologically I1 is Plnnr~sikayal . Plnnai - behind 1.e. the Kayal behind the 

Old Kayal.) With the deflnlte ceaser of the coasl by the t'orluyuene 111 1632, iliu rlalur 

of Kayal rapidly changed. The local Muslim traders left Kayal and improved the port 

at Kayalpattanam, orlglnally called Sonadukondanpattanam In lnscrlptlons of the 

fourteenth century found here and later corrupted in to Songapattanam, five miles east 

of Pinnaikayal. So, it is safe to assume that Marcopolo's Kayal is not the present 

Kayalpattanam. St. Xavior records Kayalpattanam as the principality of the Moors (~uslims)~'. 

There were also many minor ports in the Coromandel Coast during the middle ages 

with lesser trading activities, and they assumed importance from sixteenth century onwards. 

Such insignificant ports shot in to the prominence, for export and coastal trade and also to 

avoid growing European competion. 

At the close of nineteenth century there were about 65 ports h the Madras Presidency, 

among which 42 were in the coast of Tamil Nadu. They are : Madras, Marakkanam, 

Cuddalore. PortoNovo, Kodiampalayam, . . Thlrumullaivasal, Tranquebar. Karaikkkal (French). 

Nagore, Nagapattanam, Velanganni, Topputurai, Point Calimere, Adirampattanam. 

Muthupet, Krishnajipattanam. Kattumavadi, Ammapattanam, Kottaipattanam, 

Gopalapattanam, Soundarapandiapattanam, Pasipattanam, Devendrapattanam, Tondi, 

Nambithalal, Mudiampattanam, Attangarai, Pillaiyarmadam, Emmandalamumkondan, 

Pamban, Rameswaram, Mandapam, Vedalai, Marakkayarpattanam, Valinokkam, Ervadi. 

Vaipar, Tutlcorine, Kulesekarapattanam Kayalpattanam and ~olochel~~. 

Among the above ports Madras, Nagapattanam and Tuticorin were ranked as major 

ports and others as minor ports. Karaikkal, Pasipattanam, Nambithalai, Mudiampattanam. 

Attangarai, Pillaiyarmadam, Emmandalamumkondan, Rameswaram, Mandapam, Vedalai, 

Marakkayarpattanam, Ervadi, Valinokkam and Vaipar ports were reduced to lesser or 

insignificant trading activities at the close of nineteenth century23. 

The number of ports increased after the advent of the Europeans since the hinterland 

products had to be delivered at the coastal settlements and ports. The prosperity of a 

particular port depended on the availability of goods for export and coastal trade. When the 

export of the major commodity, the textiles, declined majority of the minor ports lost their 

importance.

Most of the Coromandel ports were located in the mouth of estuaty of small liven. Country 

~essels'could sail in to these rivers in favourable seasons to bring hinterland products for 

export. The ship were anchored far away at the firm ground in the sea and loading and 

unloading was done by numerous small boats. The ocean going vessels would stand out in 

lllu ocean and the coastal bonk could sall through the narrow channel In to the liwr to laad 

and unload on ltre rlver h~lk where warehouses a~id euvlo!lir l~ouwor wera locaiucl. 

A brief description of a few ports are given here for the better understanding of the 

trade, commodity composition of export and import, the merchants and the companies 

involved in the trade. 

Madras (Chennapattanam) was a fishing settlement before the arrival 

of the English. It grew as a open roadstead and primarily used for English 

shipping. The development of the Madras port during eighteenth century 

was more due to political factors rather than commercialz4. Regular 

shiping was undertaken to Malabar, Bombay, Surat and Persian Gulf ports, 

eastward to Burmese ports, Ache, Bantam later to Manila and Canton. Urbanisation 

necessiated the development of coastal trade in rice salt and other food articles. 

The port had good storage facility and later connected with railway link to various 

places in the Presidency. The principal exports were seeds, leather, raw and tanned 

skin, raw cotton, grain, pulses, coffee, tea, cotton manufactures and coir. The 

main Items of import were cotton manufactures, metals and ores, yarn, machinery, 

spices and sugar25. 

The port of Santhome (Mylapore) was of much significance in the trade to 

Southeast Asian countries under the Portuguese. The trade from this port dwindled 

in the nineteenth century. Kovalam (Shahid Bandar). Sadras Pattanam, Alambaram, 

were ports for inland trade in the eighteenth century but they never developed in 

trade inspite of the efforts of the Nawabs of Arcot. Next port was Kunimedu. In 

all these ports the Dutch and English were dealing with the merchants and shippers 

of this area but they degenerated in the nineteenth century. Pondicherry port under 

the French was drawn into Eastern trade network. 

Cuddalore, called lslamabadz6 by the Muslims, had a continuity as an important 

port of this region. During nineteenth century, groundnut and its products (oil and 

kernel) were the staple commodity of export in European countries, and Ceylon. 

Coloured piece goods, pulmyra jaggery, sugar, rice, pulses, were all exported to 

various countries. The principal imports were coal, timber, spices, European stores 

and provisions. There was a brisk coastal trade in groundnut products, rice, paddy, 

sugar and pulses2'.

PortoNovo was the smoothest and softest port on the Coromandel. It was 

known as Moharned Bandar and the present Tamil name is Parangipettai. The 

anchorage in the approach of the port was firm and good. This port city had the 

character of an urban metropolis with ship building and repair yard. The Portuguese, 

the Dutch and the English had their factories here which will reveal its potentiality 

and importance In ocean trade. It was largely frequented by native vessels. 

Commodities of export were rice, paddy, groundnut oil, other oil seeds, textiles, 

Indigo, the imports were European goods and fine grass mats from Ache 

ThanJavur coast had a large number of ports in the region, the northern most 

being Kodiampalayam at the mouth of Coloroon river. Next important port was 

Thirumuliaivasal which had direct Inland access through the Oppanar river. On both 

the banks of these river, there were many chowkies for the purpose of loading boats 

with grains to be carried down for exports. Rice and paddy was exported in large 

quantity to Ceylon. From the next port, Topputhurai, live animals were exported to 

Ceylon. Tranquebar was a Danish port. Here the trade was not substantial. But 

coastal trade improved in this region due to the new settlements in the port town from 

the beginning of eighteenth century. In the later half of nineteenth century larger trade 

disappeared in this port because of the construction of Nagapattanam - Thanjavur 

railway line in 1861 and rail connection to Tiruchirappalli in 1862. Native vessels 

frequented this port very often since the Danes encouraged such shipping activities. 

British Indian steamers called at this port to pick up passengers bound for Mauritius 

and other Eastern countries. Rice, paddy, coconut oil, coir products were exported 

and sugar, timber, sandalwood, French goods, were importedz9. Karaikkal, the 

French port shipped a large quantity of paddy and rice to Malabar and Ceylon. 

Textiles and dryfish were other articles of export. During favourable season, inland 

trade was undertaken by small vessels through the river ~rasalar~'. At the close of 

nineteenth century, trading activities in this port fell to insignificance. 

Nagore port, s~tuated at the mouth of rlver Vettar, was the home of larger 

lnd~an merchant fleets ranglng from one masted small vessels to ships of 300 

tonnes31. The chief exports were rice, textiles, chank, and other sea products and 

Imports were spices, metals, areca, Pegu ponies and a variety of consumables 

Small vessels sailed southwards to the coast of southern Thanjavur, Ramanathapuram, 

Thirunelveli and Malabar It was an important port of South Indian trade to Ceylon. 

kl served as an outlet for the produces of the districts of Mayavaram and 

KumbakonamSZ Nagore blue cloth found good market in Europe. Most of the 

merchants were Muslim Marakkayars to whom Nagore was the holy place because 

pf the presence of the Dargah of Shahul Hammeed Aulia, popularly known as 

pagore Andavar Holyness and trading opportunities of this place attracted Muslim

trading communltles and their settlements grew In this port area. The merchants 

here built their own vessels of considerable burthen. The Muslim traders of Nagore 

had depots at Ache, Sumatra, Pegu and Ceylon 33. At the close of nineteenth 

century Nagore became a warf of Nagapattanam. 

Nagapattanam is about three miles south of Nagore. It was a prominent port 

of south India for centuries. After their occupation of this port, the Portuguese, 

permitted native shipping activities uninterrupted through their cartaz system but 

their general hostility towards Muslims, made the latter migrate to nearby Nagore. 

When Nagapattanam came under the Dutch, the remaining Marakkayar traders also 

began to operate from Nagore, because of the hurdles created by the restrictive 

policies of the Dutch. The port was an open roadstead, offered good anchorage for 

larger ships, loading and unloading was done by small boats and lighters from 5 to 

12 tons. The chief exports were : groundnut, coloured piece goods, tobacco and 

other country products to Southeast Asian countries. Fresh vegetables, bullocks and 

sheeps were shipped to Penang, Singapore and Ceylon and ghee, silk, skin and 

hider and provlsions to Straits settlements. Cotton piece goods, twisted yarn, 

metals, Timber and areca were the chief imports. White Manchester cloth was 

imported from Straits, dyed and reexported from here. Rice was imported from 

Culcutta during scarcity seasons. This port was the chief centre for transhipment of 

coolies to the tea and rubber estates in Ceylon and Malay States. From the close 

of eighteenth century, larger vessels called to pick up passengers. Steps were taken 

by the English to attrract European ships to this port. In 1861 Nagapattanam was 

made as the terminus of the southern railway and trade increased. Since salt was 

the monopoly of the controlling power (English), the country crafts were pressed in 

to service for the transport of salt to this port34. In 1867, the ports of Nagapattanam 

and Nagore were merged35. 

South of Nagapattanam, the next port of significance was Adiramapattanam. 

Most of the sailings from here were to Ceylon, Malabar and Thirunelveli coasts. 

Rice and textiles were the chief exports and areca and timber were the imports. 

Fish, dry fish, salt, provisions and grains were the commodities in coastal trade36. 

The other minor ports in the Tjanjavur Coast were used by the native traders for 

coastal trade and for trade with Ceylon. 

Tondi in Ramanathapuram Coast continued as a port of importance from the 

pncient times. The ships sailing on the coast often took refuge in this port in the 

worst manroon seasons for protection. In modern times it developed as a port of 

~oastal trade within the shallow waters of Madura and Thirunelveli Bays and trade 

Ceylon, Though the vessels in operation were small, the goods carrled were 

~ubstantlal. Native Marakkayar traders traded from this port using country crafts 

h e Chief exports were textiles, rice, chank and imports were areca, pepper and timber

The shipping between east and west coast of India used Pamban canal, in 

betwekn the island of Rameswaram and the Ramanathapuram mainland, or the 

passage through the Adam's Bridge and the island of Manaar in Ceylon. Ships up 

to 800 tons could cross through Pamban. Pamban canal played a vital role in the 

coromandel trade, and was bone of contention between European colonial powers 

and native rulers. 

Kilakkarai war a safe port with an ayhorage in 2 1/2 to 3 fathoms from the 

shore. It is said to be the Fatan of Ibn ~atuta~'. Foreign trade was conducted with 

Ceylon and inland trade with Malabar and Bengal. The chief exports were rice, 

paddy, cereals, silk, cotton products, jaggery, coconut, dry fish condiments and 

chank and imports were areca. pepper , spices, copper and zinc. This port was 

famous for the Arab horse trade from thirteenth century. The Marakkayar traders 

of this town played an important role in the economic development of this region 

during sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The celebrated Marakkayar business 

magnate Periathambi (Vallal Seethakathi) belonged to this town. The chief exports 

from here were Fullers earth, coral stones, rice and paddy to Ceylon and pulmyra 

fibres and chank to Bengal. During the nineteenth century chank export trade 

continued to be an important one from this port. 

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the chief ports in Thirunelveli 

districts were, Tuticorin, Manapad, Alandalai, Veerarnpattanam, Pinnaikayal, Vaipar, 

and Vembar. Trading activities of these ports are amply recorded in the records, 

of the European Companies. A study of these records provides a picture of the 

economic history of this region. Tuticorin became the most considerable port after 

the advent of Europeans. The Portugese, the Dutch and the English concentrated 

on this port. The extension of cotton trade increased the importance of this port. 

Raw cotton of this region was exported to China in the nineteenth century. The 

port had a safe roadstead with good anchorage in which vessels could ride in all 

seasons38. Foreign trade was more than the coastal trade in 1880, Inland trade 

was conducted with west coast. The chief exports were cotton, coffee, jaggery, 

chilly, sheep, horses, cows and 

. Kulasekarapattanam port with a sandy 

coast and coconut topes conducted trade with Ceylon. At the close of the 

nineteenth century it was a point of embarkation for passenger vessel4' . 

Pinnaikayal and Kayalpattanam were the other ports in Thirunelveli district. 

Kayalpattanam had constant trade with Ceylon. 

The community needed to run the business of the port such as boatmen, 

mariners, labourers, administrative personnel and merchants were settled in 

all these port towns leading to their urbanisation. The sea faring communities

acquired the knowledge about the oceans and seas and astronomical datas 

which were handed down verbally to their families. The Muslims of Coromandel 

had expert knowledge of Bay of Bengal. The Dutch systematised their 

knowledge of saillng conditions in the Bay of Bengal. The English codified 

the favourable routes of trade in the Bay of Bengal. In the course of centuries 

many ports grew on the Coromandel and many fell under the impact of some 

reason or other. The hinterland of Coromandel supplied the goods required 

for export and inland trade and consumed the imported goods41. 

The settlements in almost all the ports of the Coromandel coast were 

the stronghold of Muslims, particularly the Marrakkayars. and Labbais. 

Because of thelr settlement and trading activities many of the ports became 

urban matropolis. European records speak about the urban nature of ports 

like PortoNovo, Cuddalore, Tranquabar and Nagapattanam. These port towns 

contained palaceal buildings of Muslim merchants apart from many other 

structural buildings. The process of urbanisation on the Coromandel Coast 

is mainly due to the concentration. Muslim maritime community. Because of 

concentration, Muslims in Thanjavur Coasts in places like Nagore, 

Nagapattanam, Adirampattanam, the eighteenth century English records call 

these ports as "Moor 

Susan Bayly calls the Thirunelveli ports as 

"Marakkayar 

A large number of Marakkayars and Labbais were 

engaged in the maritime trade till the second quarter of nineteenth century. 

There were big merchants, ship owners, nagudhas, sailors, boatmen and 

ship employees of different descriptions, pearl and chank divers and 

fishermen. In the coastal towns such as Nagore, PortoNovo, Adirampattanam, 

Kilakkarai and Kayalpattanam were located the Darghas of Muslim Saints 

and Mystics. Hence these places were considered holy by the Muslims. Such 

places attracted Muslims and they settled there itself for their trade. During 

the nineteenth century many new settlements of Muslims sprang up in the 

coastal region, whereever the situation was favourable for their maritime 

activitlor. Thus many of the Coromandel port towns and settlements were 

the centres of the maritime activities of the Muslims and they have 

contributed appropriately for the economlc development and urbanlzation of 

the region.

References 

1. h t e B a h , 738 Book of &rate Barbma : An Account of the co~mtrks 

&&ring on the IndIm &ean and heir Inhabitants led.) M.L. Dames 

(London Hakluyt Soclety 1980) 1 P - 124. 

ll&ri Sawull, A FU~)O//OJI EIIJIJ~W(hvyu~t~dr1 //I# ~(JIJ!~~/JII//O~ to the 

Hhtory O/ II&~~I ((IYOU (lipr) NUW U~IIII. I Y U ~ P . ZY'I 

Barbosa, op. clt., II P- 124. 

Nachlnarklniyar, Tholkapplyam, (Ural) Poruladhikararn, Sutrarn- 113 

Sinnappa Arasaratnarn, Merchants Companies and Commerce on the 

Coromandel Coast. P-7. (Here after - Company and Commerce) 

N. Seeralan, The survey of Ports and Harbours in Madras Presldency, 

1858 - 1900, unpublished M.Phll Thesis, Bharathidasan University. 

Tiruchirappalli. 1987 P-3 1. 

Burten Stein, All the Klngk Manas and Papers on Medlval South Indian History, 

(Madras, 1984) P-243. 

Hobron and Jobson P-526 

S.M.H.Nalnar (Tr) Tuhfat - Ul - MuJahldln of Zalnuddln, Unlverslty of 

Madras (Madran, 1942) P - 6; Arab Geographers Knowledge of South Indla, 

University of Madra, (Madras 1942) pp 53-56. 

Silappadlkaram, V. 1- 10: Sllapadikaram, V.R.Rarnachandra Dlkshidar 

Fr) (Oxford Uniwnlty press 1939). pp. 92, 110-111, 115; Kennath Hall, Trade and State 

C M io the Age af Qlahr (New Delhl, 1980) F? 165. 

Madural Kanchi 11, 134,144; Sllappadlkaram XXVll - 127; The Perlplus 

of Erlthrean Sea and Voyages of Nearchus, Willlam Vincent (Tr) P. 105; 

V. Kanakasabal, The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago (1904) 

pp.22-3; V.R. Rarnachandra Dikshldar op. clt. p.202 

Imperial Gazetteer of Indla, (London 1886) VIll p.216; N.A. Arneer All, 

Vallal Seethakkathlyin Vazhvum Kalamaum (Madras, 1983) 

p.30-31, Ka. Mu.Sherlff, VaIlal Seethakkathl Varalaru (Madras, 1986) 

pp. 60-62; M. ldrls Marakkayar, Naanllam Potrum Nannagar Keelakkaral 

(Madras, 1990) pp - 2-6. 

R o b e r t ~ , A ~ a r o ' ~ h h b l y o / t h e ~ IntheReskhxy 

d 7 ^ ~ 

of~,frcn,lhe&pukdloIb~b~~~m~thAD1801 

(1881. Rpt. New blhl, 1989 ) pp - 282 - 288. 

M 133 - 138; war, 

56 - 58; M&&@a.m 30; 

SUawwYkmm XXVU-127; A~,W,WWU 3,27,120,201.280,296,350;~thoka1 181. 

R.E.M. Wheeler and A,-, "Arlkkamedu an hdo Roman Trading Centre on the 

E& Coast of indla ", Amimt I?&, No.2 Mew Delhi, 1956) pp 17-124. 

h b s of- 

Smey db#a No.26, 'Pallaw Statues at Mamallam". 

(Cakutta, 1926) pp - 10 - 11.

Kenneth Hall. op. dt. p - 167. 

A.R.E., 152 of 1956-57; 155 of 1956 - 57; 157 of 156-57; 162 of 1956-57; 

South lndlan lnscrlption. 8 - 442. 

A.R.E., 261 of 1910. 

S.Arunachalam. The History of Pearl Fishery of Tamil Coast (Annamalai 

Nagar. 1952) p.11. 

Caldwell op.cli. p.41-67; James Hornel. The Sarrpd Chank of lndia, 

(Madras, 1914) p.4; Colonelyule. Marcopolo. 11. 305-307; A.R.E.. 311 

of 1964; Francis Xavior, His Life, His Times (Tr) M.Joseph Castelloe 

(Italy 1977) 11 p.258. 

A Mannual of Madras Presidency (ed) C.D. Macleans. (Madras. 1885) 

11 p. 423 (hereafter. Madras Manual) 

lbid 

,S. Arasaratnam, Companies and Comm~rce, op.cif, p.22. 

C.W. E. Cotton, Hand Book of Commercial information for lndia 

(Trivandram. 1942) P.67. 

J.H. Garstin. Manual of South Arcot District (Madras,1878) p. 408. 

Administration Report of Madras Presidency 1890 -1 p 64; ibid. 1899-1900 

p. 65; C.W.E. Cotton, op.clt. pp 65-66 

J.H. Garstin, op.clt. p.420 

Madras Manual, 11 p.278; N. Seeralan, op.cit. p.41. 

C.W.E. Cotton, op. cit. p-65 

Madras Manual, op.cit. II pp. 159-160 

Tamil Nadu Archlves (TNA), Tanjore Dirtrlct Record Vo1.3240 

TNA/Tanjore District Record Vol. 3337. p.45 

Records of Fort St. George. (FSG) Commercial Department, Vol.1l - 

S.No. 8633 -p.725; C.W.E. Cotton, op clt. p.65; TNA/Tanjore 

District Record Vo1.3325, p.65; lbld Vo1.3174 p.86; F.R. Hemlngway, 

Tanjore District Gazetteer (1906) pp - 130- 131. 

Madras Manual, op.cit. I1 p. 159 

Imperial Gazetteer of lndia V.p.24; Madras Manual op.cit. I1 p.159; 

N. Seeralan, op.clt.p.52. 

S. M.H. Nalnar, Arab Geographers Knowledge of South India, op.clt. p.36. 

R.White. "An Account of Harbour in Tuticorin". Madras Journal of 

Literature and Science (Oct.1836) pp. 305 - 309. 

Madras Manual, op.clt. ll p.132. 

Proceedings of the Government of Fort. St. George in the publlc 

department for the year 1857, Vol. 11 p.448. 

S. Arasarbtnam, Companies and Commerce, op.cit. pp. 26-28 and 32-37. 

FSG., Dlary and Consultation Book, 1753, p. 154, 1734 p.3 

Susan Bayly, op.clt. p.105. 

TNA/ Tanjore Dlstrict Record, Vo1.3177/1800.

Chapter 111 

POLITICAL BACKGROUND 

The political development in the South in the seventeenth and subsequent centuries 

disturbed the peace and tranquility of the region. The political events of the period was closely 

linked with trade. The course of events from the victoy of the region by Kumarakampana, the 

Commander of the Vijayanagar, in 1370, to the proclamation of the English East India Company 

as masters of the land by 1800 are sketched here shortly. 

The decline of the Vijayanagar and Mughal empire morally and materially upset the 

Tamil county which without any paramount power to protect fell an easy prey to the contending 

armies which were at large all over . The insidious rivalry among the native powers paved way 

for frequent invasions of the Muslims and Marathas into Tamil county. 

The Pandian empire whkh was at it's zenith in the fourteenth centuy plunged in to 

disorder due to the civil wars and lost it's imperial hold to the Muslim power of the north and 

Madurai was subjected to Muslim rule for over 55 years. Madurai was annexed to the empire 

of Delhi during the reign of Sultan Ghiyathuddin Tughluq by about 1323 A.D.' . One Jalaluddin-Ashan 

Sha was appointed as the Kotwal of Madurai. But he proclaimed his independence 

in 1333 A.D.' The whole of Coromandel region was under the sway of the Muslims. But the 

rule of the Sultans of Madurai was full of internal wars and confusion prevailed eveywhere and 

the Vijayanagar kings lost no opportunity in attacking the Sultanate. Kumarakampana, the 

Vijayanagar commander conquered Madurai territoy in 1370 A.D. and the Muslim rule was 

routed completely by 1378 A.D.~ With this the Tamil county came under the Vijayanagar. 

The Southern part of the Vijayanagar empire at the begining of the sixteenth century 

was reorganised into separate provinces known as Nayakdoms with headquarters at Madurai, 

Thanjaw and Ginjee. The administration of these provinces were entrusted to the Viceroys 

known as Nayaks. The Nayakara System was a military feudalism with a quasi independent 

status4. When the Vijayanagar power was vaning the Nayakdoms assumed autonomy. Further, 

the Nayakdoms had it's own hierarchy of feudatories, the Polygars, (Palayakkarar) the local 

chieftains with traditional influence. 

The breakup of the old Pandian rule, the Muslim onslaught and civil wars had devasted 

the county, lnsteabillty and chaos prevailed everywhere. The Nayaks with the help of the

polygais reorganised the admlnistratlon and restored law and order. But the Nayaks were 

fighting themselves, inviting the Deccani Muslim powers, Marathas and the Europeans into the 

politics of the Coromandul rugion. The Europsan powarr. tho Portugese, Dutch, French, 

Danes and the English were claiming supremacy over the Indian ocean and crossed swords in 

their attempt to get their claim established. In due course of time these European trading 

companies interferred in the internal affairs of the native territories and the native mlers fell 

prey to their ambition and activities which ultimately resulted in their extinction. 

The Nayakdoms of Ginjee, the northern most part of Coromandel region, asserted 

independence by 1614. The Nayaks of Madurai and Mysoreans encroached it's territories. 

The Sultana of Bijapur and Golkandaa ralded Glnjee alternately. Golkonda annexed it's territories 

including the port of Pulicat and Madras. The Bijapureans took over the remaining parts 

including the port of Devanampattanarn, PortoNovo and Pondichery. The Engllsh, Dutch and 

the French established their factories in this territory with the consent of the Nayaks and 

Muslim mlers. The Marathas captured Ginjee in 1678, and it fell to the Mughuls in 1698 and 

later became a part of the Arcot subedari. At the dawn of eighteenth centuy the crescent flag 

began to flutter from the portals of Carnatic. The Nawabi of Camatic was born with it's 

headquarters at Arcot (Darun-nur-Mohamedpur) under the head off Zulphikarkhan, the 

commander of Aurangazeb. At the disintegration of the Mughal empire after Aurangazeb, like 

other provinces, Arcot also emerged as an independent power in the second Quarter of eighteenth 

centuy. Anwamddin became the chief of carnatic5 

The Nayakdom of Madurai was founded in 1529. It was divided into many palayams 

under the charge of a Polygar (Palayakhrar), Madurai Nayakdom was included the present 

districts of Madurai, Ramanathapuram, Tirunelveli, Timchirappalli, Coimbatore , Salem and a 

portion of ~ravancore~. The long coastline of the Madurai Nayakdom was the scene of intense 

trading activities by the European companies. The Portuguese and the Dutch were expanding 

their trade in the coastal region, gradually the control of the affairs of the coast slipped into the 

hands of these foreign powers and the Nayaks had no interest in overseas trade. But the 

export and import trade contrlbuted much for the economic development of the region7. The 

invasions from Mysore and Bijapur was a challenge to Madurai. Madurai's interference in the 

politics of Thanjawr Nayakdom, invited a new powerful power, the Marathas, In to the southern 

politics, kter resulted in the establishment of It's mle at Thanjavur. The feudal poiigars grew 

independent and the Nayak could not command authority over them. The disintegrating 

Madurai Nayakdom was taken over by the Chanda Sahib in 1736 and the glorious Nayakdom 

eclipsed from the political arena8. 

The nrle of Sethupathis was inagurated in Ramanathapuram in 1604 by the Madurai Nayak. 

The Sethupathis drifted from their allegiance to their sowrign and asserted independence in 1702.

Ramanathapuram sprang up as an important state on the ruins of Madurai Nayakdom. A 

portion of Rarnanathapuram territory was ceded to Sasivarna Thevar and the state of Sivaganga 

Mas born9. 

The Sethupathis gave emphasis to their maritime commerce in their territory. The 

pamban canal was under their control. A good part of pearl and chank fiery wore also in 

their coast. The Sethupathis encouraged the Dutch, English, French and the Danes to trade in 

their coast and thw maintained an open market In their ports. 

The Sethupathis extended their patronage to the native Muslim traders. The Muslims 

created new settlement in their ports. Further the Sethupathis entered into joint venture with 

the local Muslim traders, in trading activities to Ceylon, Malabar and ~en~a1.l~. 

In the course of political changes, the Sethupathis who were loyal and subordinate to 

the Arcot Nawabs began to defy them openly by about 1750. After Sethupathi Sellathevar 

(1748.1760) his minor son Muthuramalingam ascended the throne, which was contested by a 

rival who was supported by Marathas. Thus circumstances forced Ramanathapuram to 

acknowledge the overlordship of the Nawab and a peace settlement was made at it's cost. 

The ambitious Nawab stormed Ramanathapuram in 1772 with the help of English forces and 

annexed it. The minor ruler Muthuramalingam was imprisonedl1. Similarly Sivaganga was 

also taken over by the Nawab, the widow of Udayanathevar fled to Dindigal. Marudhu 

brothers took ~tp the cause of Sivaganga and rebelled against the British with the assistance of 

Hydar ~li" . The Matudhus proclaimed Vellachi the daughter of Udayanathevar as the ruler 

and Marudhus assumed charge as ministersI3. But the Matudhus accepted to be the tributoy 

of Arcot. The Nawab again crowned Muthuramalingam as Sethupathi in 1781 but he was 

deposed by the Brltlsh In 1795. Ramsnsthapuram remained in Brltish administration till 

1801 when the entire territory of Carnetic was assumed by the ~ritish'~. 

The Nayakdom of Thanjavur was formed in 1532 and became independent of 

Viiayanagar empire by about 1650. Succession disputes among the Nayak's family brought 

the Bijapur Sultan through their Maratha general Ekoji who esconsed himself on the throne of 

Thanjavur and founded the Maratha rule in 1678 replacing the Nayak rule1? Ekoji ruled 

Thanjawr till 1685. From 1685 to 1740 there were many civil wars among the members of 

Maratha royal family for Thanjavur throne. The Sethupathis and the Thondaimans of nearby 

Pudukottai were attacking Thanjavur. During the period of our study the tranquility of Thanjavur 

was disturbed many times. Finally Thanjavur was annexed by the English in 1798.

In 1736 the rulers of Tamil country bowed to the Mughal imperialism. The Nayakdoms 

became their trlbutory states. The southem part of Mughal territory known as Camatic, was 

inagurated with Arcot as headquarters. The first Nawab Zulphikarkhan established his authority 

in Carnatic. But the Nawabs of Arcot due to political and others factors could not keep the 

country intact. After the decline of the Nayaks, the disheartened auxillaly powers became 

inimical to the Nawab of Arcot, who failed to make hay while the sun shone. The powerful 

local Poligars took the bull by the homs defied the authority of the Nawab and consequently 

the Camatic reglon became a scene of incescent intrigues and conflicts. When Anwa~ddhin 

was appointed as the chief of Arcot, civil war broke between the Navayet and Wallajah family 

of Arcot. The Arcot episode coincided with the succession dispute for Nizamship of Hydrabad. 

Thus there was total political disruption in southem region paving the way for Europeans 

to enter in to our politics. The French and the Engslish who had already succeeded in 

establishing their hold in some parts of Coromandel started fishing in troubled waters supporting 

the rival groups in Arcot and Hydrabad to gain mastely over the situation. The Camatic wars 

that ensued as a result of such discard and dissensions were favourable to the English. With 

the characteristic policy of divide and rule and naval supremacy the English annihilated all their 

rivals one by one and emerged triumphant ultimately'6 . Mohamed Ali was confirmed in the 

Nawahship in 1754 who espoused the cause of the English. 

Mohamed Ali (1754-96) is an interesting personality in the history of South lndia and 

was responsible for the firm footing of the English in the peninsula. His period was full of wars. 

He had to face hostilities from various quarters. The English pretended to be the champions 

of the Nawab and their alliance yielded him some timely victories. The English slowly grabbed 

the political powers of the Nawab and became partners in administrations. By 1795 the 

English East India Company became the defacto rulers of the Camatic and the Nawab was a 

shadow. 

The English with the characteristic statecraft outwitted the native powers taking the 

wind out of their sail. The Poligars who emerged on the mins of the princely order, refused to 

comply with the demands of the Company. The Poligar rebellion of 1799 was suppressed 

ruthlessly, liquidating the influence of the local chieftains. The Nawab was made as a 

Pensioner by the treaty of 1801 and the British paramountacy was firmly and permanently 

established in our land. 

In these political background the Commandel TamU Muslims were In a pedlar sltuatlon 

From the available sources right from the rise of Islam in Coromandel, the Muslims were not

participants in the political activities. But thq took up a leading part in long distance trade, 

coastal trade and other maritime and economic activities wlthout any ambitlon for political 

prominen= However thqr enioyed the condons and g d of the dng houses in view of 

the proftt the &n detivod from the tmde contacts monitored by them. They had no direct access 

to political or military power In the kingdoms of the region. They were, it seems, passive 

spectaton of all the political disturbances and whenever they were not abk to bear the political 

onslaughts they simply migrated to territories favowable to their commercial activities. 

The much written Muslim influence in the Pandya Court in 13th - 14th Centuries was 

mostly on commercial front and not political, Wassaf speaks about the prominance of one 

Takiuddin Abdul Rahman, the agent of Jamaluddii, the ruler of Kis (in Arabia). In the Pandya 

Court, Takiwddin is said to be the Wazir (Minister) of Mabar, who was succeeded by Sirajuddin, his 

son and his grandson Ntzammuddin in succession In the same position 17. It must be remembered 

that these were Arabs by descent (not natives of Coromandel). The position of Wadr or minister 

ascribed to these Arabs is not confinned by any Indian evidence so far though it is quite likely, from 

the Important positions they occupied that they excercised considerable influence in the Pandian 

Courts, of course because of their intimate connections with seabom trade1'. 

The Sultans of Madurai who ruled the Coromandel region for about 55 years (1323- 

1378) A.D. were military chiefs from the courts of Delhi Sultanate. Even the local commanders 

were of Delhi descent. The native Muslims might had been included in Military sewice here 

and there. From the writings of Ibn Batuta we are able to understand that there were no native 

Muslims occupying higher political position. So it is inferred that the Muslims were among the 

citizens of the lot under the Madurai ~ultanate'~. Even during the occupation of the 

territories of Coromandel by the Deccani Sultanates, the position of the native Muslims was 

the same as above. Further the Deccani Sultans encouraged their own people of Telugu 

country, to settle in the hinterland of Coromandel for helping their trading activities. During 

the period of our study the Nawabs of Arcot were actually the rulers of the Coromandel region 

but the native Muslims do not attain any special significant upliftment under their protection. 

Further, the Nawabs or his nobles were not very keen about developing maritime tiade in the 

coast there by to help the traditional Tamil Muslims. Thus, insplte of many centuries of Islamic 

political domination, we do not find the name of a Muslim chieftain or a native commander in 

the status of a Palayakkar in the entire Coromandel region. The Hindus continued their 

supremacy in political and economic spheres due to their numerical strength and Islamic rule 

did not deter them from becoming opulant and infl~ential*~. 

Arasaratnam has rightly argued that the Coromandel (Tamil) Muslims largely stood ouMde 

~~~poItics~the~lkonda~~~c~ntinueda~mmerdalomon~pd 

Hindw. This is mainly buse the Commandel Mush M no ethnic or kinship

SethupathkofRamaMthapaoam. Lwas~franherethey~hanocrrnrerdalmanagerstothe 

S e t h @ t o ~ ~ ~ H d ~ i n t h o I d n g dTahn e. 

4 ~ m a g n e t 

w(th~~,htheCoraTlandeLinthe~oftheM*dtheregbn,wmPeMthambi 

MardJMJard~adweQnotWanyotherMIIllhraatthbrtaar. ItbdCylWcffRthatthrough 

thes~patrofMuslh-ncanmeroewereat~coastard)rstn&of ittathey-grew 

toanyposticd~intho~etenttorles2~. 

T1-ecdonialpowen,thePolhrguese.CXdchardhEnghshwhoobtah7edpditicalpavershour 

territorywerem~tothe~~tiesofthe~~~tothe~Musl 

community. The Mtive nJers have fomm to protect the lighb of their om subpds who were m 

maritimebading~,~theurayforEuropean~.TheCoromKdelMusfimcarrmuruty 

ad~edthempehastothehanged~~~ndreaOocatedthebeconomic~andweremtvply 

reriaa~acqutineanyphdimpntance. Byacddentordehbemteprefewncztheycbetobe 

bbbd from dher gmqs of the sc&iy wtth reganl to political adhit@. Thu h the ouoaQ political 

hrlrgranj, the T d Dpealdng M h were a naghcted fm postica4r in the Coromandel region.

References 

S.A.Q. Hualnl, 7h thny d Ihs .&&a Canby 0hdo.d 1962) pp.74-75; 

FabsaL - Sbth W) p. 462; Cmhk+ History aflncdb. Vd. I0 p. 488; 

H.M. Ellctdh Dauon, (ed) 77rM&tydMb.&T&ly&*raca, 

HMbrhnr, (Lan&n, 1921) I0 p. 242 - 243; S.A.Q. Husaini, op.cit. 

S.A.Q. Huvlinl op.13 p. 108-109; N. Vonkatarama+ya, 7he ea& Erpsnvon in 

Soulh In& ( Madrar. 1942) pp 13-18. 

R. Sathhnatha lyar, Wory of he hbpk of Mdid (Oxford, 1924 ) p.65. 

C.S. Srknhasadwi. A Hirtovy of Gin.. and ilk Ru4n (Annamdai Nagar. 1943) p.65 

R. Sathbnatha lyer, op.cit, pp.52-59 

lbid. p.90 

K. Ram.A thny dMa&al(l736 . 1801) ( Madurai. 1974) pp. 68-71 

(Here after RaJayyan Madurai) 

FSG h%?at.vmn&&m W.41 p.108. 

M. C.. .: Vol. 44-A (1792) p.55; Revenue Consultatjons; Vo1.62-A (1795) 

pp 1796-97 and Vol. 105 (1800) pp.2515-16; TNA Madural District 

Records. Vol 1178 pp. 470-472 

Military despatches to England, Vo1.7 p. 80-81. 

M.' ' Vol. 42 p.607, 20 July 1772. 

Correspondence on permanent settlement of Southern pollams, Ramnad and 

Slvaganga Zanindanl p 27. 

Political Despatches to England, Vol.1 pp. 238-240. 

V.Vllddhagrlran. The Nayaks of Than/awr (Annamalai Nagar, 1942) p.31, 

K.Ra)ayyan. Madural, op.cit. p.25; 

K. RaJayyan. A History of British ~pk7mdCy m Thanjawr pp 61-65; Thanjavur Saranuathi 

Mahal Modi Manuscripts (Tr) No.3-142, 6-193. 

P. Subramanlyan. Social Hirtory of the Tamils 1707 . 1947 (New Delhi. 1996) 

pp.6-7. 

Elliot and Dowson, op.cit. Ill p.32. 

5. Krlshnaswamy lyengar, South lndla and her Mohamadan Invaders, (London 1921) 

pp. 69-73. 

S.A.Q, Hu#alnl, op.clt. pp. 111-119. 

P. Subrsmaniyan, op.cit. p.3 

S. Arasaratnam. Companies and Commerce, op clt. pp. 225-26.

Chapter IV 

THE MUSLIMS OF COROMANDEL 

lslam took root in South lndia well before the waves of invasions from Central 

Asia which gave rise to Medieval Muslim Sultanate in North India. The early spread 

of lslam was associated with the expansion of South India's wide ranging maritime 

trade network. Arab Muslim traders and navigators settled along the east coast of 

the peninsula - Coromandel - as early as elghth century A.D. and their number 

increased as the region began to play a central role in the international trade which 

linked South lndia to the enterpots of West Asia and international archipelago1. 

A chain of Muslim trading settlements grew up along the east coast from 

Pulicat to Colochal in Kanniyakumari. Many of these richest settlements were 

located in the coastal towns of Thanjavur. Ramanathapuram, and Thirunelveli districts. 

They had links with wider trading world of Arabian peninsula and the lndian ocean. 

The port towns of Coromandel coast came to be identified as centres of formal lslam 

in South India by 12-13th centuries. The localities such as Pulicat, Nagapattanam, 

K~lakkarai and Kayalpattanam contained significant number of Tamil speaking Muslims 

who could be classed as permanently professing lslam and were actually recognised 

as such within the wider society2. 

The beginning of the Muslim contact with South lndia was not an accident but 

a continuation of the ancient commercial intercourse between the Arabs and the 

people of South India. From the days of Joseph to that of Marcopolo and Vasco da 

gama, the Arabs were the captains of lndian commerce. Much of the lndian trade 

was in their hands. Because of the proximity of Southern Arabia to the sea and it's 

strategic locatlon on the lndian route, rare and highly priced products of India, 

China, and Ethiopia found their way here in transit to the western marts. Here were 

produced splces, and other aromata for seasoning food or for burning in the ceremonies 

of the courts and rituals, the foremost among them was incense, the most precious 

commodity of ancient trade. Arab writer, Ibn Fadbullah-ul- Omari (circa 1348 A.D.) 

the author of Masallk - kul - alzar, while writing about lndia says that it's seas are 

pearls, it's mountains are rubies and it's trees are perfumes3. 

The Arabs, being the great traffickers had access to both lndian and western 

ports. After third century B.C. vast of the lndian commerce fell at the hands of the 

Arabs. It Is also possible to assume that the South lndian Parava fishermen cum 

merchants took the South Indian articles in their vessels to the Persian gulf. The Arab 

took such goods to the! coasts of Africa. From there it was taken via upper Ni to Egypt4

The flowing trade of the Arabs in lndian and Chinese articles enabled them to 

establish their colonies in Southeast Africa and South lndia and capture the monopoly 

of trade in the ports of these region. It is generally believed that from vey ancient 

times, the Greeks and Romans were trading in lndian ocean ports. It may be noted 

that the Greek writers of second and first century B.C. do not allude to Egyptian 

and Greek merchants sailing to and from India. While Pliny (79 A.D.) and Periplus 

(88 A.D.) have copious reference to Arab trade in the first century A.D., but they 

have only casual reference about the Roman ships moving across the lndian ocean. 

According to Pliny the Romans used to purchase lndian articles from Arabs 

In about 77 A.D. in Southeast Arabian marts5. Periplus mentions about Greek 

ships along with abudant Arab ships in the port of ~uziris~. Even for such a traffic 

the Romans had to keep the Arabs in good humour and the Romans were able to 

send their cargoes to lndia only with the help of such Arab mariners which can be 

seen from the fact that the Romans were sending presents very often to the rulers 

of ~rabla'. The Greeks did not enjoy much favour from 1ndians8. Aden was 

occupied with a colony of Egyptians and Greeks and the monsoon was discoverd for 

Romans by Hippalus an Egyptian pilot. Because of this a large number of ships left 

for the East from den^. Ptolemy who wrote his treatise on geography in the 

middle of the second century A.D. does not mention the Greek or the Romans as 

sailing to the South lndian ports though he gives a detailed account of Tamil 

Country. On the other hand he mentions Mokha (Mocha) in Southern Arabia as the 

great emporium of trade for South lndian lu~uries'~. 

Thus the Arabs had commercial intercourse with South lndia from remote 

antiquity tlll the birth of Islam, unhampered by any power though with varylng 

degree of intensity. There was no scope for Greeks and Romans to develop their 

maritime trade in lndian Ocean except for a brief span in the middle of the first 

century A.D. when the Romans took Egypt. Even that may not be called direct 

trade as they had to depend upon the Arab mariners for guidance in their voyages 

and they purchased most of the lndian goods from Arab traders. Geographically the 

Greeks had no direct and short sea route to lndia and they had to cross the Arab 

countries by land to reach India. 

The Sangam literatures of the ancient Tamil country which are assigned to 

the second century A.D. speak much about a class of people called 'Yavanas'. The 

Yavanar are mentioned as traders, soldiers and artisans, in literature llke Ahananuru,

M~~llnlppattu, Ncd~~nnlvndnl,Prr~~mpnnnrr~~ppniIai, Mnnlmeknlnl, Mnd~~rnlknnrhi, 

Prrungalhal, seevayari11ll1a1l1ar1i and Silappadl~lkara~~~l' 

Scholars usualy interpret the word 'Yavanas' as Greeks and Romans. Some scholars 

extend it's application to all those who came from the west whether as intruders or as 

traders. It is also said that the word Yavana originates from lonian, the People lonian seas 

meaning the ~reeks". It seems to be a wry hard derivation for the purpose identifying 

the Yavanas with Greeks. Shahibul Qamus the well known lexinographer of Arabic 

language defines the word Yavana as a place name in Yaman in South Arabia. 

Yunan is a place near Ballaback, in Syria. The Yavan which stood as a 

place name must have been the stronghold of Yavanas. A Muslim tribe in south 

west province of China, was known as Yunnan Chinese writers called the Khalifa of Bagdad 

as the King of Yunnan13. According to Ceyiones tradition people who frequented the silk 

route, before the Arabs, were known as Yonas, a sibling of Semitic ethnicityI4 . In some 

old Tamil poems, Yavanam is said to be one of the fiftysix countries around lndia and it 

denotes ~rabia'~. The well known medical system of Arabia is "Unani" and it is prevalent 

in the same name even to this day. 

The horse trade of Arabs in the early centuries of christian era is well known16. No 

Greek writer has mentioned that the Greeks and Romans exported horses to South India. 

The list of Periplus on the goods exported from Egypt, does not include horses. Whereas 

Arabs were pioneem in horse trade, and the Arab breed of horses were rated best. 

The principal imports of the Arabs were cloth, gold, emarald, coral, wine, silk, furs, 

swords. Rose water, date and horses and exports were precious stones, pearls, crystals. 

odiferpus wood, cotton, silk, elephants, pepper, lead, camphor, cardamum, clove, nutmug, 

orange, lemon and betel leaf. 

The Roman trade with South lndia is evinced by the find of Roman coins in many 

parts of south India. These coins range frorn the time of Augustus to Antonius ( 27 B.C. to 

161 A.D.). But is it correct to suppose that these coins came to lndia only as a result of 

the direct contact of the Romans? The only inference that we can draw from these finds 

is that the south lndlan articles passed on to the Roman occupied territories. We know that 

for centuries, the Arabs were the middlemen of south seas and they used foreign gold coins 

as medium of exchange. It is also known that from Pliny and Periplus that the Romans even 

in the prime of their power were not able to excert their influence owr Indian trade which

emained mostly in the hands of the Arabs.Hence there is good ground to suppose that the 

Roman coins found in South lndia were brought by the Arabs who planted their colonies 

here as early as second century B.C. and not exclusively by Roman as commonly held. 

Further it may be noted that the Himayarite Arabs wre found to have minted coins on the 

Roman model and these coins imitate the Roman coins found in South India. It is therefore 

possible to assume that most of the Roman coins found in South lndia were perhaps minted 

at by the South Arabian themselves". 

Some Tamil terms of South lndian articles of trade such as Arisi (rice) lnchi @inger) 

pipeli (pepper) etc., were freely borrowed by the Greeks. But it will be seen that these 

words have their, traces in Arabic language since they passed on through this medium. 

From the foregoing discussions we can draw an inference that the word Yavana may 

denote the Arabs. The " Yavanacheri" (Yavana colony) of Pemmgathai, the Tamil classic, 

can be said to be Agartharsida's Arab colonies of South lndiaIs. These colonies were 

situated in the port towns. The Arabic form of port town is Bandar. (Mohamed Bandar, 

Shahidu Bandar) we find this word in Sangam Tamil literature to describe the ports like 

Kodumanal, as it was named and called by the ~rabs'? Hence we are lead to a safe 

conclusion that the Yavanas of Sangam literatures were the Arabs. 

The Arabs came as traders and not as conquerers and they accomodated readily to 

the condition of the localities where profitable trade could be pursued. They settled under 

the protection of the authorities and acquired a privileged position. The Arabs were 

ve~tik in many skills and knowledge in many spheres of learning - as tmders, manufacturers, 

navigators, warriors, geographers and as a scholars. The navigator Ibn Majid who conducted 

Vasco da gama from the east coast of Africa to Calicut, was a mariner, a merchant and a 

geographer who had compiled his own star atlas 'O. The Arab settlements in South lndia 

after the birth of Islam, were conglormerate of Persians. Arabs, and Abyssinians, all 

Islamised, speaking Arab tongue, have for the sake of convenience been designated as 

Arabs who dominated the Indian region silk route ". 

The Arab merchants who came to the coastal region of peninsular lndia for the 

Purpose of trade either contracted marriage or settled in their places of adoption and 

married local woman temporarly or permanently. The Arab mariners must haw practised 

a Sort of Muta Marriage (temporary marriage with a woman for a stipulated period) while 

they were in the ports of South India. They usually married a local woman and stayed with 

her for a few weeks or months. Thus the advantage was two fold; they secured not only a

wife but also a pbce for board and lodge. The chiiren born out of such maniages belonged 

to mother's stock and remained wlth the mothe?*. Thus the Arab colonies swelled in the 

coastal towns. 

The Arab seafarers redoubled their efforts at oceanic commerce after the advent of 

lslam in the 7th century A.D. These traders Islamised, continuing the contacts of the pre- 

Islamic days settled in many ports of the western and eastern coasts. Thus large muslim 

communities came into existence through the marriage of local women to Arab Muslim 

sailors and merchants and grew further through local conversions made by thew merchant 

missionaries. The women they consorted with and the people whom they converted 

belonged to different cultures but as Muslims they developed into a distinct community. 

Owing to the link of the Arab merchants between Arabia and lndia and Ceylon, from 

very early times "the Mohamedan influence in Southern lndia and Ceylon dates back almost 

to the very inception of Islam" 23. The companions of Prophet Moharned, Tharnirnul Ansari 

(Rali) and Mohamed Ukassa (Rali) migrated to the Indian coasts as zealous missionaries and 

settled in the eastern coast. Their tombs are at Kovalam and PorotoNovo respedively, The 

tombs of the other earliest missionaries such as that of Kassim (Wali) A.H. 4/624 A.D., and 

Abdul Rahiman (Wall) A.H. 8/628 A.D. are found in Kottaru (Kanniyakumari District) and 

Kottharisa Hills (Thirunelveli District) respectively. lslam slowly prenetrated in to the 

hinterland also. At the Chola capital Uraiyur, (modern Tiruchirappalli) the earliest mosque 

in Tamil Nadu can be seen. It is near the Kottai Railway Station in Tiruchirappalli town in 

the form of a small mandapam and the Arabic inscription here informs us that it was built 

by one Abdulla Bin Mohamed Anwar in A.H. 116/734 A.D.. So lslam got a firm footing 

on the Coromandel Coast and it's hinterland even in the early years of ~ijira~~. 

The native Hindu rulers of South lndia like Rashtrakutas. Kakathias, Hoysalas, 

Pandyas and Zamorines encouraged settlements of the Muslim traders in their dominions 

offering special concessions and inducements because of the profitable foreign trade. 

Further, the Arabs were favoured because they supplied to the South Indian states, horse 

for their cavalry and men for manning thelr ships. In return the rulers assured safty to their 

merchandise and person. The Zamorine even gave them freedom to convert his subjects 

to Islam. He issued an edict that in order to get sufficient number of Muslims to man his 

naw, one or more male mmhn of the Hindu fisherrnon should be brought up as ~uslims~~ 

The Governments at the eastern coast also persued similar enlightened policy towards the 

Arabs, and the port tourns became welcome places to themzG. Because of the Arab Muslim 

intercourse, the ports of Coromandel commanded an extensive coastal and seaborne 

trade27.

As the Arab Muslim merchants settlements multiplied, in the course of time, they 

became an integral part of the populadon. They added a new pattern for culture and a new 

channkl for intellectual commerce. The Arab merchants enjoyed the liberty of preaching 

their faith, to the natives. In this with a dual role in mind they moved close to the lowest 

classes to whom Islam symbolised emancipation, equality and prosperity. To the efforts of 

these merchant missionaries are to be ascribed the formation of the earliest community of 

Indian ~uslirrs~. Thus these traders cum preachers did much for the spread of Islam. They 

also brought with them Mullas, Sufis, Mystics and other religious teachers. 

These Missionaries flourished on the evils of the Hindu society. The rigid caste 

system inflicted inequality, injustice and inequity on the low caste people. They were 

untouchables, never to rise In economic and social status and often harassed by the high 

caste people. With conversion, they entered the brotherhood of Islam, free from bondage 

and harassment with opportunity for uplift. Hence the preachings of Islam drew blocks of 

native people to it's fold and thus the Arab Muslim colonies on the coasts of South India 

swelled both by increase in the number of Arab immigrants in persuit of trade and by the 

inter related process of inter marriage and conversion. Ram Gopal has rightly pointed out 

"As a knife goes into a melon without much effort, x, did Islam, penetrate in to South Indian 

castes"29. Thus the Arab migrants of the early centuries of Hijira, stand as the progenetors 

of early Islamic communities of South India. 

The Mushrn population which integrated in the local society were influenced by Tamil 

culture. The early name "Yavana" disappeared from common usage and the Muslims of the 

east coast were known better, as Sonakar, or Jonakar (also in the same name in Malabar), 

Thurukkar or Thulukkan (in Coromandel). Epigraphs and literatures of the period from 

8-9th centuries have innumerable reference on the community. 

SONAKAR 

The early Tamil name of the Muslims was Sonakar or Sonakan or Jonakan. 

Thivakaranigandu (treatise on synanyms and meaning of Tamil words) of 8th century calls 

the Yavanas as Sonakar. Pingalanthai Nigandu of a little later period also confirms this3'. 

The commentator Nachlnarklniyar of Pathupattu, the Sangam poetry, uses the word Sonagan 

her ever the word Yawa 

In Sinhalise tradition, the Yavanas were called Yonakas based on Pal1 Yonna, meaning 

Arabs. Later the word Yonakar corrupted in to Sonakar and the Sonakars were 

recognised as the descendents of the Arabs. 

So Yonakar and the Sonakar were used 

to denote the same people. In ceylon Sonakar street is also known as

Yonakar street or Yon street even to this day. The official records of Ceylon called the 

Muslims population in Ceylon, as Sonakar. The earliest settlers among the Muslims of 

Ceylon are called as Ceylon Sonakar and the recent South Indian Muslim migrants are 

known as Indian s oWz. In MalayaJam tradition also Yonaka stands for Sonaka. Sodem 

in Tamil stands for Arabia. 

An inscription of Raja Raja I in Thanjavur Big Temple mentions a Muslim merchant 

by name Sonakan Samur Paramch~thi~~. Another inscription of the same temple gives the 

name of an ornament as "Sonakan Sidd~kku~~ An inscription of Maravarman Sundara 

Pandia (1238 - 1257) mentions a mosque as Sonaka Palli (Palli-Mosque)%. We find ample 

references about Sonakars in Tamil literatu~es~~. A folk dance of Tamil Nadu was called as 

Sonaka Manjari. The Arabs, later the early Muslims, were considered to be foreigners and 

a tax was collected from them known as "Sonaka Vari"38 Many other inscriptions also 

mention Sonakarss9. 

Thus the Muslim population of Coromandel, from eighth century, came to be called 

as Sonakars. It is also interesting to note that the Mapilla's of Malabar were known as 

Sonaka Mapillas. Francis while writing about the Muslims of South Arcot district says that 

the term Sonagan applied (to both Labbais and Marakkayars) in the districPO. The Marakkayan 

of Ramanathapuram coast were known by the name Sonakar even in the last quarter of the 

nineteenth centuty according to a family document of the year 1881. (document No.535/ 

1881 registered Ramanathapuram Registration office). 

The remnants of the word Sonakar can be seen even to this day in the Muslim society 

of Coromandel. Muslims who are engaged in fishing activities go by the name Sonakan in 

many coastal vlllages and their habitation settlement is called Sonakavadi. They are 

considered to be in the lower strata of the present day Muslim sociehpl. There are place 

names wch as Sonakan Viki (Thinmelveli district) Sonakan Paffl ( Ramanathapuram district). 

The old name of Kayalpattanam was Sonagapattanam. There are Sonakan streets in 

Cuddalore, Tuticorln, Kayalpattanam. PortoNovo, Thondi. Manadapam, Vedalai and 

Kilakkarai.2. The long association of the Sonakars in the seafaring activities is suggested 

by the name of the fish like Sonakan Thirukkai (String ray) Sonakan Valai (Trichiurus 

muticus) and Sonagankezhuthi (Macronus punctatus)".

THULUKKAR 

The Muslims of Coromandel were also called as Thulukkar, along with Sonakar. 

Thulukkar, means the native of Turkey. Though all the Muslims who frequented Coromandel 

Coast had not come from Turkey, this term is vey commonly and popularly applied to all 

the Muslims by the fellow Hindus. While the word Sonagan is very sparcely used, Tulukkan 

is in popular use even to this day44. 

Adiyarkkunallar the commentator of Silappadhikaram translates the word "Yavana" 

as Yavanathurukkar. 

Several Tamil literatures of later period also refer to the Muslims as 

~hulukkar~. According to some scholars the word Thurushka came into use right from 

second century A.D since emperor Kanishka was Thurushka by ethnicity as mentioned in 

Kalphana's ~ajatharangini~~. Sanskrit and Telugu literatures give the term Thurushka for 

Thumkkar. The Pmsasthis of Vijayanagar kings Include titles like Thulukka moham thavirthan, 

Thulukka thalavipadan etc., (i.e those who defeated ~uslims~'.) The Sultanate of Madurai 

in (14 th centuy) was called Thulukkaniam and Thulukka avanam4'. 

were called ~hulukkanam~~. 

Thulukkar settlements 

Thulukkar and Thulukkan are wy well rooted words in the Coromandel society to 

call Muslims, and this influence can be seen in all the spheres of life. Thulukkappoo (flower) 

Thulukkasamanthi (African Merigold) Thulukkamalligai, Thulukkappasali (Besella green) 

Thulukkappalaru (KLdnq, Bean) Thulukka Kathazhai. There are place names like Thulukkanpatti 

(Virdunagar Tk) Thulukkankulam (Aruppukkottai Tk) Thulukkankurichi (Mudukulathur Tk) 

Thulukka Muthu (Avinasi Tk), Thulukkathandalam (Kanchipuram Tk). 

ANJUVANNAM 

In earlier times, the Muslim settlements of the coastal towns functioned as 

a Wid for themselves, like the merchant guilds of the Hindus like Ainoorravar. 

and ValanJlar . The name Anjuvannam found in some copper plates and inscriptions 

of 12-13th century A.D. along with the names of other merchant guilds is considered

to be the merchant guild of the Muslims. Anjuvannam is a Persian word meaning 

assembly or congregation. An old mosque in Thenkasi (Thirunelveli Dt) is 

called "Anjuvannam Pallivasal" (mosque) even to this day. Scholars like 

Burnel believed it to be the guild of Jews or Christians. But we find the name 

Anjuvannam in the earliest Islamic Tamil literature, Palsandamalai (15th century A.D.) 

which makes it clear that it denotes the Muslim merchant guild. Such merchant guilds 

functioned from Kottayam, Thirthandathanapuram and Nagapattanam. So the Muslim 

merchants of the early settlements functioned as a guild for the promotion of their tradiig 

actl~itles~~. 

The Socii Segments of the Muslims of Coromandel 

The M~ulim of Coromandel coast are socially organised themselves h to segments 

or sub-dlvlsions. 

They are Rawthar. Labbai, Marakkayar and Deccanl. Mattison Mines 

includes Kayalar to this list5'. The Marakkayars who migrated from Kayalpattanam area are 

called as Kayak in other pkces for easy rewgnltion. It is essentially a te~titorial identification. 

When compared with the meaning and titles of other sub divisions, the Kayak sub division 

seems to be superfluous. In the census report of 1891 of Madras Presidency some more 

peculiar nib divisions among the Muslim are also given such as Puliankudiyar, Elayankdiyar, 

Musiriar, Vaigaikaraiyar, all denoting the place name from where they hailsz. These 

territorial identifications cannot be construded as social segments since such territorial 

identification is very common even among the Hindu castes and tribes. Hence Mattison 

Mine's inclusion of the Kayalar as the social segment of the Muslims of Tamil Nadu needs 

a correction. 

The social segments of the Muslims such as Rawthar, Labbai, Marakkayar 

and Deccanl cannot be called as castes nor are they classes. 

(Caste is a disinctlve 

feature of Hinduism and has no place in Islam). Social incompatibility with regard 

to either to Intermarriage or interdlning whether due to difference in race, occupation 

or geographical position is one of the most essential attributes of caste). No such 

character~stic elements are met with 

among these segments of the Muslims

since there is no bar for interdining and intermarriage.Further they are not 

heirarchlally ranked like castes as all subdivisions are equal. But it Is extremely 

difficult to distinguish one from another as they merge with each other. Despite 

distinctions of the sub divisions or segments the profession of Islam is a single 

distinctive religion to all of them. 

The names of these sub divisions are rather occupational titles. It is behaviorally 

diffucult to distinguish the sub divisions on the basis of the occupational distinctions. 

The facts relating to their origin indicate their occupational factorss3. The 

above social segments are in vogue for a very long time. 

These occupational 

titles ' are intermingled with one another. For example, the Labbai boatmen call 

themselves ~arakayars~'. Each segment or subdivision has a very fascinating derivasions 

to the origin of the name. 

An attempt is made in the following pages to trace the 

etymology and sequence of these occupational titles of the Coromandel Muslim society. 

RAWTHAR 

A subdi~ision of the Tamil speaking Muslim society are called as Rawthar because 

of their association with hone trade, horse riding and training. 

The flourishing horse trade between Arabia and east coast is referred to in the 

Sangam ~teratures~~. During the madieval ages, the ports of Kilakkarai, Devipattanam 

and Kayalpattanam were busy centres for trade in horses. Marcopolo, Ibn Batuta, Wassaf 

and Rashiduddtn give dehkd accounts of horse trade in the Coromandel ports. The traders 

on horse were called " Kudirai Chettis" in inscriptions,56 irrespective of their religion. 

Rawthar is generally stood for horsemen5'. 

Even Hindu ~lers and soldiers were 

adorned with the title Rawthar. The Sanskri!&d form of horseman is " Rahootha " as fwnd 

in epigraphs58. Some of the Telugu rulers bore the title Rahootha ~ a ~ a One n ~ of ~ the . 

Uties of Raja Raja was Rahoothamindan". 

In an inscription of 1510 the name of one of 

the rulers of Kongu country is given as Paravatha ~awthar~l. Some mirasdars in Thanjaw 

district in 17-18th century had the title Rawthar and they are said to be expert horse 

riders6P. Some of the Telugu speaking people in Tamil Nadu are called " Ravuth ",

which is considered to be a subcaste of Balija. It is also the title of some ~annadi~as~~. 

These people might be the descendants of the soldiers employed in the military of 

Vijayanagar as horsemen or associated with horse tiding or trade. It is interesting to note 

that the women folk of the Ravuth families follow some custom similar to that of Rawthar 

(Muslim) women. 

The well known byend ol the Slva Salnt Manlkkavasclgar of the elghth century A.D. 

is connected wlth the purchase of horses for the Pandya king. In that the Lord Siva who 

appeared in diguise as a horseman to protect Manickavasagar and he is called by the name 

~awthar~~. Lord Muruga is praised as Rawthar by saint ~runa~iri.~~ Thus the term 

Rawthar was also being used as a title of respect and honour. 

Anyhow, " Rabithu " in Arabic, ' Ravuth " in Telugu " R a w in Tamil. " Rahootha" 

in Sanskrit - all terms are titles connected with horse traders, cavalry soldiers, horse riding 

or training and this title was applied to all those who were connected with these activities; 

later it came to be retained by a section of Tamil spedkng Muslims only. Thurston says that 

it was the title of Jonaga Muslims. When the horse trade was brisk, some of the Arabs and 

Persians might haw been employed in the service of the local rulers to train the horses and 

for their unkeep. Those who stayed in Coromandel Coast and the hinterland courts of the 

rulers, chieftains and Zamindars, for this purpose, might have contracted matrimonial 

alliances with native women and their descendants came to be called as Ravuthar or 

Rawthar. Mattison Mine's averment that the Rawthar and Labbai " do not claim any Arab 

ancestry " is not correctb6. 

Though the present day Rawthar Muslims are without horses and activities connected 

with it, the title Rawthar stayed among them and was faithfully followed to this day. There 

are many place names like Rawthamatham (Kallakurichi Tk) Rawthanpatti (Kulithalai Tk) 

Rawthan Vayal (Pudukkottai Dt) Rawthanpalayam (Thiruneiveli Tk). These places might 

have been their early settlements or their stronghold. They remember their ancient trade 

and heroic valour in their marriage ceremonies and the bridegroom is conducted in prodon 

On a horse. 

But this practice is fast disappearing. 

At prosent there are many wealthy Rawthar Muslims engaged in different trades in 

the coastal towns and as well as in the hinterland.

Labbai is another general term used to denote the Tamil speaking Muslims. The 

census report of 1881, says that " the Labbak are knwm as Coromandel Moplas, with slight 

admlxure of Amb blood and also natlw converts, they are thrifty. industrious and enterprising, 

plucky mariners and expert traders and they are distinct from ~arakka~ars~'. They are 

also called as merchant Mohamedans. The census report of 1891 describes them as a 

mixed class of people consisting partly compulsory converts to lslam made by the early 

Muslim invaders and Tippu Sultan 68. It is a fact that vast majority of Indian Muslims are 

converts. It is said that force was used on several occasions but the existing historical 

ev~dances does not enable us to estimate either the scale or the effectiveness of such 

conversion^^^. The myth that lslam was spread by force with sword in one hand 

and the Quran on the other have no substance with regard to Coromandel 

Coast. Here the propagatlon of lslam was the achievement of peaceful traders 

and pious sufi missionaries. 

The word Labbai seems to be of recent origin, for, in Tamil Lexicon this segment of 

the Muslims is denoted as Sonagan. The Labbais were textiles and mat weavers in inland, 

and ship crews, traders in marine products and expert, divers of pearl and chank fishery in 

the coastal belt. Even at present, both Labbai men and women in some areas earn their 

living by weaving korai mat. The Manual of Adminiition of Madras Prsidency points out 

"The Lubbys are exceedingly industrious and enterprising in their habits and pursuits there 

being no trade or calling which they do not succeed. They are fishermen and boatmen. 

They are lapidaries, weavers, dyers, jewellers, bazaarmen, boatmakers, shop owners and 

merchants. Tamil is their mother tongue. In religion they are orthodox Muslims. Thurston 

says that their title is Rawthar and Marakkayar" 'On. But the Marakkayars consider 

themselves better than Labbais. 

Col. Wllks derives the word Labbai from Arabic "Labbaik (here I am) in the sense 

of a semt or s slave.". Howewr, in the strict lslamic sense, the term denotes a religious 

teacher or a priest or fU& and it accords with the Hebrew word " Led " meanfng, a priest. 

The Labbai-Priests, mullas and Khazis are popularly known among the

Muslims of Tamil Nadu as Lovai. It Is correct to infer It in this sense. It Is also used in the 

same sew by the Indonesian ~uslims~~. However, in due course of time, thii term stayed 

as the title of a subdivision of Tamil speaking Muslims alone . 

But the term Labbai b very liberally used by European witers to denote most of the Mush 

of Coromandel Coast. Prosperous traders and shipowners among the Marakkayars are also 

mentioned as Labbais in the European trading company records, as will be described in 

detail in the subsequent chapters. 

" bbbai" is considered to be a class name for the purpose of educational concessions, 

in Tamil Nadu at present. 

MARAKKAYARS 

Tho Mamkkayars are the dominant group of Muslims in the Coastal tavn of CoromKdel 

in numerical strength and wealth. Their settlements are essentially urban in character. 

Most of the Marakkayars are associated with seafaring and maritime activities. The 

European company records contain a lot of informations about them. 

The origin and meaning of the term Marakkayar has been obscured and confused 

because scholars apxxiate it indiscriminately with other sutdivisions ofthe Muslims. Thurston 

the authority on Castes and Tribes of wuthem India has contradicated himself while giving 

definitions of various sub divisions of Muslims of Coromandel " Ravuthar or Rowthar " 

accordtng to him " is a title used by Labbai and ~arakka~ar'~. In the account on Labbai 

he says that " their titles are Marakkayar (Marakkalam) and Rawthar ( a horsemen)74". The 

gazetteer of Ramanathapuram known as Marakayars or ~awthar". 

Different scholars derive the word Marakkayar from different languages and give 

various Interpretations. Francis derives the word Marakkayar from Arabic " Markab". The 

Story goes that when the first batch of Muslim migrants landed ashore they were naturally 

asked who they were and whence they came. In 

answer, they pointed their boat and 

Pronounced the word " Markab " and they in consequence came to be knom to the Hindus

as Marakkayan or the people of ~arkab.'~. We are not sure how the word Markab could 

corrupt as Marakkayar. The forefathers of other Muslim subdivisions alw came in boats or 

marakkalams or Markab. Quadir Hussain Khan says the word should be taken from the 

Arabic word Markab or Tamil word ~arakkalam~'. 

Thurston again says " there is some confusion concerning the exact application of the 

name Jonagan but I gather that it is applled to sea fisherman and boatmen while prosperous 

traders are called Marakkayars" ". The Glossary of Madras Presidency traces the word 

Marakkar, in Malayalam, Marakkalam, Mara-boat + Kar the plural termination showing 

possession79. Some ingenious Marakkayars trace the term, to Egyptian Quohira or Cairo 

and the Tamil word " Marai " and attribute it to their knowledge of Koran and Egyptian origin 

(Maraikkahiriyor). Plausible as both these derivations are, they indicate the desire of the 

Marakkayars to rise themselves in popular estimation. Their ancestors did not come from 

Cairo nor could their learning have been so well known among the Tamil as to win for them 

the name with such a dgnifi~ance.~~. 

Strange and funny derivations of the term from the shape of the cap of Muslims 

like Marakkal, a devise to measure grain and from their assumption that they were so 

rich that they measured their wealth in marakkal, is also givenB1. To some Marakkayars 

it is a corruption of Moraccar, or Moraccoyar, i.e. settlers from Moracco. To Logon, the 

term 

Marakkar is an abrivation of Margakaran (follower of law) and it was applied as 

a title to persons of christianity and Islam. 

Another Common and popular later 

derivation is from MaW Rayar ; the leader or owner of maraWcakm or boat BIamkkahm 

+ Rayar - Marakkalarayar) like other Araiyars like Vanatharaiyar, Vallatharaiyar, 

Kalingathamiya~.~ Most of 

the writers who foUow this derivation, say that the Marakkayars 

(Muslims) were the lords of marakka!am. Almost all the writen on Muslims use this derivation. 

Nobom Karashima while citing the word Marakkalmayan found in a Tamil inscription 

of eleventh century, in Sumatra (now in Jakarta Museum) would argue that the word seems 

to relate to the term Marakka~ar used to denote the seafaring muslim merchants of Tamil 

Nadu and Kerala coasts in later period B3. Some other writers also have referred to this

inscription and said the term marakkalanayan is the old form of the term Marakkayar the 

ship owning Muslims But the term nayan or nayakan will generally mean as leader. 

captain or owner. So, marakkalanayan will denote a ship owner, ship captain or a ship 

commander. Kambaramayanam would call Guhan as the leader or owner of a thousand 

boats. Thirukkaranapuranam, the Islamic Tamil literature of nineteenth century mentions 

the curer of a ship as Mar-yan. It is our argument here that the word Mad!&nayan, 

Marakkalanayakan,. Marskkalarayan etc., are general terms to denote seafaring people 

includhg the Mu3lima and it does not show any relevance only to MaraWcsyan . the Muslims 

as printed out by the above scholars and the origin has to be traced elsewhere". 

The present day Marakkayars consider a copper plate believed to have been granted 

by Jayaveera Rajagum Nayani, during nineth century, A.D., as their birth certificate, since 

the word " Marakkalarayar " appears in that plate, as the title conferred upon Mohamed 

Khalji, the leader of the fugitives from Kaitrun (Cairo) who settled at Kaithrunpattanam or 

Kayalpattanam'. On this basis, perhaps the Marakkayars claim their descent from Egypt. 

The historlclty and authenticity of this copper plate is doubtful 8'. 

Khan Sahib Mohideen Kadarsha Marakkayar of Tuticorin Marakkayar Mahal, had 

cirulcated a phamplet on 7.1.1919, purportedly to be the true copy of the above copper 

plate. 

Accordiig to the copper plate, fearing the tyranny of the Arab rulers of Misru, some 

228 members, men and women and slaves under the leadership of one Mohamed Khalji, 

sailed in a ship and reached Sembinadu ruled by Abirama Adiveera Raja Jayaveera Rajaguru 

Nayani. KhaljI, appealed to the ruler for a copper plate grant which was issued. Since the 

settlers migrated from Kaitrun, the ruler in the copper plate named the place of their 

settlement as Kaltmnpattanam and the settlers were given the name Marakkalarayar, since 

they came in a Marakkalam. The date of the copper plate is given as Keelaga, 798. The 

new settlers were conferred with liberal land grants, tax concessions, and right in pearl 

fishery in the region. 

According to the explanatory note for the copper plate as glven In the phampkt that 

the gerwology of the families of the settlers is traced to those of Prophet Mohamed and the

khaliphs Abubakkar, Umar, Farook and Uduman. Jayaveera Raja Gam is identified as the 

Chola who ruled from Madurai as the 74th Pandya king. The terms Marakkayar and 

Rawthar are derived from Marakkalarayar and Ranuvayukthar respectively. Kaitrunpattanarn 

is said to be the present Kayalpattanam. The date has been calculated as April 875 A.D. 

We have no information about the wisewabmk of the on& copper plate. The Mamkkayats 

and Rawthars quote this copper plate in diiussions about their origin and antiquity. rext 

given in the annexure). 

Even a superficial scrutiny of the text of the copper plate exposes seveml anachronisms. 

inaccuracies and paleographical errors. In the entire genealogy of the Pandyas there is no 

reference to any Chola or Pandya by the name Jayaveera Raja Garu, whicnh denotes a 

Telugu chieftain. The date 875 AD is untenable. There is no possibility of any part of Tamil 

Nadu being ruled by a Telugu chieftain more or less from Madurai in the nineth century AD , 

The name of the ruler and the terms like Nayakkar and Thalavai, Urkaval. Nattukkaval. 

Palayakkaval and Palayathar are paleographic anachronisms and are inconsistant with the 

antiquity claimed for the copper plate. If at all this copper plate is a genuine one, if not 

spurious, it should be assigned to the period of Nayak rule and could not be dated before the 

sixteenth centuyaa. 

The Marakkayars quote this copper plate as their birth certificate and also for 

claiming antiquity of their origin, titles higher status among the fellow Muslims, political 

validation for their claims and their rights in maritime activities in this soil. It is a fact that 

among tho Muslims of Coromandel the population of Marakkayars was much higher. They 

were also economically strong. Socialogically, a segment or a subsegment of a particular 

group or community which is numerically and economically strong, will project before the 

fellowmen, their status, by associating some myths and eulogy to Justify their status in the 

society and thereby establishing their rights in every field of human activities. 

In the similar way this copper plate might have hcan invented by the Markkayars in 

a period when their claims were in question. According to the copper plate, they claim a 

direct line of descendance from the Prophet Mohamed and the first four Khaliphs.

No doubt this is to enhance their ethnological superiority over other segments of Islamic 

society. They have tried to quote polltlcal recognitions yiven to them by a ruler lo the 

territory. They a h trace the term Marakkayar from nineth century. Above all the copper 

plate contemplates their professional right In pearl fishing, salt manufacture etc.. as granted 

by the rulers of the territory from a very long time. Thus a critical analysb of this copper 

plate, will go to show the intention of the Marakkayars In focusing it for claiming a higher 

status over the other segments, besides, to establish their professional rights in maritime 

acdvitties which was threatened by the Paravas and the advent of the Europeans. Hence this 

copper plate can be said to be a socialogical (folk) charter than a historical document, and 

it is clearly doubtful to assign an early date i.e. 9th century, to the term Marakkayar, as 

given therein. 

The Sinhalese called the Arab traders as " Marakkala Mininsu" meaning a mariner 

or a boatmena9. Marakkala Mininsu is a corruption of Markar mininsu. In Ceylonese coasts 

the prosperous Malabaris (Sonagars) were called Markar. In the 15-16th centuries all the 

prosperous Sonaga Malabaris were known under the title Markar. Markar came to be spelt 

as Marakar, Marikar and Maricar at later periods. In the old family documents of the 

Muslims of Ceylon their ancestors are noted as only Marican.(not Marakar). But this term 

1s not in use in Ceylon at presentg0. It is interesting to note that at present many of the 

Marakkayars of Karaikkal region style themselves only as "Marikan". 

We have seen that the Malabaris were called in Ceylon as Marakars, and it is 

commonly held to denote the people from Malabar, the Malayalam speaking region or west 

coast of peninsular of India. But linguistic studies reveal a very interesting information on 

this point that the Malabaris are none else than the Tamil speaking Sonagan. Two books. 

Thambiran Vanakkam (1578) and Adiyar Vanakam (1586) were printed and published in 

Kottayam. It was said to haw been printed in Malabari language and the script was believed 

to be in Mslayalam. But when the originals were made available recently, it was found to 

have been printed In Tamil and that the script is mentioned in the book itself as Malabari. 

With this we come to know that Tamil language was also called as Malabari and the Tamils 

as Malabarls from sixteenth centuryg'. Ananda Rangapillai the famous Dubash of Duplew, 

in Pondlcheny was called as, " les chef des Malabaris ", (the chief of Tarnlls) by the French 

and the natives92. So the Malabaris who bore the title Markar later Marakar are the 

Coromandel Muslims.

From the indeginous records available at out disposal as at present, the authentic 

reference to the word Mamkkayar Is found only Ln the first quarter of the sixteenth centuy. 

The early reference to the name Marakkayar is found in the sixteenth centuy Islamic Tamil 

literary work, Mihura) ~alai~~. It is the Portuguese records of sixteenth century which 

mention very often the title of some prominent Muslim shipowners and maritime traders as 

"Maracar". It is variously written in those records, as Marccar, Marcar, Mercar, Merquar. 

Marcoy, Markar and Marakar. The first reference to this term in the Portuguese record is 

in the year 1504. 

When the Portuguese arrived In Malabar coast, they found here some people similar 

to their old enemies, the Muslim (Moor) conquerors of Spain. The Portuguese called them 

Moors, as named by the Spanish chronicles which is synonymous with Arabs or Sera~eans~~. 

In general the Muslims were known only as Moon to the Portuguese 95. 

Their records also 

mention the Muslims only as "Moors".The other early European records too mention the 

Muslims of east coast as Coromandel ~oors~~. But the prosperous and influencial 

shipowners and maritime traders were referred to under the title "Marcar" in the early 

Portuguese records, such as lsmale Merquar (1504)~'cherina Marcar (1512)~' Mamale 

mercar (1512)'' Pate Mercar (1557)lo0 Mouro Mayane Mercar (1553)"' and Cunhale 

Mercare. These references lead us to a satisfactory clue about the etymology of the term 

Marakkayar. 

The Muslims of west coast who were engaged in the seafaring activities 

were generally called as " Marakan" in Malayalam, meaning a sailor, steamerman. 

a commander, a rank among the fishermen and Mapillas and a title given to the 

Map~llas'~~. Dalgoda says that the term Maracar and Marcar (similar to Ceylonese 

usage) originates from Marakan, meaning a ship commander and the title of the 

Muslims of Malabar'03 The Tamil Lexicon traces the word Marakkayar from the 

root word "Marakan" in ~ala~alarn'~~. The Palli fishermen of Telugu country 

are called as Marakkallu which is equivalent to the term ~arakan'".lt 

be seen that tho early Sonaga Muslims who were active in seafaring actidties in west coast 

were called as Marakan and the prosperous among them alone were called wlth respect as 

"Maracar" or Marah (Maracan - singular, Maracar - honofiric plural). 

will

The Portuguese used this plural honofiric form to address the leading Muslim traders and 

ship owners, as recoded in their early records. Since the Tamil Muslims - also known as the 

Malabark - were having free trade contact wlth the west coast, the title Marakar would haw 

been applied to them ah. According to Mapllla tradition, the Marakkayars were originally 

the maritime merchants of Cochin. The Diaries of Malabar second commission 1789 and 

the Matilakam records contain instances where the title Marakkar was conferred on 

distinguished Mapillas by the rulers as late as 18th centurylo6. The boat owning Muslims 

of Cochii are still called as Marakar and their women are called ~ara~tathi'~'. Thus in the 

long course of time, only the term Maracan ( from Malayalam) came to be spelt as Marakar, 

Maricar, Marican-Maraikkayar, Marakkalarayar and Marakkayar, which in our view, seems 

to be the correct etymological derivation. 

Since it was the practice to call the most prosperous traders among the Jonagan or 

Sonagan sea fishermen and boatman as Maracar. Infact, those in the other subdivision who 

have touched the great heights in wealth and status aspire for the badge of Maracar or 

Marakkayar and got admitted into the Marakkayar fold. Indeed the title was conferred on 

the chosen few and not on all and sundry. Hence the Marakkayars represented the cream, 

the elite of all the wbdivisions or segments in the areas where they predominate. But in the 

course of time the term was more generously applied to all the coastal Muslims, irrespective 

of their soclal standlng. 

Among the Marakkayars of the Coromandel Coast, we find some more subgroupings 

with titles Wce Thandaiyar, Nagudha, Malurni, Sukkani etc.,. They suffix these appellations 

also with their names (like Marakkayar). For example, lsmail Marakkayar, Abdulkadar 

Nakhuda, Abubakar Malumi, Farook Thandaiyar or Thandel, Sulaiman Sukkani etc.,. 

All these titles are connected with seafaring and shipping occupation. Aini - i - 

Akbari of Abul Fazal gives the following classes of personnel in the management of 

the ships. Nakhuda or Nakhoda : - the owner or captain of the ship who fixes the 

course of the ship. Maulim or Malumin : - the navigator, he must be acquainted with 

the depth and shallow of the sea, know astronomy and guide the direction of 

the ship. 

Tundel (Thandal, Thandel, Thandayar):- the chief sailor or buffer.

Shinng :- for superintending and landing the shii, the yardmaster, Bandan :- Accountant 

Sukkanger or Sukkani :- helmsman who stears the ship according to the advice of the 

rnalm:Panjmi :- Who looks out from the top of the mast, gives notice when sea, !and or 

ship or stam, are sighted. Tope, Wwm are othot hercommon sailors or IGplasis'08. 

Almost all these sub titles can be seen among the Muslims of the coastal towns who all 

themselver Marakkayars. There are Malumiar and Sherang streets in Nagore and other 

places. 

A section of Muslim Marakkayars engaged in fishing activities are also known as 

Sammatis. The vessel used for fishing is called Samban, and it's captain Sambanoti, which 

had corrupted to Samrnatti. The Marakkayar fisherman of Ramanathapuram coast are 

called by the title Sammati also. They are known as Sammankarar in Ceylon1oq . 

There are also some other interesting occupational titles among the Muslims of 

Coromandel. Kodikkal bran (Betal vein growers) Achukkatti (Maken of weaving device) 

Panju Kattl (Cotton labouren) Kuthimikattl Rawthar (Homemen) Yanikatti Rawthar (Elephant 

mahout). 

Thus the M~ITLS of COFOrnandel Coast b i l Nadu) are dici6ibk into main su-N 

(social segments) like Marakkayan, Rawthar and Labbai and these subdivisions are not 

caste names but only titles, which are occupation oriented. There is no religious bar for 

intermarriage and interdining, among these subdivisions. The only difference is that 

Marakkayars are Shafii, and Labbak and Rawthars are Hanafii of the Sunnite Muslim sect. 

The Muslims of present generation do not affix their age old titles and appellations 

like Rawthar, Labbai and Marakkayar with their names, except for limited purposes like 

marriage and educational concessions. Majority of the Marakayar businessmen who are 

afluent in the society suffix "Sahib with their names instead of Marakkayar. Fofiowing their 

ancient traditions, the Marakkayars of Kayalpattanam. Kilakkarai, Devipattanam, 

Nagapattanarn, Adlrampattanam and other coastal towns om business concerns in various 

countries.

CHOUAS 

The Wrds of the Dutch, English ard Dan& trading companies refer to the Coromandel 

M~as~,olo6asorChooliasingenem]. Abncstallthe~inthemedievalandrnodem 

lndia can tho MuslLns of tho C o r d as C h h or Chdar~"~. The tenn Clwb ws originany a 

tenitotial name, meaning m inhabitant of Chob cwnby"'. It appM to the people of all castes and 

&ions. Windue-ofdme,theM~d~mcalhdbythlstennhWon,&rmsMd 

Southe& kim hbies, since mosyl Mwlims went to these counbies for hade. There are Choh 

sheets in SLrgapore and &rma. There are Cholia Mush ADodaticm in &nma. Malaya and SingaporeIl2. 

country. 

The Deaanis or DakhnFs or PaaKlis are the Undu spealdng people in the hintehd of Tad 

After the invasbn of Mohamed Bin Kasim into M a in 712 A.D., the families of Grini, the 

slaves , Khllfi. Tugbque and MugM dywt!e and the Deccani SultMs established their authotity and 

nJed lndia from bdth century A.D. After the invasion of Malik Kafur in the first q&r 

of the farteenth 

mturqr, Mudm lule extaded bqand the Vindhyas and the soh6 of the Muslim anny and dninkhton 

h.?d to stay in the Gmatic region for political puposes. Their dgcendnnk came to b called as Dakldnis 

(Deccanis- From Deocan) and Pattani (from Pathan) by the fellow Mwlims. Their mother tongue is 

Undu. Undu !mgmge is the mhtion of Ambic, Persian and Hinhrstani languages,which was in 

use among the soldiers of Muslim m y and later became an independent knguage. The Deccanis also 

h t T d whkh they call " AM: 'I. 

Aftortlle~oftho~tesof~,therewasalargeuah~Uonofthesepeopleto 

the Arcot Subedari. They got the ptr- of the Namb. Their ckscmhb settla' in North Awt, 

South Arcot ad Thanjm.ur, ThdhppUi, Mad~nai and RKNlaj d i . After the fall of the Nawabs 

of h ot they muted to rarious bades ad pmfesions nrh as tannery, cigar makhlg, rnanufm of 

decomtiue wares and ornamental cloth. 

The ma)u m&n mmmtmities arh as Marakhyar, la& 

and Rawthar are the decendants of 

the Arab, whm as the DeccMls me of Tuhh or Mangdoid derent. Thqi are all orthodox Smdte5 

ad profess Hanfi faith. How~ler, they me pat of the present day minaW M h community. % 

are ako dodared as ehmtiod,~ bhmd in Tamil NaduLI3.

References 

Susan Bayly, op.clt. pp. 73-74. 

ibld. pp.77-78; James Hornel. Sacred CXank, op.cit, pp.3-5. 

IXi Tkdammt - c;Merb - chap.37 - -25; ~~ &itanloa (eleventh Edn.) W U, p.264; 

K.A. Ni!dk8nta SdW, Fore&n Notices ofsatth &nUa (Madras 1939) p.20; Sulalman Nadvt. 

"Commercial relation of lndia vAth Arbii", ldamic cdm, April 1933, 

p. 281-309; Ibid.vol. VlIl 1934,p.l76; 

P.T. SrinkaM lyzngar, 7he Hk!oty of T h , p.12; George W. Spancer, 7he Pol& 

of&amkn, Lhe CXab ofSihnka d%pp (Madras, 1983) p.76. 

Pllny, 12-34. 

Schoff, An& of EyWm Sess (New yark, 1912), p,44 

Periplus, 80-82; K.A. Nllakanta Sastri op.cit. p.52. 

K.A. Nilakanta Sastrl, op.clt. p.128 

ibld. pp.6-7 

PK. HIW, The Hkby of hbs, p58. 

Ahananurn 148; Mullaipath~ 54-61; Nedunalvadai 101; Perumpanarmpadai 315-16; 

Manimekalai 19; 108; Maduraikanchl 321-323; Perunkathai : Yuki Potharavu 167-178, 

Magathakandam. Padumpathi.Potharavu 48. Magathakandam. Purathodukkiathu 

3-8, 1:47; 175-177, 1:37:76, Vathavakandarn Plchodanan 59-70, Vathavakandam 

Mugsvezhuthukadhal 59-60; Seevakaslnthaman1:- Gunamalalyar llambakam 296:1146. 

Namagal Ilambakam 85:114; Gandawa thathalyar llarnbakam 6:557; Silappadhikaram 

XIV 62-77, V, 7.63; Indiravlzhakadhal, 6-10, Urkan Khadhal 66-67. 

V. Kanakasabal Pillai. 7bmils 1800 years ago, (1904) p.12; M.M. Uwaise and 

P M Ajmalkhan. Islamia, Thamlzh llakkia Varalaru, (Madurai Kamara) 

, Unlverslty. Madural 1986) 1 pp.10-12; M.Abdul Rahlm, "Islam in Nagapattanam 

and also In many other Tamil works. 

K.A. Nilakanta Sastrl, op.cit. p.17 

Mahavamsa, W. Geiger, London, PTS 1950 Ch. X.V.90. 

M. R.M. Abdul Rahlm, Islamia Kalal Kalanchiyam, (Madras) Ill pp. 788-89. 

W w , 185186; 

P.K. HIM, pp.56-58; E.J. Rapsan, Indian colns (1897) plate 6: JRAS, 1906, p.610 

Elphlnrtone, The HMty of M, ( London ,1857) 1 pp.189-196. 

PathIhuppathu, 55, 4,51; 15-16. 67: 1-2; 74:5-6. 

W.H. Moreland, at 7he &ah+ ofAkbar(Delh1, 1989)pp.l86-187; K.N. Bahl 

" Wot Ibn Ma@ - who showed k o da garna the Sea route to India In 1498 " , 

hWay of Tkdtkud &@tlon (ed) G.Victor ~ajamanidtam and Y. Subbanyalu, 

I lhsnpwr, 1988 ), pp.141-148. 

A.M. I\reer, " Some Aspocts of Mdim Society of Ceylon with Special Reference to 

Eighteen Eighty ". Roceedings of the first international conference seminar of Tamil 

sMb, Kulalampur, 1966, Vol. I. pp. 746-61.

W. Roboltson Smlth, Mp and manisge m ea& Arabia (1907) pp. 77-79 

Victor S.D'Sours, " Status Group Among the MapiUas on the South Western Coast 

of lndk ", Chrto andd&a&adon Amcng h Mush ofh& (ed) lmtBz Ahamed, 

(New Delhl. 1978) p.41. 

K.P.S. Hameed, Second Islamic Tamil Iiteray, conference sovenlr, Timchy, 1973. 

pp.51-56; S.M. Kamal, Idmum ThamBgamm (Madras, 1989) pp. 14-16; 

J.M. di, Iharndthu Dsrga&i (Madrar , 1981) p.152, J. Rajmohamad " Islamic 

westl~ and culture In the hbtoy of Ti~chlrappalli", paper preoented in the Govem 

ment Museum lnaguratlon Seminar Tiruchirappalll - 1984; Susan Bayly p. 87, and 109 

TykaShuA*Allm,WMandhh-dTdM, (Madrar,1993) p.14. 

K.V. Krlohna lyer, A dofl &oy of Kerab. (Emakularn. 1966) p.64; A. Srklhara Menon. 

!h?b .%toy andit's makm, (Kottayam, 1987) W.H. Moreland, op.cit pp.245-246 Appadurai, 

.kncmk cm&m o/Soulhem h&, 4 p.564. 

S. Krlshnawamy lyengar, op.clt p 70 

S. MaqM Ahamed. lnob Arab Relations (New Delhi 1978) p.80 

A.B.M. HabltuUah, The F d W of Mush de h Ida (Ahhabad. 1967) p.1 

Ram Gopal.. A &bd &oy of hk M&, (New Delhi. 1988) p.2 

-, p31; Rrgahh'w, p.131. 

Pathupatlu, U.V. Swaminatha lyer editiion, p.337. 

M.M. Uwais and P.M. Aimalkhan, pp.9-10; I.L.M. Abdul Azeez, llankai Sonakar Ina 

bralam, (Colombo, 1907) pp. 13-14 

South IndLv, /Mu@bn, Vol.ll pp.460, 489, 49596 

lbki . I1 to 93. 

.%&I Mian hstn@&n. WI p.402; A.R.E. 116 of 1903. 

Kambaramayanam, Sundarakandam 112:207; Ottakkoothar's 

PUki Tad:77; lhnw&ddAuanam, (ed) U.V. Swminatha lyer, (1972) p.206; 

mnkhuad Kurad; nlirm&Raghmtha S8thlp964'hnnan 

M.M. Uwalse and Ajmalkhan, op.cit. 51 

A.R.E. 172 of 1903. 

lbki . 132; 149. 154. 156. of 1894. 

W. Francis. op.cit. 56-58 

Particulars collected in field studies in Thanjavur and Ramanathapuram districts. 

7bmlhn Anwry 4 p. 86; W. Francis ap. uY.p.299;M.M. Uwais and Ajarnalkhan 

op.clt. 52; FSG Thlrunelveli District Record Vo1.3570/1809, pp.5-6. 

7brnfl Lexicon, (1932) p.3395; M AWul Rahirn". Islam in Nagapattanam". 

Wpm Manippayagdnthi, Chandrasekara Pulavar. American Mission press, 

Neffna 1842); K&zhr~p/ p.21. 

14:13:902; KhgaLh-i 333; Kdothwpd~abn PWbi 

Td: 52. 

N. Akmal A N , .%nm Arpecir d&mk T i Uhue, Wgah. 1985) pp. 103-104. 

d w strk, ~0,669,670, 760, 763; m I ./mm m pt v p.130: A.R.E 

642 of 1902 ; Sarih I& TempC. -, 3WD249-1

Madd 7hahwrabn1, (Madurai TamU Sangam), p.2. ARE 587 of 1902; 

KoyUozhugu p. 138. 

7NnWa*rab I(rmrand2/, 65:l 

T n ~ n-orka, a ~ 

U pp. 67, 21-25, 34-35. 48-49; 6wb, fl p.68; 

A.R.E.598 of 1926. S. Vaiyapurl Pillai, Kalawr KarUral; T.V. Sadaslva Pandarathar, 

~ttdA@eppch unm& p.23; M.M Uwais and Ajamalkhan, op.clt pp.94 - 96; 

A.R.E. 1926-27. pt.11 

Mattison Mines, op.clt. p.161 

W r Hllrsan Khan, South Indm M h s (Madras 1910) p.60 

Manlson mines, op.cit. pp - 160-161 

Edgar Thdon and K. Rangachari, &es and T n ' of Wern India, Mew Mi (Rpt), 1975) N 

p.495 

Madmikanchl, 8-1628; Paninappalai 

A R.E. 556/1904; M M. Uwaise and Ajmalkhan. op cit. I, p 51-52 

InaYM Mt& muxi mmmkfion, Vd W. 1938. P85: lodm An*, Ill 1924 p 75; 

E&a* Camah, W p 141, Eop@phica I&, N p.66 

soulfi kdan Inruptbin, V p.428 

A.R E. 442,4906 

ibid. 367 of 1912; 414 of 1913. 

ibid. 169 of 1910. 

S.Raj, Thanw Mara!tw Mennar Seppedugd 50 Famil Uniwnity, Thanjawr 1987) p 31. 

- 

Thurston, op cit., VI, p.247. 

. . . 

- m t v a 

Km& Mangaram - Saint Arunagirinathar. 

m 

Manison Miner, op cit. 

Madras Cem Report 1881; Thurston op cit N p. 199; A Camlteer of Southem In& wfh 

T m e m pahzes and Sqapore (Madms. 1855) p.293 

Madras Census Report ,1891 

M Mujlb. The lndian Muz/bns (London, 1967) pp. 21-22 

S.M. Kamal. &mum 7ham~+amum, op.cit p.53; T Rajaram. Rao, Man& of 

Rwnamhapvam Samdsthanam (1898) p.49; Thuston, op.cit N, p.200 , 501. A Manual of 

Madras, op.cit. 1 p.437. 

W.Francis . op.cit, p.86 

TdLmkm Vl, p.1941; &q&pda of Idam, N p 551. 

Thnrrton, op.clt. VI p. 247 

Ibid. lV p.193. 

koer d- W, (1972) p.161 

W. Francis op.cit. p.85 

Quadir Huswrin Khan, op.cit. p.23 

Thurston, op.cn. V. p.4 

C.D. Madsan, GbPary d h6h~ 

F%dw , (Madras)

80. Qusdir Hussain Khan, op.clt., p.23 

81. M . W Rahtm,kkmhh+phaMm. 

82. Thurston, Vol. V. p. 1; N. Amir All, op.cil. p.49 

83 Ncbo~ Kararhlma, " Indian Commercial activities in Ancient Medlvai Southeast 

Asia", paper presented in the Plenary Session of 8th World Tamil Conference 

Seminar. Thanjawr. 1995. 

84. Ka. Tha. Thhmuddmraru, Z'whWdu Asia N W Thamirh hpm(/, /., 1987) p 326; 

Y. Subbarayalu, "Sumathravil Thamizh Kalvettukal", Adranam, (Journal of Tamil Nadu 

Archealogical Society, Thanlabur) No.lV. 1994. pp 116.123 

85 TamU Laxicon V. W, pt. 1 p.2222. ( Nayan, Nayakan, leader conductor ) ; 

Kambaramayanam 2:7:3:3-4 ( Aaylram ampikunayakan; Thl~kkaranapuranam, 

(1814 AD) Buddhukal Vasanltha padalam : 6. 

86 M.R.M. Atdul Rahlm, /&rn&a Malkslanchiarn, 111. p 40,; Kayalpattanam selection 

grade Town Panchayat Centinary Souvenir, 1990 (ed) Kayal Mohaboob; Col wliks, Historical 

zksh of .%Ah /&a (1810); S.M. Kamal, /slamurn Thamiiagamwn op.cit.pp.24-25; A K. Rifayi, 

lhdd&J /+hnycpr L4mh fIhenkasi 1988) pp.5 1-52. 

87 T. Jayarajan, " Social and Economic customs and Practices of Marakkayars of Tamil Nadu - 

a case study of Marakkayars of Adirampattanarn " unpublished M Phil Thesis, Barathidasan 

University. Tiruchirappalli. 1990 p.37. 

88, ibid. pp.6-7. 

89 Wunt Cube, XlX - (1945) p. 223 TB H Abeya Singah. " Muslims in Srilanka in 

rtxtwnth swanteenth centuries; " Mdims of Sdanka (ed) M.M.Shukri 1986, p. 129-130 

90 I.L.M. Abdul AUez, op.clt,p,lS 

9 1. A.M. Samy, 1% mhuy Tamilprrmati Ma&, 1992) pp. 14-16. 

92 A.R.P., Diary Vl p 381-84. 

93. /W,URI/ Ma&, (1590 A.D) Stanza; 23 ; Thirukkarana Puranam (1814) &/rWlukkal 

hiid~parkhm-6. 

94 WModem-ia. Vlp.221 

95. Hobdon and Jobson p. 581 

96. S. Arasaratnam. Companies and commerce, op.cit., p 218 

97 ~horo bh -&A,& -m. ~.263 

98 A a)Ahpw+e CdltdC I. p.58. 

99 FbnOnmto~, cap. 7. 

100 ~&BnacqDs.Il.ll:7. 

101 qrad&MVkgan,lp.295. 

102.' English - Malayalam dictionary. Dr. Gundert. 

103 Ghrsrvio LCpo .&&a, &&&, ll p 38; O.K. Namb~ar, The Kunjali Adrniralr of Calicut 

(London. 1948) p 50. 

164. Tamil Lexicon, V. p. 3082. 

105 Thunton, W, op.cit. p.501. 

106. A.P. lbrahlm Kun~u, 61 hf&e/ Ked History, (Kerala HLstod society), 

vrivandmm 1975) P.59.

107, Flfth international lslamlc Tamil literary conference souvenir, Keelakarai, 1990, p. 176 

108. Ah -1- Akhd I, pp.190-191; Rear Admiral K. Shran, A mar?bi-mhytory d I& 

(Government of India, 1982) p.53. 

109. S.M. Kamal, lalamum Thamilzgamum op.cit, p.49; A.R.E 392 of 1914; 

I.L.M. Azeez, op.cit. 41, and particulars collected in field studies. 

110. HobsonandJobsonp.159;FSGDiarysodconaJtabbnSoak1734-p.3; 

S. Arasaratnam. Companies and Commerce, op.cit. 219. 

111. Nannoo/, Mayilainathar Urai, p.276. 

112. J.R. Vorhwven, " Some notes on the Tamil community in Dutch Malacca, 

1641 - 1855 " proceedings of the flrst International Conference Seminar of Tamil 

studlo., Vol I, Aprll 1968. 

113 G.O. Ms. No. 1298 (Public) 17-12-95 Government of Tamil Nadu.

Chapter - V 

EUROPEANS ON THE COROMANDEL AND IT'S IMPACT ON THE MUSUMS 

The age of European maritime colonism set in the peninsular India right from the beginning of 

sixteenth csntury. The Porhrguese who anived first incorporated themselves in the systems in practice 

in the knd The PwhOusv ruccor exited the cupidity of other Europoana. The Dutch, French, Danes 

the English too fo!lowd on the footsteps of the Portugwse. All these foreigners were accepted and 

assigned a place with all protection by the ruling houses. The local rulers adopted the concept of free 

trade and the maritime zones became more prominent. The colonial powers not only monopolised 

trade but also the shipping along the Coromandel region and rudly disturbed peace. They also began 

to encroach the political authority, 

The entire Coromandel region rapidly got transformed from a peace zone and free trade zone, to 

zone of msrltlme discard bud upon denlal of free trade and frdom of navigation. The riMLy w not 

only between the new comers [Europeans] and the native powers but also among the Europeans 

themsehas. The shuggk continued till the nineteenth centuly when the English emerged as the dominant 

naval power and a new colonial rule was established that was based upon maritime dominance. 

The big local power, thevijayanagar, collapsed in the sixteenth centuy and the succeeding states 

like the Nayakdorns, the Deccani Sultanates and the like were fighting themselves or confronting with 

the MugM empire and none of them could develop the capacity to challenge the European powers. 

Finally they succumbed to the naval superiority and financial backing of the English power. 

In the above trade competitions and race for supremacy the traditional nmitime people, the M h 

of Cororn~del suffered more than the traders of other communities and the economic blows proved 

them fatal. A look on the trading actidties of the Europeans in the Coromandel Coast itself will amply 

testify the plight of the maritime Mwlims of the coast. Hence a sketch on the activities of the colonial 

powers that stormed the silent waters of Coromandel and in that how the Muslims were wrecked is 

briefed in this chapter. 

V-1- PORTUGUESE 

The anchorage of the galley of Vasco da gama, the Portuguese adventurer, at the port city of 

Cdicut in 1498, marks the first European presence in the Indian sub continent. It led to the estabkhment

of an ouenaar emplre of P mal in Indk. The Po- 

said that they carne to Indk in search of 

ChrkUms and spices. In the words of W.H.MorehPd, "in the sixteenth century, the hdian ocean wm 

a Po- 

seas".' 

lake in hi& the a h @ of any serious opposition made it possible to control the 

The Portuguese became the masters and monopolists of spices trade in India. 

lndian mlers, at that time did not enter into trade, so there was no claim on the part of the 

rulers for monopoly over trade in lndian Ocean. Hence they extended all facilities to the 

Portuguese to attract them to their ports. The diversion of the maritime trade of India to the 

hands of the Portugwse, destroyed the trade of the Arabs and the native Muslims and also 

delivered a mighty blow against Islam. 

The matitime Muslim community of the western coast could not view the arrival of the 

Portuguese with sympathy. But against the strong opposition of the Arabs and other Muslim 

traders the Portuguese rapidly expanded their power and gained mastery over the trade in 

Malabar. They participated in the lndian Ocean trade as much as they could. They built the 

first fortified factoy in 1503 at the mouth of the river Edappalli (Cochin). Thus the first 

European fortress on the lndian soil came up as the harbinger of the future2. The Portuguese 

pressurised the native rulers for commercial monopoly to the exclusion of everyone. Spices, 

gold and sUwr were declared as royal monopoly. They exploited the Christian faith of the 

Christians for trade and pursuaded them not to sell pepper to the Muslims. * Slowly the 

Portuguese went far and wide to conquer territories and establish fortresses to circumvent the 

Arabs and Turks to trade with India. Ceylon was made their tributoy state in 1507. Goa 

was conquered in 1510. The control of Goa gave them a better point to prevent the Arab 

merchants entering the Makbar emporium. Control of Ormuz, the key to east and Persian 

gulf by 1515, stopped the flow of spices from Malabar coast through Persian gulf. Malacca 

was compelled to agree to a commercial treaty in 1511. The Portuguese establishments 

became Portuguese territories. 

Cartaz system was enforced by the Portuguese for shipping that operated in the 

lndian seas. Cart= (from Arabic Certaz, meaning, a document) can be defined as a pass 

for navigation to the merchant ships so that they could navigate and enter the ports 

WithaamyVY. shipswnhoutcartazmuldbeca~.Thkuxn~the~tsd~

to be friendly with Portuguese. Rulers of Malabar who supported the trading activities of the 

Portuguese also had to obtain Cartaz. Even the Mughal emperor Akbar obtained Cartaz for 

his ships to Red Sea.6 

Avaibble Evidences show that the Portuguese made their way to Coromandel only after 

1505. Lodovico de Varthama who visited Nagapattanam in 1505 mentions the presence of 

Christians but not the Portuguese.' As early as 1506. some of the Portuguese during their 

trip to investigate their prospects in Maiacca, had landed purely by accident in the vicinity 

of Nagappattanam where they received a hostile reception from the Muslim traders.' Sewel 

points out that the governance of the seas east of Cape Comerin was also in the hands of the 

Portuguese by 1509.9 From that time onwards the Portuguese made Pulicat as an important 

trading centre since there was good hope for the collection of hinterland textiles of the area. 

These textiles were exported to Malacca. 

According to Portuguese chronicler Corriea, one Manual de Frias was appointed as the 

first Portuguese captain of the Coromandel and Fishery Coast in 1521 with headquarters at 

Pulicat.Io Frias had authority to issue Cartaz. Cartazes were obtained by Muslims and other 

navigators and traders. The ships without Cartazes were captured. By 1530, the Portuguese 

had two important centres on the Coromandel: one was Pulicat with satilite Sao Thome and 

the other was Nsgapattanam. Nagapattanam was a busy coastal commercial centre in rice 

trade to Ceylon and other southern ports and Malabar bringing back areca, timber, cinnamon 

and pepper. Pulicat was a textile centre. By about 1530, Nagapattanam became an important 

trading centre with the outside world. It is noteworthy that in essence, the Portuguese 

settlers, operated side by side with the other principal groups in Nagapattanam, the 

Marakkayars; both typically functioning with small profit margins and small individual 

consignments In the trade. The trading activities of the Portuguese at Pulicat declined by 

1580. But trade from Nagapattanam was on the rise." 

When the Portuguese arrived in India the whole of Tamil Country was under the 

sway of the Vijayanagar Empire, though this hold was feeble. The Portuguese did not 

seek the permission of the native potents to settle in their settlements or for opening 

factories. Krishna Deva Raya 11509-15301 of Vijayanagar followed a careful imperial 

Policy towards Po-, though his transactions with them showed the spirit of Mendship.

After the fall of the Goa into the hands of the Portuguese, the aggressive attitude of 

Albequerque was not approved by him. When Albequerque sought the alliance of the Raya 

against the coastal native powers, such as the Zamorin, it was not favoured by him. 

Albequerque also requested the Raya to assist him against the Muslims of Calicut and in turn 

he promised to extend help to defeat the Sultans of Deccan and also not to sell horses to 

Bijapur but only to Raya. In this Raya gave special consideration to the merchants who 

imported horses and elephants, so that they may not supply them to his enemies. l3 Prior 

to the fall of Goa to the Portuguese, this trade was in the hands of the Muslims. But by the 

time of Krishna Deva Raya, the Arab and the native Muslim merchants were completely 

driven out from this market and the Portuguese enjoyed the monopoly in horse trade. 

The successors of Krishna Deva Raya also purchased a large number of horses. Sadasiva, 

concluded a treaty with the Portuguese that the horses landed at Goa should be sold only to 

him l4 The ruler of Travancore had a different request. He requested the Portuguese 

permission to buy horses for war with Vijayanagar. In return he promised to permit all the 

fishermen to become Christians. 

Though the Vijayanagar Emperors, were not against the monopolistic trading attitude 

of the Portuguese, the proselitizing of the natives by them called for drastic action. There 

were large scale conversions to Christianity in the coastal belt. The converts were regarded 

by the Portuguese as Portuguese subjects. When the Vijayanagar emperor Ramaraja, felt 

this danger, he wanted to assert the Imperial authority and hence the invasion of the Badagas 

on the Coromandel. 

Vithala, the cousine of Ramaraja, during his southern expedition in 1537, wanted to 

suppress the activities of the Portuguese in Coromandel. The Portuguese were well established 

during this decade at Manapad. Pinnaikayal, Vembar and Tuticorin and also took the civil 

and crimtnal furldiction of the whole fishery coast. Pinnaikayal was the head quarters of the 

P0rhrgues.e. It was shifted to Tuticorin in 1580.15 

The Params were effective tools at the hands of the Portuguese and it helped them to 

become the masters of the fishery coast wresting it from the Muslims. The Paravas had lived 

as fishers and pearl divers in the fishery coast from ancient times. By 14th century A.D.,

the Muslims had established firmly in the coast of Kayalpattanam and Kilakkarai, and 

gained control over the pearl fishery as lease holders.16 The control of the Pearl 

fishery by the Muslims reduced the Paravas to the state of daily labourers and slaves. 

They had to pay tribute to the Muslims lease holders." 

According to Francis Xavior, 

the Paravas were oppressed under the Moorish yoke. There were many quarrels between 

the Paravas and the Muslims resulting in the loss of many lives on both sides.18 

he Paravas approached the Portuguese Captain at Cochin. The Portuguese captain 

promised them help and protection if they got converted to Christianity, which was 

gladly accepted by the Paravas. Priests were sent from Cochin and many were baptised. 

Later during the visit of the Francis Xavior to the Coromandel coast there was mass 

baptism. Thereafter the Paravas were spoken off as the favourite children of Portuguese 

and regarded as Portuguese subjects. 

The Muslims of Kilakkarai and Kayalpattanam 

wanted to prevent these conversions obviously fearing that these conversions will hamper 

their activities 

in the fishery coast. They sent a delegation to Cochin with valuable 

presents to the Portuguese Captain and approached their co-religionist, Cherina Marakkar, 

an influential ship owner and merchant of Cochin, to pressurise the Portguese. But the 

latter could not help them. By 1537, the entire fishery coast was converted to 

Christianity.19 Later, the Paravas also became competitors to the Muslims, in the maritime 

activities with the blessings of the Portuguese. 

Vithala's forces started their campaign against the Portuguese and the Paravas with 

the assistance 

of the local Muslims. The Portuguese captain at Pinnaikayal was 

attacked In 1544 and he fled with his family. Tuticorin was also swept.20 The Port of 

Nagore was captured in 1543.21 The Portuguese had a mud fort at Vedalai . The 

Portuguese soldiers stationed there were collecting toll from the pilgrims to Rameswaram. 

Vithala drove these soldiers from Vedalai with the help of the local Muslims. Vithala 

again attacked Pinnaikayal with the help of the Muslim pirate, lrap Ali's fleet and the 

Portuguese captain was caught. But the Portguese retaliated and defeated the Muslim 

fleet. There were mass scale murders of mu slim^.^^ 

The Portuguese had fortified Nagapattanam and carried on brisk trade. The Nayaks 

of Thanjavur greatly favoured the Portuguese. The Nayaks do not seem to have possessed 

contol either fiscal or judicial over the Portuguese and they cared only for the revenue 

return from the trade operations, the regular payment of which maintalned a happy

elationship between them. Moreover the Nayaks did not encourage the trade enterprises 

of the natives including that of the Muslims. Foreign trade went to the hands of the Europeans. 

The fomfied city of Nagapattanam became the subject to the King of Portugual in 1642.z3 

Nagapattanam became the centre of Portuguese missionary activities. Religion and 

commerce always combined in the expansion of Portuguese empire. But their religious 

policy made them unpopular.z4 Like the Vijayanagar rulers, the Nayaks of Thanjavur also 

were not in favour of the proselitizing activities of the Portuguese and were unhappy over 

their treatment of the natives and hence they wanted to push them out of Nagapattanam. 

In spite of the hostilities of the later Nayak rulers towards the Portuguese, they carried 

on vast trade at Nagapattanam. There was brisk trade between Nagapattanam and Malabar. 

Spicer and drugs were exported to Malacca and Chlnaz5. Along with the Portuguex, there 

were many Chettiar merchants who were dominant. But there were also many Muslims 

who were the natives of the land and owners of many shipsz6. By 1650, though political 

powers of the Portuguese diminished, their fortress and factories defenceless, the trade 

continued to increasez7. The attempts of the Nayaks to oust the Portuguese from 

Nagapattanam failed just as the efforts of the Moghuls to oust them from GO^.^^ During this 

period, the Portuguese trade and their supremacy were challenged by the Dutch. When the 

attempts of the Nayaks failed to ground the Portuguese they sought the help of the Dutch to 

drive them away. In 1658. Nagapattanam was captured by the Dutch and the Portguese 

s~rrendered.~~ 

The trade enterprises of the Portuguese assumed definite shape in the coast of Madurai 

by 1650. The nayaks of Madurai did not encourage the native maritime traders including 

the Muslims. Utiliiing the naval deficiency of the Nayaks the Portuguese became the masters 

of the fishery coast. 

Hcatiliiy among the native rulers resulted in the political polarisation, eenterlng round the 

Eurompar~~n. Stncothe~threnJersweremeqdtothePortugueseinthosea, thqrh 

d remraae to the other Europe~ powerr. Thu we fird the Madurai Nayaks in alliance with tho 

Portuguoao, lhn)aw and Rarnanathapmm were in alliance with the Dutch.% 

dispute 

-lkhn& Nqak of Madural[16231659], sbmgly wrted the Pamcguge. In tho sucoenion 

of the Marava kingdom of Ramnad in 1637. Thirumalai nayak favoured the 

opponent's claim and enlisted the support of the Portuguese. The Sethupathi got the

assistance of the Dutch. In return for the support from the Portuguese, Thirurnalai Nayak 

undertook to give a place for the fortress wherever they desired in his territory. He also 

undertook to build at his own cost a church at Ramanathapuram and seven churches between 

Pamban and Tondi. He also gave permission to all those who desired to became Christians. 

and promhd to the king of Portugal all assistance in men and supplies for services in 

Ceylon. He further undertook not to be friendly to the Dutch, not to admit them into his 

territorles and not to send hls vessels to the Dutch portss1. This encouraged the Portuguese 

to strengthen the proselitizing and trading activities which went against the interest of the 

Muslims of the region. 

On the other hand, the Sethupathis were hostile to the Portuguese. They favoured the 

Muslim traders in their coast against the Paravas of the Portuguese camp. In February 

1655, Sethupathi Raghunatha Devan contracted a treaty with the Dutch declaring common 

enemlty towards Portuguese. The Dutch promised the Sethupathi, protection from Portuguese 

attacks.32 

In the fierce contest for colonial rivalw between the Portuguese and the Dutch, the 

winds were in favour of the latter. The Dutch gained the blessings of the most of the native 

rulers. Ultimately the Portuguese political hold began to weaken and their territories slipped 

from ,them. The Dutch captured Tuticorin in 1658. Ceylon was also taken in the same 

year.33 Malabar was lost in 1663. Kuthub Sha of Golkonda took Mylapore in 1662. 

After the loss of Nagapattanam in 1658, the Portuguese and their Mestico 

[children through Portuguese father and Indian mother] and Kestico [children through 

Portuguese mother and native father] offsprings relocated their activities in 

PortoNovo. From there, together with the local Muslim merchants, they developed 

extensive network of mercantile contact with the ports of Malay Peninsula, Malacca. 

and Ache. Thus the Portuguese trading activities continued. Thus forgetting their 

old rivalry the local Muslim population extended their helping hand to the 

P0rtuguese.s' 

The Portuguese settlers on the Coromandel bowed to the changed situation, 

abandon~n~ their trading role, were all too happy to apply for jobs with the Dutch 

and the English, as soldiers and clerks. In the nineteenth century and thereafter 

the Portuguese survived in India owing to their friendship and alliance with the English. 

The English tolerated them in Indian packets of Goa, Diu and Da~nan.~~

The Muslims were considered as principal competitors by the Portuguese in India as 

elsewhere. But Vasco da gama could not have reached India without the guidance 

of the Muslim navtgator, Ibn Masjid, a native of Oman. He conducted Vasco da 

gama from the east coast of Africa to Calicut. Portuguese attitude towards the 

Muslims was one of the inveterate hostility on account of economic motives and the 

idea of colonisation. In the light of these realities it will be seen that the Portuguese 

animosity towards the Muslims was strong even after centuries of their conflict in 

Iberia and North Africa. The Muslim merchants were not permitted to trade in 

merchandise in which the Portuguese claimed monopoly. Hence the Muslims had to 

trade on the commodities in which the Portuguese had little interest. Most of the 

Muslim traders became petty merchants dealing in arecanut, coconut, coarse cloth 

and such other things.3b 

The Portuguese were also responsible for innumerable atrocities on Muslims on 

the sea. Panikkar while quoting a passage from Kerala Pazhama, says : " The 

Mohamaden ships were special objects of their fury. Even with cartazes, their ships 

were not safe. The Portuguese sea-men demanded heavy bribes, if it is not given 

the ships were confiscated". 37 To quote an example a ship captured at the port of 

Kayalpattanarn In 1526 by Manuel de gama, then the captain of Coromandel, was confiscated 

and the Muslim Nagudha and his family sold to slavery.38 There were wanton destruction of 

Muslim wssels, people and ports. The Muslims carried on trade in such adverse condition at 

the risk of thetr llves and property. 

Whenever possible the Portuguese allied themselves with the Hindu state of Vijayanagar 

against the Muslim principalities and adopted a differenct attitude towards the Hindu natives. 

They spared the Hindus while massacaring Muslims as in the case of D' Albequerque's 

capture of Goa in 1510, where the Hindus were spared the Muslims, men, women and 

children were burnt in batches in mosque^.'^ They did not scruple to destroy mosques for 

the consbuction of churches. They prevented the Muslims from going on pilgrimage to Mecca". 

The Portugueso tried to eliminate the Muslims from the pearl fishery with the assistance 

of the Param, The Mu.llm, clashed with Joao Froles, the captain of pearl fishery coast, in 

1527. Affonso de Mello, the Portuguese captain avenged this in 1528 by burning down 

Kayal and Klhkkarat. The Muslims had to agree to pay annual tribute to the Portugueso for 

pearl fishery. The Muslim leader [Nainar] of Kilakkarai made an agreement with the Portuguese 

with regard to pearl fishery since the latter assumed themselves the charge of the pearl 

fishing of the coast.4' The Muslims of Kayal left the place and developed the port of 

Kayalpattinam from 1532.42 But the battle continued between the Portuguese and the 

Muslims on the sea between Pamban and Cape Comerin.

In 1537 the three captains of the Zamorin, Pate Marcar, Kunjali Marcar, and Ali lbrahim 

came to the rescue of the Muslims of Coromandel and sailed to the fishey coast with a 

strong force. They attacked the Parava villages and many were killed. Then they sailed to 

Vedalai and waited for a voyage to Ceylon. The Portuguese with a large contingent and with 

the help of the Paravas of the area attacked the Muslim camp. Many Muslims were slain. 

Vedalai and other nearby villages were burnt, their properties looted, and boats were burnt. 

[We cqn see hundreds of epitaphs in Vedalai even to this day, which are ascribed to the 

martyrs In this battle, awaiting the attention of the historians.] Further the Paravas sailed to 

Kayalpattanam and burnt the entire village and the Muslims fled to nearby islands and Ceylon.43 

The Portuguese and Paravas, emerged stronger and Muslims trading power was broken. 

According to a letter of the St.Xavior [dt. 28.10.15421 "after the victory of Vedalai, no one 

now rememhrs Moors, none among them dares to rise his head 44 

When the Portuguese established a fortified settlement in the port of Colombo in 1518. 

they became hostile to the Muslim settlers there. Some of the Muslims had blood relations in 

the Coromondel some had dual domicile in South lndia and Ceylon. Regulations were 

passed restricting their migration and settlements. Muslim merchants spread out to the 

smaller ports away from the Portugue~e.'~ So the migration of the Coromandei Muslims to 

Ceylon for trade and religious purposes was seriously affected. 

Malacca was captured in 1511. Coromandel Muslim traders avoided Malacca and 

transferred their headquarters to Brunei on the southern coast of Borneo, which became a 

new centre for the spread of Islam and they also concentrated in Johore. By 1535, the 

North Coast of Java was Islamised. The rapid spread of Islam in Southeast Asian lands 

contributed a serious setback to the plans of the Portugue~e'~. Thus the earlier conflicts 

between the Portuguese and Muslims was centred both on ecclesiastical and economic rivalries. 

When the Portuguese military and naval power were episodic in the areas in Bay of 

Bengal, the Murllm traders evaded the Portuguese instead of challenging them and they 

could cany on their trade". It is also a fact that the Muslim traders in many places acquiesced 

to the Portuguese. M.N. Pearson reports that the Muslim merchants made no attempts to 

oppose the arbitray explosive demands of the Portuguese. The merchants rather accomodated 

quickly and indeed cooperated with the exploiters48. Muslim merchants of Cochin like 

Cherina Marcar, Mammalae Marcar supplied large quantities of pepper to the Portuguese. 

They obtained cartazes from the cochin factory to send their ships to Ormw. These two 

merchants were very influential with the Portuguese. The Governor of lndia recommended 

to the Portugal crown in 1513 for some special concessions to them. Nino Mercar another 

ship owner had sent his ships for trhe Portuguese to Mallaca. The vessels of Chilay Marcar 

took elephants to Goa for the Portuguese'9. Nino Marcar and his brother had commercial 

establishments in Coromandel coast and arranged for 1500 fighters to overpower the enemies 

of the Portuguese in Coromandel regions0.

The Portuguese kings often instructed their officials in lndia to favour the Christian 

and Hindu merchants in contrast to the Muslims. This could not bear any point. The Hindu 

and Christian merchants had no such great capital as the Muslims . The local ship owners 

and sailors were only MuslimsS1. In 1590, when the Portuguese crown ordered that the 

mosques in the Portuguese territories ( except in Ormuz) be demolished, the Governor of 

lndia replied that the orders could not be put in to effect since the Portuguese were trading in 

these territories, with the Muslims alsob2. 

Because of economic compulsions and in the furtherance of their trading activities. 

the Pqrtuguese had to throw their lot with the Muslims. They married even local Muslim 

women. As K.S. Mathew puts it vey aptly " the Crusade joined hands with Jihad in the 

matter of trade. The Portuguese who reportedly crossed the ocean to hunt out the Muslims 

had to depend on the intermediary and shipping expertise of the Muslims for their trade 

promotion" 53, 

It will be seen that in the later part of the Portuguese's stay in India, their animosity 

towards the Muslims cooled down to certain extent. But it was too late for the Muslims to 

recoup and readjust, since most of them were driven to despair and had started to change 

their occupational trends. Muslim trade declined not due to the lack of commercial expertise 

but because It was faced with the use of force based on superior technology and the lack of 

support of the local ruling powers. The Coromendal Muslims were lacking in warfare 

technologies and also had no aptitude to counter the attack. Thus the shattered trade of the 

Muslims became subservient, The Muslim could not match the Portuguese naval power. 

This key factor enabled the other European powers especially the Dutch and the English to 

enchroach the further areas hitherto left out in Muslims' handssb. 

The Portuguese oppression of the Coromandel Muslims is not the end of the stom 

and it was continued by the Dutch .

V. I1 . THE DUTCH 

The Hollanders - the Dutch - came over to the Coromandel Coast when the trade 

system was well established. They had to face a strong European rival, the Portuguese. 

originator of Dutch commerce in India was Llns Cotton who visited Goa in 1583L5. In 1602 

" The Verenigde Oast lndiche Compagnie " - (V.O.C.) - The Dutch East lndia Company - sent 

two Dutch factors from Ache to Surat in 1605 to explore the commercial prospectss6 . The 

Dutch vessels commenced trading in the Coromandel from 160557 . In the early years of 

their expansion, in 1610-20, their chain of factories extended from Masulipattanam In northern 

Coromandel through Pulicat in the centre of the coast to Tiruppapuliyur ( Cuddalore) in the 

south. Prosperous local merchants were their intermedhries. The attempt of the VOC to set up 

factories from Cuddalore to Potnt Callmere met with limited success only. Madipattanam and 

Pulicat became the centre of their Coromandel enteptises58. 

The Political events in the Coromandel from the 17th -19th centuries are interhvined 

with the commercial and European colonial histoy. The Dutch appeared on the Coromandel 

when the native rulers were in search of a strong power to counter the Portuguese. They 

found it in the Dutch and invited them to their territories. A chronology of events about the 

relationship of the Dutch with the local powers, native traders, other European companies 

and it's impact on the maritime trade of the region is briefly discussed below. 

The central part of Coromandel was ruled by the Nayaks of Ginjee ( Senji) when the 

Dutch appeared there. Krishnappa Nayak of Ginjee, treated the Dutch with hospitality and 

allowed them to build a citadel at Devanampattanam ( Cuddalore) in 1608. He was hostile 

to the Portuguese. The Dutch trade brought large profit to the Nayak. But the Portuguese 

were influenclal in the court of Venkatapathl Raya, the Vijayanagar emperor and penuaded 

him to expel the Dutch from his subordinate state of Ginjee. Accordingly the Dutch were 

expelled from Devanarnpattanam and Krishnappa was forced to support the Portuguese". 

But the Portuguese were driven away by the Nayak in 1609. The Dutch were invited to the 

Ginjee territoty and trade concessions were offered. Meanwhile, the Raya himself became 

frieridly to the Dutch and permitted them to build a factory at Pulicat in 161OW. In 1617 

Pulicat became the seat of Government of the Dutch under a governor. The Dutch and the 

Portuguese Interfered in the civil wan of Ginjee in 162P1. 

The

The Dutch gained some advantages over their Portuguese rivals in eastern trade. In 1638, 

the Portuguese Viceroy of India wrote to Ubson that the trade had generally fallen in to the 

hands of the 

The Portuguese suffered a series of loss at the hands of the Dutch. 

Baticola in Ceylon fell to the Dutch in 1638. The Dutch attacked Goa in 1639 and Malacca 

in 1641. In 1658 the Dutch captain Joan Van der Lean captured the Portuguese settlement 

of Nagapattanam without a shot being fired. Jaffinapattanam also fell in the same yeaP3 . 

The Dutch were conducting their transactions with the traders of the region through 

Malaya alais Chinnana Chetty who was an influencial merchant in Coromandel. He was a 

prominant figure in the politics and trades of the coast for over half a centuryM. 

The Dutch were negotiating woith the Nayaks of Thanjavur to build a factory 

at Thirumalairajanpattanam, where much was expected in cloth trade. Vijayaraghava 

of Thanjavur ( 1633-73) was at first not favourably disposed towards the Dutch, 

and even did not recognise their hold of Nagapattanam. Subsequently he had to 

acquiesce in their possession, when his army sent to oppose them was defeated65. 

At the instance of Chinnana Chetty, Vijayaraghava gave the Dutch a charter in 

1658 offering valuable trade concessions. This deed permitted them to hold the 

port of Nagapattanam, along with ten villages on an annual tribute. The same 

charter was renewed in 1662 by Vijayaraghava with additional privileges of setting 

up of their own mint, the profit of which to be shared between the VOC and the 

Na~ak~~. About 1666 the Dutch got the ports of Thirumalairajanpattanam, Karaikkal 

and some other neighbouring places on lease. 

Thus Vijayaraghava who opposed 

the Dutch earlier, became more friendly to them as years passed on. 

The Danes who settled at Tranquebar did not fare well and they were ready 

to part their trade right to the Dutch 67. Vijayaraghava was not in favour of the 

English till 1664. These were advantageous to the Dutch and they gained a 

comfortable footing in Thanjavur coast. They had factories at 

Adirampattanam and Thirumullaivasal. There was bnsk trade from NagapattaMm.

An impressive fort was built at Nagapattanam and named as Narden. 

( There is 

no trace of this fort at present). The only memory of the Dutch here, is, a street 

called Ollandar Saalai). Their indigo factory site of PortoNovo is called Ollandhar 

Thottam ( garden). In 1690 the seat of Dutch government in India was transferred 

from Pulicat to Nagapattanam and it was in their possession until the English 

siezed it in 1781. 

When the kingdom of Ginjee was taken over by the Sultan of Golkonda, Mir 

Jumla, on behalf of the Sultan, granted a cowl in 1647, favouring the Dutch. They 

were given exemption from embarkation and disembarkation duties, in the port of 

Pulicat.The export and Import duties collected in the port was to be shared between 

the Sultan and the VOC. They were also given the right to mint coins68. 

The Sultan of Bijapur who captured the other parts of Gijee, confirmed in 1654, 

the privileges that they were enjoyed from the Nayaks of Ginjee. They were permitted to 

purchase, cloth, Indigo, saltpeter in the Ginjee province and transport them to the ports of 

Devanampattanam, Pondichery and PortoNovo on payment of half the embarkation duty. 

The liberal policies persued by the Sultans of Bijapur and Golkonda to attract the Dutch to 

their coasts helped the Dutch to expand their trade. When the Golkonda possession of the 

Coromandel fell into the hands of the Mughals, the emperor Aurangazeb, in a farman. 

granted the Dutch in 1689 all the earlier concessions. His successor also followed suit. 

Maratha Shivaji who occupied some territories in Carnatic, also granted a cowl in 1677 

confirming all the concessions enjoyed by themb9. 

The Nayaks of Madurai supported the Portuguese and the Dutch were repulsed In 

their coast. However the Dutch were permitted to set up a factory at Kayalpattanam70. The 

Portuguese were agrieved over this and attacked the Dutch factory in 1648 probably with 

the blessings of the Nay& and the assistance of the Paravas. To avenge this, the Dutch 

commenced hostile operations in 1649. They captured 

Thiruchendur temple and 

demanded payment of penalty for the alleged intrigues of the Paravas with the Madurai 

Nayak, and consequent expulsion of the Dutch factor from Kayd. Since no response came.

the Dutch sadred Tuticorin town, partly burnt it and got a written promise from the Paravas 

to pay a fixed sum and carried away even their fishing boats7'. Finally Tuticorin was taken 

over from the Portuguese by the Dutch in 1658. 

The Dutch felt greater rights on the coast of Madura since they inherited it by conquest 

from the Portuguese. They fortified the port of Tuticorin and had a number of Chtistianised 

settlements along the coast. By 1664, in all the seven ports of Madura Kingdom ( viz. 

Tuticorln. Manapad, Alandalai. Virampattanam, Pinnaikayal, Vaipar and Vembar) the Dutch 

flag was planted. Those ports were secured by the Dutch In return for a loan given by the 

Dutch to the Nayak in need 

The civil and criminal administration of these ports were taken 

over by the D~tch'~. The Marakkayar traders who had previously frequented these ports 

migrated to the Sethupathi's ports. The pearl and chank fisheries came under the monopolistic 

control of the Dutch. The lion's share of the profits from these went to them 73. 

The Nayaks of Madurai were in constant wars with the neighbouring powers and also 

had to face the Mughals, and were in need of money. In 1690 the Nayak conceded the 

exclus~ve rlght of trade to the Dutch and also to keep away other European powers from the 

coast. The Dutch gave timely financial assistance to the Nayak and they agreed to help each 

other if attacked by the 

Again a treaty was contracted in 1669 granting many 

more trade concessions. Thus the Dutch enriched themselves in the coast of the Nayaks 

who had to remain idle spectators of their progress and sometimes tolerated their misdeed^'^. 

There was a good market for Madurai textiles ( Cochai), rice and other food articles 

in Ceylon and areca in Coromandel. The printed cloth of Madurai was in demand in Batavia 

for which they bartered the leather of Japan and spices of Mollucos and earned considerable 

Utillsing the drought and famine conditions in the coastal belt during the third 

quarter of the seventeenth century, the Dutch engaged in large scale slave trade. They took 

full advantage of this to buy slaws for labour and settlements in the colonies of Ceylon, 

Batavia and South Africa. They purchased the slaves in Tuticorin, Nagapattanam. PortoNovo. 

Devanampttanam and Pulicat". The Marathas in 1677, prohibited the slave trade in the 

Carnatic territory occupied by them78

Ekojl the Maratha general was installed in Thanjavur kingdom in 1675. He w~thdrew 

the concessions given by Nayak Vijayaraghava to the Dutch. But the Dutch got them back 

by force. Ekoji succeeded in recovering the ports of Thirumalairaianpattanam and Karalkkal. 

But the succeds was short lived. Ekoli granted a cowl on 30th Dec. 1676 and granted all the 

concessions given earlier by the Nayak and also restored to their possession the ports of 

Thimmalairajanpatanam and Karai!k~l'~ The local Governor of Sirkali gave the Dutch a 

piece of land to build a factory at Thirurn~llaivasal~~ . The successors of Ekoji were weak 

pressed by financial problems. They often appraoched the Dtuch for advance payment of 

the tribute. In 1691, SahaJi Raja invaded Nagapattanam and was defeated by the Dutch and 

he sued for peaceo1. 

The Maratha Kingdom of Thanjaw grew weaker militarily and financially due to the 

attack of the MughaL, Madura and Ramnad. Though the Dutch were strong at Nagapattanam, 

they feared that other European powers will be admitted near Nagapattanarn. Their efforts 

to get exclusive trade rights in Thanjawr coast failed. Karaikkal was given to the French in 

1738. ThanJavur state was close to the financial collapse. The Maratha rulers mortgaged 

large parts of its coastal territories to the Dutch in return for a cash payment in 

1741. and again in 1757. But by this time the Dutch themselves were too weak to 

take advantage of these opoportunities to expand their political and economic hold 

in Thanjavur coasts2. 

The Sethupathi of Ramanathapuram, the ruler of the pearl fishery coast, in 

1658 contracted a treaty with the Dutch, declaring a common enmity towards the 

Portuguese. After establishing themselves at Nagapattanam and Tuticorin, the Dutch 

came clow to the Sethuipsthi for more concessions. 

A treaty was again effected 

in 1660. By thir, free traffic was granted for each other's subjects through the 

Strait8 of Ramerwaram and Manasr controlled respectively by the Sethupsthl and 

the Dutch. Trh P amh canal, in the Sethupathi'c territory, war the mort convenient 

waterway for ships with considerable burthen sailing between east and west. The 

rightful share of the Sethupathi in pearl fishery was ensured. The Dutch trade in 

Sethupathi's territories increased.

In the course of time the Dutch grew greedy and in 1670 declared monopoly 

on essential articles of Indo - ceylon trade and imposed severe restrictions on the 

local traders. They wanted monopoly in the export of arecca from Ceylon and to 

control it's sale in the Coromandel Coast. For this the Malabar arecca was a 

hindrance. This was brought by the Coromandel Muslim boatmen and taken to all 

the ports through Pamban canel. The Dutch wanted to prevent it by fair or foul 

means. Similarly the Dutch desired to forbid the pepper trade through Pamban by 

private traders. All these ran counter to the interest of the Sethupathis and his 

subjects particularly the Muslim traders8'. 

When the Sethupathi was in need of money,due to the political turmoils, 

he turned to the Dutch. The Dutch took the opportunity to drive a hard 

bargain and the Sethupathi conceded to a treaty in 1674, on highly 

unfavourable term:. The treaty abridged privileges of the Sethupathi in pearl 

fishery. Chank fishery became the Dutch monopoly. Malabar areca was 

prevented from passing through Pamban canal. The Dutch became masters 

in areca trade". 

trade prospects of the Muslims 

The implementation of the treaty adversely affected the 

of the coast. 

Request for amendments to the provisions of the treaty was not heeded by 

the Dutch. Hence the Sethupathi began to follow a policy of flouting the provisions 

of the treaty., In thl~ he had the active support of the Muslim traders of the 

coast, The influential, Periathambi Marakkayar family of Kilakkarai, that was 

Prominant in the trade of the region now got close to the Sethupathi. They 

were appointed by him to high offices in the state. With their help the Ceylon 

ports were blockaded by the Sethupathi . The Sethupathi's boats and Marakkayar 

boats with countraband goods like cloth frequented the shallow bays of Ceylon 

and returned with areca. The officials of the Kadiyan kingdom also helped the 

Sethupathi and Muslims. Sethupathi also assisted the flow of Malabar areca and 

Pepper through Pamban and protected Muslim vessels from the Dutch cruisers. 

Chank was smuggled out to PortoNovo by Muslims to be sold to the Englbh and 

Frencho5.

However the Dutch web caught hold of the Sethupathl. The loan given to 

him by the Dutch In 1674 was pending unpaid for a long time. In lieu of it, he 

was forced to mortgage all the ports of his coast to the Durtch. The Sethupathi's 

trade was ruined. The vessels of the Sethupathi and the Muslims were confiscated 

in Ceylon. Dutch cruisers and soldiers by effective patrolling prevented the 

Muslims from bringing Malabar areca and pepper through Pamban. The attitude 

of the Dutch, forced the Sethupathi to establish contact with the English and the 

French. Sensing the danger, the Dutch got revised the earlier treaty. in 1684. It 

modified some objectionable clauses of the 1674 treaty. The right of the 

Sethupathi in chank fishery was partially restored. The Sethupathi was permitted 

to confiscate the vessels with Malabar pepper and the value of the goods and 

vessels was to be shared between the Dutch and the Sethupathis6. Thus the 

Dutch tried to pacify the Sethupathi. However conflicts broke between the Dutch 

and the Sethupathi. The Marava army with 

the help of the local Muslims let 

loose in the area. Muslims began to attack the Paravas who were now with the 

Dutch.Finding their authority threatended, the Dutch attacked the Sethupathi in 

January 1685, by sea. His ports were blockaded and the vessels anchored there 

were confiscated. The Sethupathi sued for peace and a peace treaty was signed 

in March 1685. 

By this treaty the Sethupathi promised to remove from adminstrative positions 

Periathambi Marakkayar, and his relatives and as well as other Muslimsa7. This treaty was 

highly unfawurabk to the interests of the Sethupthi and the Muslims of this coast. The 

treaty waa flouted with the help of Periathambi Marakkayar. Hostilities broke again in 1690 

but the Sethupathi, sued for peace and a fresh treaty was signed by which the Dutch took 

over the Pamban canal and other coastal areas. The Muslim traders of the coast did not take 

it kindly and connived with the Sethupathi's officials to flout them whenever possibleM. 

Till about 1740, the Dutch were well placed in Madumi and Ramanathapurarn coasts 

with great trade in Indian ocean. The local powers were engaged in civil wars and the Dutch 

supported one or another. The native powers took no notice of the trading activities of the 

Dutch. The Dutch had factories at Nagapattanam, Tuticorin. Vembar, Vaipar, Pinnaikayai, 

Old Kayal, Manapad, Cape Comefine and an out station at Ahvar Thi~unagari.~~

Even in the first quarter of the eighteenth century, the Dutch had most favourable 

trade concewiona down the Coromandel coast. They also had a number of ports well 

s p d out for their import and export trade. Yet during the subsequent decades , they 

abandoned the factories In Devanampattanam, Thirumullaivasal,Karaikkal, Adimpattanam 

and greater power was concentrated in Nagapattanam. The hinterland powers were tottering 

militarilly and financially and seeking Dutch help. But by that time the Dutch themselves 

became weak. 

The English were emerging stronger in the Carnatic from the second quarter of the 

eighteenth century at the cost of the Nawabr of Arcot. The growing power of the English 

threatened the commercial interests of teh Dutch. The Dutch also decided to enter the 

political fray of the region. During the Carnatic wars the policy of the Dutch was one of 

discrete neutrality, and began to side with the loosing power. When the French were wlnnig, 

they sided with the English and Nagapattanam sewed as a heaven for those who fled from 

the fury of Chanda Sahib and the French. The Dutch supplied sail cloth to the English ships 

and the wounded English soldies were treated in their settlementw. But when La Bourdonnius, 

the French Admiral, touched Nagapattanam in August 1746, the Dutch gave him a red 

carpet welcome and a banquet in his honour and promised to be friendly with the French. 

But by October 1746 the relationship between the Dutch and the French were so strained 

that the Dutch declared war against the Frenchq1. 

in 1758, Yusuf khan the English governor of Madurai was in the process of suppressing 

the rebel Polygars. The Dutch drove close of the Polygan. They entered the coalition of the 

eastern Poligars of Thi~nelveli92. Now the Sethupathi allied with the English and expelled 

the Dutch from the occupied territory of the Nawabgg. The Dutch had to withdraw from the 

battle ln 1761. 

Again the Dutch were caught In the hostilities between the Sethu~athi, the 

Marathas of Thanjavur and the Nawab. The Nawab complained to the English about 

the help of the Sethupathi to the Dutch, allowing their commercial activities without 

his consent*'. The %tp& granted ammordal f d b s to the Dutch only the

ejected a similar offer made to Colonel Heron. With the help of the Engllsh, the Nawab 

took over Ramanathapuram and the Dutch had to adjust with the Nawab. Thanjavur was 

annexed bythe Nawab in 1771 and he wanted to acquire Nagore, which was mortgaged to 

the Dutch by the Thanjavur Maratha ruler. The Nawab sent his troops to Nagore assisted by 

the English. T'ha Dutch withdrw from Nagore9'. In consequence of the growing threat to 

their tmdlng actlvltla, the Dutch shifted their principal commercial centre from Nagapattanam 

to Colombo by 179296 

In 1782 when the English were facing the Mysore force, they sought the Dutch 

military help offering to cede the provlnce of Thimnelveli. The Dutch read@ accepted. But 

the arrival of additional British forces removed the need for Dutch help9'. Then the Dutch 

began to swing on the side of the French. They supplied guns and gun powder to Hyder Ali 

when he invaded Carnatlc9'. They became hostile to the English and restricted their movement 

in their settlementsPg. The Dutch tried to use Hyder Ali and the French as a counterweight 

against the growing strength of the English. But when Hyder Ali demanded exhorbitant sum 

of money from the Dutch, they again swung back to the side of the English. On the refusal of 

the Ddch to comply. Hyder Ail blockaded Nagapattanarnloo. The Dutch prepared for a war 

with Hyder Alilol. 

But the developments in Europe affected the polltical scenario in Carnatic. In June 

1781, England dedared war on Holland. The English utiiised this occasion to wipe out the 

decaying Dutch power from the Coromandel. Had this not happened, the Dutch would have 

stayed in Coromandel for a long period like the French. Consequent on the outbreak of war 

between the Dutch and the English on the Corornandel. Nagapattanam surrendered to 

theEnglish In 1781. Tuticorln alx, fell to English in 1785 '02. By 1783-84, V.O.C. was on 

the verge of bankruptcy. In 1795, the English occupied all the other Dutch settlements to 

Prevent them form falllng to the French. 

The VOC was decaying on account of 

corruption and private trade among it's 

employees. They could not match their other European rivals.Their troups declined in

standard and fell to the English attack. Their naval power also decllned and the number 

ofwwb in thdr porreuion ducad considerably. Their ships became outdatd. Tklr 

factoy buildings ruined. They delivered Pulicat to the British on 16th July 1795 under an 

agreement. Their influence and the quantum of trade fell by the first quarter of the nineteenth 

cenhuy. FLnally, the British took over in 1825, all the Dutch settlements in India. 

Thus a brlef account of events as discussed above from the enty to the exit of the 

Dutch in Commandel will go to show that their commercial activities were closely linked to 

the poMcs and economy of the region. The economic strength and superior naval power 

gave them ascendancy. In the fluid political condition, the st~ggling weak local powers 

were ready to align with any foreign power. Further the local ~lers never hesitated to 

sacrifice the interest of thgir own subjects who were in maritime trade and allied activities. 

The maritime zones In Coromandel became Europeans zones, because of the policy 

followed by the local powers for their survival. It will be seen throughout their 

presence on the coast for over two hundred years, along with other European colonial 

powers, the Dutch enrlched themselves with local political sanctions, at the cost of 

the traditional maritime community in which the Muslims were worst hit. 

The Dutch also inherited the deep seated suspicion over the Muslims like the 

Portuguese. But their religious policy towards the Muslims was not so harsh as that of 

the Pohqtme. How~ler, +he the wanwanted to ehhate the M h wiw were not helpful for theh 

armmerd$ schemes. To overcome the competition of the Muslim in trade, they imposed 

many restrictions. 

The policy of the Dutch in Ceylon towards the Muslims, also holds good for South 

Indian Coasts partlcukrly to the Coromandel. The Batavia council had instructed the governor 

in Colombo to prohibit the rent and lease of land to the Muslims and no government work 

was to be entrusted to them. Further, no permission was to be granted to Muslim traffic by 

sea and those who migrated from other places were to be diverted from Ceylon. This was 

intend* to apply to those Muslims who are called Cholias ( Coromandel Muslims but not 

to Bengal and Hindustani Muslim. Thus they singled out the Coromandel Muslims.lQ3

The Dutch took the Coromandel textiles to the Asian markets and in this they foUowed 

the traditional markets and trade routes that had been already dovelopod to Malacca, Ache, 

Bantam, Batavla, Macassar, Celebes, Moluccos, Pegu, Tennasserim, Arakan, Thailand, Cochin- 

China and Ceylon. The textile market of Ceylon, Moluccos, Celebes, and Java were kept 

exclusively for company trade using militay and naval dominance. They controlled many of 

the species producing areas and grew some spices themselves and hence the Dutch East 

India Company was initially far more successful. In all other places they had to compete 

with the Indlan and other Man merchants. Dutch commercial policies had a vey marked 

effect on the export trade of Coromandel. 

The Coromandel Muslim traders had established commercial contacts almost in all 

the Southeast Asian countries for a vey long time. The Dutch competed in all these markets 

with the Muslims and considered them as their trade rivals since the enterprises of the Dutch 

were guided by a much more commercial spirit and religious aims found only secondary role 

in it. The Dutch used force against the Muslims in sea and land, like the Portuguese and 

humbled them whenever possible, since the Muslim merchants were not trained in such 

warfare or their vessels were suitable for it. When the Dutch took over the management of 

the ports in Southeast Asia and as well as in Coromandel they collected higher tariffs from 

the Muslims to keep them out"''. 

The Paravas received faourable treatment from the Dutch and the Nayaks of Madurai. 

But the Sethupathi patronised the Muslim traders of Kilakkarai and Kayakpattanam. The 

Dutch aa protecton of Paravar and controbers of the pearl Hahey w t strove hard to limit 

the polltld and wmrtt.l lnflwnce of the Muslim* and tried to cwh It.lM 

In the laJt quarter of the seventeenth centuy, the Muslims of Coromandel under the 

leadership of Periatharnbi Marakkayar of KUakkarai, with the patronage of the Sethupathis, 

were dominating the Indo-Ceylon, Malabar and interportal trades. But the treaties concluded 

between the various native powers and the Dutch were detrimental to the interest of the 

MUShs. The treattar with the Sethupathis dealt a severe blow to them. The restrictive and 

monopdisdc policier of the Dutch in Indo-Ceylon trade affected the Muslim traders of 

Comnandel who m& a Mng by participating in the trade of the region for a vely long time.

This naturally led the Muslim traders to smuggling and clandestine trade activities. The 

Muslim community is often found named as leading participants in smuggling activities in 

17th-18th centuries. Periathambi Marakkayar was the chief among them and he was the 

architect to foll the Dutch monopoly. The Dutch had termed Periathambi Marakkayar as the 

cwntty captain and the 4 genius behind the anti-Dutch policy of the Sethupathi.lw 

The anemosity of the Dutch towards Periathambi Marakkayar and other Muslim traders 

is well reflected in the treaties of 1674 and 1685, which compelled the Sethupathi to remove 

Periathambi Marakkayar, his brothers, sons and as well as other Muslims from administrative 

positions along the coast from Point Calimere to Cape Comerine. This shows the intention 

of the Dutch to drive away the Muslim traders of the Coromandel from trading activities. 

The Dutch monopoly in pearl and chank fisheries was also against the traders 

and labour class among the Muslims who were engaged in these activities. Paravas 

were preferred to the Muslim divers. The Muslim traders who were engaged in pearl 

trade had to be at the mercy of the Dutch. The Muslims in chank trade were driven 

to smuggling and illicit export to other regions. But the Muslims adjusted themselves 

to the situation and tried to cooperate with the Dutch. The Muslim traders helped the 

Marava forces during Dutch campaign against the Portuguese in 1657-58 '07. During 

the Portuguese-Dutch war in 1652, a Muslim contigent from Thirunelveli helped the 

Dutch.loa 

But the initial hostility of the Dutch to Islam and the economic rivalry towards 

Muslims was quite well worn from the close of seventeenth century. In the pearl 

fishery, the Marakkayars of Kayalpattanam were allowed to have free boats. In Tuticorin 

pearl flshery, free stones were allowed to the Muslim headman.lo9 The Dutch after 

realirlng the importance of Periathambi Marakkayar in the Coromandel coast, in 1696, 

requested his aulrtance to run the trade. The Marakkayar permitted the Dutch to bnUd 

a factory at Khkhrai. "0 KUakkarai and Kayalpattanam became the hub of trading activity 

of the Dutch on the Coromandel. The Dutch permitted the free flow of Muslims between 

Ceylon and Cotomandel. They also showed tolerance to the religious activities of the Muslims.

The Portuguese never extended such concession in religious matter. Though the Dutch 

attitude gradually became more tolerant of Islam and less regorous although the and Islamic 

laws continued to remain on the Batavia Statute Book. 

Learned religious preachers were allowed to migrate between Ceylon and Coromandel . 

The Dutch even tried to formulate a code for Muslims. The Muslim traders were treated with 

~onrlderatlon.'~~ Mwllms were employed for shipping activities in Malabar.112 Owen Kail 

says many Tamilians were employed in the V.O.C. subordinate service, at Pulicat and 

Nagapattanam as book keepers, wrlten and craftsmen. Among them there might haw been 

Muslims also in considerable 

However trade rivalry and oppression outmatched the other considerations. The 

successive and gradual suppression of the Muslim maritime activities for centuries, pushed 

them back economically. Traders with large capital and political influence alone could survive. 

Among othen, some undertook interportal trade in the coast, some others went in persuit of 

hinterland trade and many were reduced to petty traders. With the disappearance of the 

Dutch fhe Muslims had to face the strong European power, the English. 

V-Ill- THE FRENCH: 

The French were late comers to the eastern trade and entered into the Coromandel 

Coast in 1672. The French captain Haye captured Sao Thome in the same year from the 

Sulh of Goknda. The Dutch arsioted the Sultan to wrest Sao Thome from the French. 

Haye surrendered Sao Thome to the Dutch In 1674. Bijapur, the old enemy of Golkonda 

was in favour of the Fench. The Bijapur general Sherkhan Lodl granted the French a site for 

a settlement in Pondlcherry."' 

In 1674, Fmncois Martln assumed charge of the affairs of the French in India. He 

established a good relationship with Maratha Shivaji who took over Ginjee from Bijapur. 

Shivaji issued a farman granting the port of Pondicherry to the French in 1693 with it's 

administrative and )udicial rights and customs The Dutch captured 

Pondlcheny in 1693 but restored it to the Fench in 1697. When Pondicheny passed on to 

the Dawood Khan the Mllghal general added to the possession of the French some 

more vhges near Pondi&eny. The trading activities of the French was modest.

In 1736 the Nawab of Camatic, Dost All gave the French the right for minting coins 

in P~ndicheny.'~~ The french brought bullions and Silver and minted coins. Pondicherry 

had an extensive currency. French trade picked up. New factories were opened. The 

growth of the French was at the expense of the Dutcl~ orld ihu Enyllrh."' 

TheF~undorFrancoisMartin0~~~piedKamikkalin1688butthqrhadtosbandon~,tho 

rat year, ddue to the presMe of the Dutch.llB The Maratha Sam of Thanjaw in 1738, gma a 

~ofcoaionofKarslkkd,and~vllLagtotheFmxh. Thodepdprandedford 

militsly dd. The ~nacncsment of the French occupation war reuziwd wlth W t by the entire 

polxJatlon of KaraMd.llP &d Sayap sea Mtkhu he deed.lm The c!ed um eg& conflrmod 

in 1739.Iz1 The Mamtha Raja of Thanjaw was getting bans from the Fmxh and in iieu of it the 

French got more villages near Kamikkal. By 1760 the French settlement of Kamikkal had 113 

v&a. Kimikhl served as a gmnery of Pondicheny. It was useful for pdonhg Pondichy ad 

a&o for prcaing cargoes to its ships.lZ2 

The Frenchard the Ergkhtraded side by side without much hitchbutby 1744theyented 

into a life and death struggle due to the hostilities between London and Paris. Pondicherry 

became the stronghold of the French in Coromandel. From 1745 the English fleets 

began to harass the French. French ships were attacked in the waters of Southeast 

Asian ports."' 

Madras, was captured and Cuddalore was attacked by the French several 

times between 1745 and 1748. The English had to withdraw from Cuddalore area. However 

Madras was handed back to the English in 1748.12' 

In 1749. Carnatlc wan, the famous struggle for supremacy between the French and 

the English brokeout. We haw already narrated the envents of these wars elsewhere. The 

exit of Chanda Sahib and Muzafar Jang by 1752 was a serious set back to the French. The 

French were not fourtunate in Coromandel. Their offensive operations miscarried; all their 

strong holds in Carnatic were lost one by one and finally they suffered a most decisive defeat 

in 1760.1z5 The English captured Pondicherry in 1761. It was restored to the French in 

1765. The English again captured it in 1782. In the same year the French came to 

an understanding with Hyder Ali and this alliance was a real challenge to the 

English.lz6 In =cordance with a peace Treaty of 1785, Cuddalore was restored

to the English and Pondichery to French. In 1790 the French allied with Tippu Sultan 

against the English. In the fall of Tippu Sultan in 1799, the French lost a strong native 

support. 

Karaikkal surrendered to the English in 1793. When Thanjavur power was 

transferred to the English East lndia Company in 1800 it included Karaikkal also. It remained 

in English possession till 1816. Later it was transferred and remained in French possession 

till they quit lndia in the second half of the present century. By 1817 Pondicheny, KamiWcal, 

Yanarn in Coromandel, Mahe in Malabar were the French territories.'27 

The commercial history of the French territories for almost two centuries between 1675- 

1875 was closely linked to the activities of the French trading companies. Martin attracted 

the native traders to Pondlcheny. Pondlcheny traded with Dwenarnpatnam, PortoNovo, 

Tranquebar, Karalkkal, Nagapattanam, Marakkanam, Madras, and in oversear trade with 

France, Siam, Ceylon and Manila. The French imported European goods and marketed 

them in Corornandel. Steam ship was introduced between Pondicherry and France in 

1862.12' 

The French invested in textiles in Competition with the Dutch and the English. This 

created a marked impact on Coromandel textile trade. A network of agencies were established 

to procure textiles. They gave advances to the weavers and offered higher price than the 

other companies. This competition war advantageous to the native weavers and traders. 

The French company suffered from inadequate funds. They had to rely on local merchants 

and intermediaries. Its poor financial condition and its inability to rnonopolise the inter 

Asian trade must have prompted the French to resort to joint ventures with the Corornandel 

rner~hants.12~ 

The French emerged as the protectors of regional shipping, particularly PortoNovo. 

They lent their colours and provided protection and navigational expertise to the native ship 

owners and this encouraged them to trade with Thailand, Tennaserim, Ujang Salang, Bantam, 

Ache and other Southat Asian countries. Even the ship of the king of Ayuthya saki to 

Coromandd under French colour. When the merchants of PortoNovo were penallsed by the 

Dutch.or Danes for not taking passes from them or refused passes due to enemity

the Frsnch gave them protection under their flag and pressed Into service French sailors and 

soldiers to protect their business ventures. But the French also restricted Indian shipping by 

issue of passes and permitting trade under their coloun only if they did not cany goods of 

adversaries during war tlmeslm. 

The French Company provided the merchant community several avenues for their 

economic prosperity by making them participate in export and import trades, shipping. 

money lending and minting. Being commercially and economicaUy weak, the French had to 

adjust wlth the locals to keep their enterprises going. The native merchants derived utmost 

benefit by their participation in these enterprises and they grew in wealth, status, and 

commercial power. But the religious intolerance of the French on certain occasions was a 

hindrance to their progress. lS1 

Karaikkal was a dlstlnct centre of salt manufacture. Export of salt to Bengal was the 

chief avenue open to the French at the close of the eighteenth century. It contributed the 

main source of income to the go~ernment.'~~ According to an agreement in 1815, between 

the French and the English, salt manufacture was suppressed in French territories. Hence 

salt was brought from English territories for sale and the native crafts took up this work. 

Rice, paddy, fish, brick, poultry, sandal wood, bone powder, indigo, skin and hides and 

spices were exported to France, French colonies and British colonies. Steamers belonging 

to the BriHrh Lndk St- 

Navigation Company and other shipping companies called regukrly 

at thls port In comectlon with the passenger servlce to Penang, Singapore and other Eastern 

cities.13s Indian labourers were sent from this port in large numbers to the Eastern co~nMes.'~ 

By the third quarter of nineteenth century, the French ports lost their importance 

when compared to other Coromandel ports. In 1894, imposition of advolaram dutles on 

goods entelag F d ports dealt a -re 

blow to the prosperity of the French ports. lntrcductlon 

of railway in British India was another important reason for the decline of trading activities in 

these ports.

The french settlements were a heaven to the Muslim traders. Though much of 

exporttrade was done by the European trading companies and merchants, the native Muslims 

were also encouraged by the French. They undertook joint ventures with Muslims.'" During 

the time of wan and poliHcal confusion, the French came to the rescue of the Muslim traden 

by ollowlng them to trade under their coloun. They a h offered them technical expeMw In 

navigation. The PortoNovo Marakkayan benefited much by French help. Thus the ship of 

a PortoNovo Marakkayar. Mohamed Shah during its voyage to Manila was manned by a 

French Captain.'% Many ships of the Marakkayars engaged in coastal trade such as that of 

Mohamed Ali Beg employed French captains in their ships.13' 

The French also employed 

Muslim navigators in their ships for Kedah. Tennaserim et~.'~~ Since the customs duties 

were half to that of Madras, the Marakayar ship owners and traders of PortoNovo, Nagore, 

Nagapakanam, and Tranquebar utilised the French ports for their trading activities. Thus 

the French settlements were fovourable to the Muslim merchants and their trading activities, 

which was a blessing in disguise. 

V-IV-THE DANES 

The Danish settlement of Dansborg (Tranquebar) was founded on the Coromandel in 

1620. Raghunatha Nayak of Thanjavur permitted the Danish Captain Ove Cede to build a 

fort at Tranquebar and trade freely with his subjects, and mlnt coins.1s* 

The fort was built In 1621. The English factory records testify the prosperity of the Danish 

trade in Coromandel during this decade. They entered into textile trade and Med to 

procure painted cloth in Pondicheny and PortoNovo in competition with the Dutch.'" 

At first the Danes traded with Ceylon. Their capital resources were very limited. 

They opened up trade between Coromandel and Tennaserim, thus directly coming into 

conflict with the Portuguese at Nagapattanam. They traded with Maccassar and improted 

clwes, much to the chsgrin of the VOC. They also traded with Ache. They contracted the 

local vessels to frieght their goods to Bengal.l'z 

The attempt of the English to establish a factory at Thanjavur Nayak's tenttoy In 

I624 could not matoy$aBw because of the influence of the Danes in Nayak's c~urt"~.

Between 1626-28 the relationship between the Nayak and the Danes were stained due to 

the latter's failure to pay their dues on the villages they farmed. In 1629, the Danes 

approached their rival, the Dutch for loan but it was rejected. Achyuthappa Chetty, a powerful 

merchant of this area, an associate of the Dutch, provided the finance to the Danes to run 

the day to day administmtion of the fort and pay the annual rent to the Nayak. By 1630, in 

agreement with the Portuguese at Nagapattanam, the Danes frieghted their goods to Mergui 

and Maccassar."' 

The Danes borrowed ships from the natives for their frieght to the Maccassar, Ache 

and Bantam. But they lost a few such ships, frieghted, in the course of their voyages, 

resulting in great loss to the company. After some years, they concentrated in the enterpots 

of lndoncslan ports and abandoned trade with unfavourabie routes. Their debts increased 

day by day. Some Muslim merchants in Maccassar lent them money.145 

The Danes were friendly to the Portuguese and were against the Dutch and the English 

trade interest. When the Dutch planned to attack Goa and Ceylon in 1638, the Danes 

offered their help to Portuguese to protect Nagappattanam if they were allowed to open 

factory in Ceylon. This was turned down by the Portuguese. But the Danes again offered 

their help with a request to permit them to procure cinnamson, areca and elephant from 

Ceylon. Nothing m e out of this negotiation, since the Portuguese themselves lost Ceylon 

in 1638. 

The Danish settlement at Tranquebar had no support from the home government. 

The arrival of Danish vessels to India was also limited. Their financial condition was near to 

bankruptcy. They had to sell a ship in their possession, to the Sultan of Bantam for their 

urgent financial needs. They could not withstand the competition of the Dutch, Portguese 

and English Cornpanlea and as well as the private merchants of these nationalities. With 

occarional aulrtanco from home they continued their shipping to Maccassar, Japan, Bantam 

and Manila."' Hence the Danish captain at Tranquebar came out with many proposals for 

sedlling or k&ng of fort.Even in 1629, they were willing to part with the fort to the Dutch. 

But the Dutch refused. In 1640, the English were ready to purchase Tranquebar.

A record of Fort St. George of 28 Jan 1644 refers to the miserable condition of the Danes. 

Then the Dutch were negotiating wlth the Danes to purchase Tranquebar fort to prevent it's 

falling into the hands of the Portuguese or the English. However, the Dams promlssod the 

~utch their first offer1". 

In 1653, the Danish chief at Tranquebar had offered to deliver the 

fort to the Dutch if they agree to pay their debts in Thanjavur coast and to restore the fort to 

the king of 

Denmark on demand, which was unacceptable to the Dutch149. 

The Danes had fallen from the favours of the Nayaks at the close of the seventeenth 

century. The English factory records refer to Chokanatha Nayak's negotiation with Froncois 

Martin in 1675 offering both Nagapattanam and Tranquebar for his help in driving away 

the Dutch and Danes from Thanjavur coastlS0. When Thanjavur terrttoy was taken over by 

the English in 1799, the English permitted the Thanjavur Maratha to continue to receive the 

rent on Tranquebarlsl. 

The Danish trade was built on fragile foundation and was crumbling day by 

day. Their trading activities had not created a marked impact on Coromandel 

trade. Occarionally they interferred in the local politics also. They supplied gun 

powder to Yusuf Khan, the renter of Madurails2. Though the Danes were financially 

weak, they continued their trading activities with the help of the local traders. 

They lent their flags to the local merchants to trade with the ports of Ceylon, Ache, 

Penang, Malacca, Malaya, Malabar, and Bengal during the time of political turmoils. 

The Danish Government was neutral in the war between the English and the French 

in the last decade of the eighteenth century. But when the Danes were found to be 

no longer neutral, the native ships with their flags were captured by French 

privateer el^'. 

Though the Danes were insignificant in their trading activities due to thelr 

financial deficiency, their relationship with the local traders, particularly the Muslims 

was cordial. They maintained a good rapport with the Muslims of the Coromandel 

and the Southeast Asian countries. 

The Danes helped the Marakkayar traders of 

Nagore, Karaikkal,Thirumalairajanpattanam, and Tranquebar to continue thelr trade 

by 

giving their colours during the ~eriod of political unrest and wars.

But for this, the sinking economy of the maritime Muslim people of the area would have 

come to a near collapse. Thus the Danes rendered a timely help to the Coromandel Muslim 

maritime tradersI5#. 

The English purchased the Danish settlement of Tranquebar in 1845 and thereafter 

the commercial importance of Tranquebar declined. After 1845 Nagapattanam gained 

commercial importance ar a main port. 

V. - V - THE ENGUSH 

The English East lndia Company emerged from a humble beginning, rose to height 

of opulance and power in India. Throughout the period of our study, the English East lndia 

Company and the British power continued and make their presence felt in the political and 

commercial history of Coromandel. The maritime activities of the Muslims met with many 

fluctuations under the English and finally they were reduced to insignificance. With the firm 

establishment of the English the maritime Muslims once dominated the ocean trade from the 

Coromandel region were pushed back to the status of pew traders. 

At the beginning of the period of our study, the two major European powers, the 

Dutch and the English reacted to the political turmoil keeping in view their own interests and 

the opportunities that came their way and were ready to defend their trading rights. The 

English were strong in and around Madras and Cuddalore. The Dutch were concentrated in 

the Madura Bay and Pak Straits adjucent to Ceylon. The native powers also responded 

suitably, opening the doors for the ascendancy of these European powers which ultimately 

subordinated them politically and economically155. 

The English entered into Coromandel trade as early as 1614166. They established a 

factory at Pulicat in 1619, but the trade was not profitable due to Dutch competition and the 

factory was closed in 1623157. Their first attempt to establish a factory at Thanjavur 

Nayak's territory did not materialise. In 1624 the English negotiated with the Thanjavur 

Nayak for favours and privileges. The negotiations broke down due to the greedy demands 

of the Nayakl68. Viriddhagirisan attributes the failure to the intrigues of the Danes who 

were enjoying considerable Influence in Nayak's

The settlement of Madras ( Fort. St. Goerge) was founded in 164OL60. The weak 

Vijayanagar administration had given substancial concessions and by 1650 the English had 

a port settlement at Madras. When this part of territoy was overrun by the Gokonda, the 

Sultan confirmed in 1672 an autonamous administration to the English in Fort. St. George 

areaL61. 

By another farman, the village of Triplicane was added'bz 

In 1689, the administration of Madras area passed on to the Mughals from Gokonda 

rulers. The Mughal general Zulphikar Khan confirmed all the earlier concessions to the 

English1". In 1690, he granted the remission of the annual rent to thelr Madrar settlement. 

More towns and villages near Madras were given on lease. The English were also permitted 

to mint coins in the name of the emperor'". In later years, more villages were rented to the 

English by Zulphikar Khan. Thus the Muslim conquest of the Coromandel brought the tide 

of fortune in favour of the English. 

The Maratha subedar of PortoNovo issued a cowl to the English in 1682 and they 

were allowed to settle and trade from PortoNovo, Cuddalore and K~nimedu'~. The English 

purchased the old fort of Devanampattinam from the Maratha ruler of Ginjee in 1690, along 

with some surrounding villages, including the port of Cuddalore and Manjakuppam. 

Devanarnpattanam old fort was demolished and a new fort, the Fort St. David, was const~cted 

at that site. The Dutch had a factory at Devanampattanam and they protested over the 

concessions to the English. But the English asserted their rights and the Dutch trade ruined 

In Devanampattanamlb'. 

Dawood Khan was appointed as the Nawab of Carnatic in 1700. He blockaded all 

the English factories and prohibited their trade, The English settled the matter with Dawood 

Khan paying a heavy sum167. At the death of Aurangazeb, the Mughal emperor, Bahadur 

Shah ( sha Alam) was engaged in a war of succession. For getting the assistance of 

Engllsh against his rival contender, he granted five more villages around Madras

on rent through Dawood Khan l" . The English got confirmed all the earlier gmts from the 

new Mughal emperor F ad Shiyar 169. These concessions and privileges made them assertive 

and they even challenged the Nizam or the Nawab boldly.The English also utillsed the confused 

political conditions to establish their authority over the subcontinent. Almost all the natlw 

powers were loosing their ground. The Mughals lost control of most of their territories 

including Carnatic, after their defeat at the hands of Nadirsha. The English obtained the 

control of Bengal in 1757. At the end of the Carnatic wan in 1763 the English established 

their supremacy . The Marathas were routed at Panipet in 1761. The earnest efforts of 

Hyder Ali and Tippu Sultan to check the growing power of the English proved futile. The fall 

of big native powers witnessed the mushroom growth of small autonomous centers. All 

these enabled the English to assert their hegemony. Thus the Mughal emplre of 1740 

metamorphosed into that of English empire In 1801. 

The year 1749 witnessed the outbreak of three wars of succession in the south, all of 

which powerfully affected the course of Indian histoy. They were, in Thanjawr, between 

Sayaji and Pratap Sing; in Carnatic ( Arcot) between Wallajah Anwar-uddin and Navayet 

Chanda Sahib; in Hydrabad, between Nazirjang and Muzafar Jung. Until this time the 

French were secluded away from the major political events. The English were also isolated 

in their relation with the native powers. But these wars of succession brought them close to 

one power or other. 

The English supported Thanjavur Sayaji. Arcot Anwar - ud- Din, and 

Hydrabad Muzafar Jung. The French took the cause of the opposite camp. BY their 

intervention in Thanjawr affairs the English got Devikottai, from Thanjav~r"~. This prepared 

them for further territorial ambition. 

The forces of confederates descended upon the territories of the Carnatic. In the first 

round the French were victorious getting Pondicherry, Karaikkal, and surrounding viUages17'. 

Subsequently the English force humbled the French Navayet confederacy. Mohamed All 

WallaJah waa made as the undinputed master of Carnati~"~ The immediate glory wmt to 

the Wallajahs but the ultimate victory devohred upon the EngPsh. The Nawab rnuarded the 

English for their meritorious setvices in the form of a few villages near Madras as free gift1". 

The English interest in Carnatic began almost simultaneously with the establishment of 

Wdajah rule in Arcot.

The Myrore wars of subsequent times weakend the Nawab and made him more 

dependent on the English. The Nawab secured the assistance of the company for his 

defence which overburdened him with debts and he found it difficult lo extricate himself. 

Every subsequent military operation brought with it fresh budens. This process together 

with the Nawab's practice of contl.acttng loans for his personal expenses continued until the 

creditors, the English, swept he Wallajahs out of power"'. 

In 1755 Mohamed Ali tried to consolidate his power in the southern districts of 

Madura. Many of the Polygars were in alliance with the Dutch and defied the authority of the 

Nawab. The rents could not be collected for liquidating the debts of the English"5. W~th the 

help of the English forces, the new governor ol Madurai. Khan Sahib ( Yusuff Kh) supprossod 

the Polygars in 1760. The consolidation of the powers of the Nawab was atterded with an 

almost equal extension of English influence. As the Nawab continued the Military operations 

by associating the English company forces beskles contracting bans for p h expenses, 

his financial obligations continued !o increase. Therefore there appesred no scope for 

liquidating his debts completely or to get rid of the English influence. The indebtedness 

forced the Nawab to grant a partnership to the English in the receipt of the revenue of 

Carnati~"~. 

After a period of short glory the Nawab's power suffered a setback. Thanjawr was 

* 0 

annexed by the Nawab in 1771 and ~arnanatha~urah in &;? next year. The English interfened 

in these affairs and obtained the status of arbitrators. The Madras council restored Thanjawr 

to Maratha Thulaji which demonstrated the higher status of the English. Thubji entered into 

a settlement with the company accepting the Fnglish protection and to pay 4 bkhs pagodas 

a year for this, and not to render assistance to the enemies. Subsequently, the English 

bra-ht pressure upon Thulaji to cede the company, Nagore with It's 277 vihges yiekhg a 

revenue of 2 1/2 kkhs of wpees"7 The English thus galned a footing in the fertile granery 

of the south. Nztgapatta~m which was under !he Dutch parossion surrendered to the 

English in 1781. The possession of Nagapattanam helped the English for the statabilisation 

of their power in Coromandel since it was an important key to the southern provinces. 

Nsgapattanam and Nagore continued to be important trading ports wdor the English.

uring the second Mysore war the Nawab had promised to pay a considerable amount 

to the English but he could not pay"8. To realise this amount, the Madras council forced the 

Nawab to sign a treaty in 1781. According to this, the revenues of CarnaHc were to be 

transferred to the English for a period of five years and one sixth of the annual collection 

to be asrigned for tho private expenses of the Na~ab"~. By this treaty, the Polygars of 

the south Coromandel came under the direct administration of the EnglishlM. Thus the 

retrogression of the Nawab resulted in the direct involvement of the English in our county's 

administration. 

In 1785 the English surrendered the assignment of the revenues to the Nawab and 

another treaty was contracted. It defined the military and financial superiority of the English 

in Carnatic. The Nawab had to recognise the defence of his county as a joint venture with 

the English by agreeing to contribute a part of It's expenditure. Besldes the treaty formulated 

an arrangement for the clearance of his debts18'. This treaty reduced the Carnatic to the 

status of a protectorate. The English presided over the defence system of the region. The 

financial commitment imposed on the Nawab was very heavy. The arrears of payments 

towards the debts as per the treaty of 1785 was not settled by the Nawab. To realise the 

arrears of the debts, the English assumed the revenue administration of the Carnatic and 

Thanjavur in 1790 by a pr~clamationl~~. 

The English gave up the administration of the assumed revenues of the Carnatic in 

1792 and a fresh treaty - the Carnatic treaty of 1792- was settled with Mohamed All. It 

imposed regorous provisions to the effect that the Carnatic territories will pass on to the 

English in the case of default. The Nawab lost the control over the foreign policy and the 

right to collect revenues from the Polygar~'~~. But the English supressed the Polygars by iron 

and blood in the name of the Nawab. A similar treaty was imposed on Thanjavur in 1793. 

The political settlements,md treaties made during the period of 1785-1792 imparted 

a lagal sanction to the enchroachments made by the English Company on the rights of the 

natlve mlers. The English deprived of the Nawab and the Thanjavur Marathas of their 

Political rights. In 1795 the English deposed the Sethupathi of Rammathapuram. Many 

P~ligars wem also &. 

This d a hatred among the people takards the Engllshl".

Under the English administration the taxes were oppressive. Natural calamities added 

fuel to the fire. The rentism and assignees i n c d the price. of the articles by common 

agreementlu. William Collins Jackson, the Company's Collector at Ramanathapuram 

imposed an embargo on the import of grain through sea with an intention of providing 

increased demand to the hoarded grain of the company. The prices of the grain shot high. 

The inhabitants were unable to obtain the food articles1%. The import and export of grain 

trade suffered. This affected the traders in the field. 

The Polygars began to rebel1 from 1793. The insurmctions of the Polygars of 1799- 

1801 was defeated becauae of the superior military power of the Company and its vast 

resources. In the midst of military operations against the insurgents, the Engllsh East lndia 

Company entered Into a political transaction of major significance with the Nawab on 31st 

July 1801. The English East lndia Company concluded the treaty of Carnatic which provided 

for the transfer of power and authority of th Carnatic to the English. This marked the formal 

British mle over Carnatic. The Nawab of Arcot and other auxillay powers ceased to exerciss 

any political authority. The treaty vested the perpectual and exclusive civil, militay and 

revenue authority wlth the English. The Nawab was made a pensioner. One fifth of the total 

revenue was to be pald to himla'. On the transfer of the territories, the English became the 

masters of Coromandel. The administration was in the hands of the British East India 

Company till 1857, when the Indian territories came under the direct administrative control 

of the British crown and lndia became politically and economically a vassal state of British 

Empire. 

Even by the second quarter of the seventeenth century, the English had established a 

well founded network of trading factories centered on the Fort St.George. The clty of 

Madras was the chief centre from whkh the British rule expanded. It became the chief 

factory of the English on the Coromandel and the headquarters of English East lndia Company. 

The Engllsh acquired a site from the Raja of Chandragiri in 1640 and it was developed as a 

fo~fied settlement. The town was called Chennapattanaml". The trade of the most of the 

Coromandel ports had to depend on Madras. A large part of import and export trade was 

channelled through Madras port.'=.

The English had a permanent machinary at Cuddalore for entering into contract w~th 

the weavers and local traders for the supply of textiles. PortNovo was also included in this 

network. The English tapped the markets to the west of Cuddalore as far as Salem. The 

company shlp were canytng good deal of freight. In 1684 the English company's export 

from Coromandel was the highest in the history of the textile export from Coromandellw. 

The English shipping of the Asian trade plied in the popular routes of Coromandel 

trade. It sailed to Martaban, Pegu. Tennaserim, Arakan, Kedah, Perak, Johore and Ache 

participating in the customary trade between these places and Coromandel coast. Much of 

the trade from Madras was carried out by English private operators, company servants and 

free merchants. The traditional maritime merchants, the Muslims and Chettlars plied side by 

side wlth the English from the ports of Cuddalore, PortNovo and Nagapattanam. The English 

traded dlrectly wlth Manila in league with the Portuguese, Armenians and Coromandel 

Muslims191. There was small boat traffic from Madras to Malabar, Ceylon and Maldkes. 

Short distance inter portal traffic from Kovalam, Fort St.David. PortNovo. Pondicherry, 

Tranquebar, Karaikkal, Nagore, Tondi, Kilakkarai and Kayalpattanam was also undertaken 

in which the local Muslim traders participated. 

The English company imported the English manufactures into Coromandel. They 

Imported from Mocha,Bandar Abhas, the West Asian goods ; from Burma and Thai ports, 

tin, aromatics and a varlety of goods; from Malaya and Sumatran ports, pepper, tin, aromatic 

wood and spices; from China, Copper and porceline. The English private traders dlrectly 

competed with the Coromandel native tradersLez. 

The English carried on a brisk trade on slaves. They regularly supplied the slaves to 

the Southeast Asian markets of Ache, Arakan and Pegu. Slave trade was prohibited in 

Madras by 1687. But the trade went underground. Even during nineteenth century children 

were kidnapped and transported overseas as slaves. A number of Muslim traders were 

involved in such cases at Nagapattanam, Nagore and Kayalpattanam 19'. 

It will be seen that the first settlements of the English were purely commercial in 

nature. Their settlements contained nothing more than factories, warehouses and residences

for local representatives. Most of them were in sea coasts. The merchants of London were 

looking anxiously for the return from their investments. They pertained to the arrival and 

departures of ships, purchase and export of textile and various other products of the county. 

Thw the early wttlementa of the company was essentially trade in character. 

Force of circumstances soon placed territorial ambition before It. As rightly pointd 

out by Holden Farber "It was the decay of the Mughual authority in lndia which forced the 

Company to consider excercising control over the land which produced it's staple export, 

the cotton piece g00d~'.l~. Thus the early expansionist activities of the Company were due 

to it's own commercial motives. 

With the development of the Company from a commercial power into a territorial 

one, 'between 1757 -1784, there arose demand for some control of the English East lndta 

Company. The Regulating Act of 1773 imposed an indirect control of the British government 

on the affairs of the company. The Charter of 1813 abolished the company's monopoly in 

Indian trade. Because of this, English private trade increased in volume. The Company's 

trade steadily declined. The private merchants and commercial centres of England brought 

pressure to strip the company from trade. Accordingly, the Company's trade was absorbed 

altogether by passing the Charter of 1833. From thenceforth it simply stood as administrators 

of lndia drawing it's divldend from the revenues of India. The Board of Revenue which was 

formed in 1835 supervised the entire administrati~n.'~~ 

Cotton piece goods were the staple commodity of export of the English like the other 

European companies. In fact, the entire investment of the English was made only on piece 

goods. The East lndia Company started it's investment on the weavers from the year 1793. 

The wars in eighteenth century were a temporay setback to the textile industry. When the 

dust of war settled, the company saw to it that the weaving villages continued their work 

without much interruption. The company invested about 50 to 60 lakhs rupees per annumi%. 

In addition to the export market, the entire internal demand was also met. The Corornandel 

weavers produced many varieties of piece goods for export. To mention a few, muslin, 

chintzes, palempore, longcloth, calicos, allegaes, bettelles, collowaypoos, dispers, moo*,

percolles, rumals, saucer guntees, sadaram - cheras, sallampore, sail cloth etc.'P'.There 

wen countless calico producing centres in Ramnad, Tinnelveli and Thanjavur. There were 

about 1023 looms and 4000 weavers at Nagore19\ There were about 980 looms in 

Ramanathapuram. 

The company encouraged the local weaving sector upto the first quarter of the 

nineteenth century. Huge advances were distributed to the weavers. Some special concessions 

were extended to the weavers who supplied textiles exclusively to the company and they 

were designated ar company weaven. They were exempted from loom tax and their land, 

were moderately assessed. There were a large numbers of Muslim weavers in Ramanathapuram 

and Thirunelveli districts200. 

The first half of the nineteenth century witnessed a remarkable change in the character 

of trade between lndia and England. Hence forward, lndia began to recieve those very 

commodities as imports as hitherto shipped in her export trade, i.e., cotton manufactures 

and sugar. The Lankashire cotton industry so developed that by the middle of the century 

the cotton piece goods from there started to invade the Indian market. It represented about 

the total import of foreign merchandise in IndiaZm. Raw cotton was exported for Lankashire 

textile industry and the finished products came to Indiazoz. To feed their home market with 

superior varieties of cotton, cultivation of new varieties of cotton was encouraged in many 

parts of Coromandel. By 1823, except the Madras long cloth, all other piece goods lost 

market in Englandzo3. Company's export trade in textiles was ruined. By the Charter Act 

of 1833 the Company ceased to be a trading corporation. The Act drove the last nail in to 

the coffin of the East lndia Company's trade and as well as the cotton handloom industry of 

the Coromandel2M. The weavers were thrown into misery and their industries nearly 

ruined. Among them there were many Muslim weavers on the coastal towns. 

By the end of eighteenth centuy the free English merchants grew. The control of 

trade got transferred from covenented servants to the free merchants. Trade firms took up 

the place of loosely associated individuals. This was a real challenge to the individual local 

traders both Muslims and HindusZob. Joint stock companies were formed with influencia!

and confident merchants as share holders and money were advanced to the producers of 

textiles through the contractors. There were money lenders to advance to the English for 

the duration of the voyage and the rate of interest was vey high up to 30%. The English 

ships carried Corornandel plece goods and returned with silver that overflowed in to Manlla 

from Spanish America. The profit earned by them was vey highsW. 

When tho East India Company lost it's trade monopoly, private English merchants 

took up the place. They competed still vigourously with native merchants in all the traditional 

markets and commodities. The English administration showed racial discrimination against 

the native traders and favoured the English merchants. 

The English tried to curb the rival commercial competitions. To safeguard the English 

shipping interest an act was passed in 1814 restricting lndian shipping and ships employing 

lndian sailors. lndian built ships were prohibited in lndo British trade from 1814. The act 

stipulated that the ships entering English waters whose crews were not atleast 75% English. 

were liable to forfeiture, while the captain in all ttwe .ships had to be white British. Local 

shipping was discouraged by discriminat@ taritts. m.qw hdras presidency, in 1872 the 

import duty on goods brought by the Ir;dian ships was raised t&5% compared with 7'/,% In 

the case of English ships. These measures dealt an effective blow to native shipplng and reduced 

it to insignificance in Indo-British trade by 1840207. A coroUay to these changes was the fad 

that the traditional Indian merchants Hindus as well as Muslims ceased to play a major role in the 

external seaborn tmde of India. 

The decline of lndian ocean shipping commercial and financial enterprises meant that 

Indian entrepreneural classes lost their principle and traditional income and many had to be 

content with the subservient role of dealings under English enterprises and the "Nabobs", the 

free merchants 

The English also monopolised certain commodities. Monopoly of the Indian prodm by 

the bgbsh meant that the Indian merchants were prohibited from bum commcdities dire& 

from the pro& which were monopolised by the British. The agents of the Company and

Company semnts forced such goods on the lndian merchants at a price higher than the 

prevailing ones."8 

The Indian merchants had to acquiesce to the Company or it's servants 

engaged in private inland trade or private English merchants, othenuise they had to find a new 

ass 1 

Rm 

The politica1,trade and other general policies of the English affected the maritime trade 

source of income. 

of the Muslims also. They were the most oppressed among the native traders under the English 

rule. Though the English supported the maritime trading activities of the Muslims in the early 

years of thelr ascendancy their policy towards them changed in the later periods and thus the 

English had an ambivalent afitude towards the Muslims. Bedling aU the diffiches, the Muslim 

vessels operated from PortoNovo. Cuddalore, and Nagapattanam to Burma, Ache and Yalacca. 

From the Madura coast trade with Ceylon was briskzo9. The Nawab of Arcot wanted to develop 

the ports at Kovalarn, Santhome and Alarnbaram relying on the Muslim shipping. But it was not 

attended to. 

The English thought that influential Muslim merchants created problems for the Company's 

relationship with the NawabzlO. There were occauiona-aisputq with the Muslims in the collection 

of customs. The Muslim ship owners and traders moved to the places favourable to them. The 

attempt of the English in the second half of the eighteenth century to attract Muslim trders to 

PortoNovo failedz". The growth of Pondicheny port under the French was an attraction to the 

Muslim traders of PortNovo. The customs duty at Pondicherry was only half to that of 

Cuddalore. When the native traders represented for the reduction in the customs rate the 

Directors rejected itz'z. Rice and grain trade from Coromandel to Ceylon continued to be an 

important activity of Coromandel Muslims. In the long run it was also affected by the rise in 

tariffs. 

Further the English were favourable to Hindu Chettiar merchants. They were 

nominated as their chief agents and principal traders at Madras. It is also a fact that Chettiar 

merchants were in sound financial position than the Muslim traders. The English felt that 

the Hindus were a dosilo group and very dependent on English power and hence they were 

in good books213.

Choudy alleges that the English East India Company itself seldom made use of the 

Muslim merchants. The English considered some of the Muslim merchants as their enemies 

due to the their common religion with the Mughal rulers2". Mujib opins that the British had 

been the cause of the economic ruin of the Indian Muslims, and the British administration 

had taken flerce revenge on the Muslims for their participation in the upheaval of 1857- 

58z'6. The marltlme trade of the Muslims of Coromandel suffered further after the mutiny. 

Though the religious anemosity of the English towards Muslims may not be comparable to 

that of the Portuguese and the Dutch; but still the English discriminated them because of 

their political and economic compulsions. 

At end of the period of our study, the whole of India was under the British Empire. 

The British administrators were not very serious about the maritime trade activities of the 

natlves. The Musllm traders had to share the fate along with other native traders. Very few 

Marakkayar maritime traders and ship owners alone survived the economic storm. In the 

scattered pockets of Thanjavur, Ramanathapuram and Thirunelveli there were few wealthy 

Marakkayar traders engaged in trade with Ceylon and in coastal trade. The trading activities 

of many of the families dominating in the Coromandel Coast was engulphed by the British 

economic power and supreme shipping technology, by 1900, and the glorious history of 

the Coromandel Muslims' maritime activities faded away in silence. Thus the occupation of 

the Coromandel region by various European powers and their commercial and political 

activities, right from the sixteenth century to the dawn of hventyth, has played a major role 

in the economic downfall of the Muslims .

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ibid. I1 p.143 

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Sanjay Subrarnaniyn. Political Economy, op.cit. pp. 183-84 

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V Vriddhagirisan, op cit. p 154 

Tapan Ray Choudry, op cit. pp. 114-15. 

Willlam Forster. English Factories 1651-53; p. 28 

V Viriddhagirisan, op.cit. p. 157 

William Foster, English factories 1668-69 

K.M. Venkataramayya. Thanjawr Marattla Mannar Varalaru (Tamil University, 

Thanjavur. 1987) p. 146. 

K.Ra]ayyan, Madurai, op.cit. p 218 

FSG, hbllc consuItation, Voi. 339, 17th Feb. 1808 pp. 1314-1315: Vol.. 340, 15 

March 1808 pp. 2127 - 30 

ibid 

S. Arasaratnam, Companies and Commerce, op cit. p 92 

Sanjay Subramani~an, Political Economy, op cit. P. 174. 

Wllliarn Foster, English factories , Vol. I1 PP. 37-38 

ibid. p. 39. 

V. Viriddhagirlsan, op.cit. p. 104. 

E.R James. O/.cial Hand Book of Madras ( 1935) PP 33-S4,

H D Low Vbstiges of Old Madras - pt. I pp. 344-45 

ibid. p. 352. 

Farman of Nawab Zulfikarkhan to Ellhv Yale, 16th December 1690, Fort St. George 

consultation Book, 1691. 

H.D. Love, op.clt.pp. 512-18. 

ibid, p. 463; W. Francis, op.clt. p. 40 

W. Francis, op cit. pp. 46.47 

Forl St. David consultation, 10 Feb 1702 and 12 Feb 1702. 

H.D. love, op. cit. I1 p. 21. 

Military Despatches to England, 27 Sept. 1717, p 13, and Jan 1718, p.123, 

Charles Floyer in Council. 22 May 1749 Fort St David, Consultation, vol. 17 p. 143; 

K.R Su+ramanlyan. The Maratha RWk of ThanJawr / 19281 op clt p. 51; Thaqavur 

Saraswathi Mahal Modi script ( Trans) 9-4 

H D. Love, op.clt. Il p 431-432. 

A R.P. Diary, Vol. Vlll pp. 157-158. 

A collection of Treaties , vol V p 180-181 

K. Rajayyan. Madurai. op cit p 163 

Lord Pigot, 19th May 1756. letter to Nawab of Arcot. MC C vol 4, p. 59 

K. Rajayyan, Madurai, op.cit. p. 201 

A collection of Treaties, vol V No. XI , XVII p. 181. 

Charles Smlth in Council, 15 May 1781, M,c ' Vol. 74, p 1187. 

A Collection of Treaties. Vol. V p 181. 

Lord Mercatney in council, 13. Aug - 1783 Letter to Court of Directors Military 

despatches to England. Vol 18, p 341 

A collection of treaties, vol. V - No. XI. 

William Medows in Councll. 7 Aug, and 24 Sept 1790. MC ' Vol 139. 

p 3607, 3346 

A collection of Treaties vol V - The Carnatic Treaty - 1792. 

Edward Lord Cllve in Council I I Oct. 1798, M C ' vol 88, pp. 3179-3181; Ldward 

Lord Cllve in Council, 6 May 1800. Mc vol. 268, pp. 2681-2691; Slr Charles 

Okelay in Council. 21 Aug. 1792, Mc ' vol 160. p 3825. 

Lord Cllve I- Councll 31st Oct. 1800; Secret Consultations Vol l I, pp. 756-758. 

Lord Clive in Council, 15th Oct. 1798. Commercial despatches to England.. \ol 6 

pp. 300 - 324. 

The Treaty of Carnatic, 31st July 1801, in Secret Consultation, vol I pp 786- 801 

Sethakkathi Nondi Natakam, Stanza - 158; FSG Diary and Consultation Book, 

1690, p. 7; Madras Tercentenary volume 1939. pp 65-66. 

S. Arasaratnam , Companies and Commerce. op clt p. 212 

ibid p. 153.

191, ibid 

192 lbld p 192. 

193. S. Arasaratnam. Companies and Commerce, op cit p. 203; Judicial conrultatlons. 

vol. 185 A/28 June 1825 p. 1417-19; Thlrunelvell District Record Vol. 1014. 17 

March 1825 p. 2482 ; 

Holden Furber, Jane Company at work, A sstudy of European Ewpansion h lndia in the 

late Eighteenth century ( Oxford, 1951) p 17 

C.H. PhUip. The East India Company - 1784 - 1834 (Oxford, 1961) p. 23; J.W Kaye. 

Administration of the East lndia Company 1773 - 1834 (Oxford, 1951) p.31; 

C. Ramachandran, East India Company and South Indian Economy, (Madras, 1980) pp.1-2. 

Commercial Depatches to England.9th Aug. 1799. 

K.N. Choudrl, The Trading world of Asia and the English East lndia Company 1660-1760 

(Cambrldge, 1978) p. 476. 

TNA Thanlaur District Records, Vol 3349/1779 pp 4-12 

Public Consultations wl. 184 A, 12-2 - 1793, pp 262/65. 

FSG fiblic Consultations, 23, October 1812; TNA Thirunelvelli Distrlct Record, 

Vol. 3587/1811, pp. 428-38; Vol 3594/1817, p 2415; TNA Tanjore District Record 

Vol. 3327/1803, pp. 13-19; Vol. 3349/1779 

C.W.C. Cotton, op.cit p.63 

C. Ramachandran, op.clt, p.63 

Commercial Despatches from England. 26th May 1823. 

Amalesh Thiripathi. Trade and Flnmce in Bengai presidency (New Delhi. 1956) p. 227. 

Hendry Dodwell. The Nobobs of Madras ( Rpt New Delhi , 1986) p.12 

ibid , p. 129 

Kernial Sing Sandhur, Indians in Maiaya, M~grabon and Settlements 1786-1957, ( 

Cambridge 1969) pp. 32-33; Sarada Raju. Economic Condition of Madras Presidency 

1800 - 1850, (Madras University) p. 222; Supplement to the IV th Report of the Ezst lndia 

Company, app. 47; pp 23-24. 

Ramakrishna Mukharji The Rise and Fall of East India Company. (Bombay 19731 

pp. 304-305. 

S. Arasaratnam , Companies and Commerce, op ,clt. P. 199 

Despatches to England, 22 Dec. 1771, p. 29, Despatches from England, 2nd Feb. 

1772, p. 84, and 17 Oct. 1718, p. 13. 

Despatches to England, 17 Aug. 1717. p. 117; Despatches from England, 8 Jan 

1717-18 p. 112. 

Despatches from England.17 Oct. 1718. p. 13 

S. Arasaratnam, Companies and Commerce, op.clt. 209. 

K.N. Choudri, op.clt. pp. 149-150 

M. Mujib, op.clt. p. 525.

Chapter VI 

MARITIME ACTIVITIES OF MUSLIMS 

Part I 

The land division of the coastal region according to the Tamil traditon is called, Neithal. 

Naturally people living in Neithal land had to depend on the sea and it's products for their 

livelyhood. Their occupations were centered round the sea. An old Tamil poem describes the 

occupation and activities of the people of Neithal as follows: boating, chank and pearl fishing, 

swimming, in search of marine products, fishing, guiding about the rock, under the sea and the 

sea currents, selling fish, manufacture of salt, predicting astronomical data and weather conditions, 

to sail in ships and undertaking voyages to other countries for trade'. From very ancient times 

all these maritime occupations were undertaken by low castes among the native Hindus who 

were called Parathavan (later known as Paravas). For, the upper Hindu castes, i.e. dwija or 

twice born castes crossing the sea was prohibited by custom. Therefore generally the upper 

caste Hindus did not take up maritime activities involving seafaring. During the middle ages a 

sizable population of the coastal region was lslamised and they followed all these maritime 

activities particularly the Marakkayan and Labbais. For the voyages on the sea and across the 

seas the people of the Neithal used various kinds of vessels. The names of such vessels used by 

the ancient Tamils are found in the Tamil literatures down from Sangam Age. A few of them are 

vangam2, umpi3, nawai4, dhoney5, kalam6, madhalai7, pathai, punai, thonnai, paru, podam. 

panri, thimil, pattihai,paduvai, midavai and odams. The word Kappal seems to be a very late 

derivation. by about 17th century. The parts of these vessels are also described in detail in 

these literatures9. 

The maritime activi of the eady MlLslim imdm of the Caromandel Coast was dosely linked 

urlthlkspreadofIsbmandMudim~nts. TherewerepowerfulincenWbrtheMudunsto~e 

mmrnerdd activith. Rophet Mohamed hindwas a tmda and what was done by h i was a sunnat 

(WWi) for the Muslims. Further, Quam ddedares that AUah has allowed tmding. (Qum: 2 : 275). At 

the time of rke of Ishm in the seventh centuly A.D. the W$N and the hks from West Asia and the 

hSouthe&Asia shared the bade of the lndian ocean via Coromardel p~r~sto the great centres 

of Malacca, Ceylon and Cambay. As summed up by Toussaint " with the advent of lslam

in the m t h centuxy A.D.. the Atabsconquired Wtsk, controlled the persian Gull. Urder the Abkd 

kaliphs- Islamic sea power was at it's height. With the deciine of the Abbasids in the 

tenth centuy A.D. and the rise of Fatimides in Egypt, the centre of Islamic sea power shifted from 

Persian Gulf to Red Sea, while Muslim colonies developed in east Africa and peninsular India."'0, 

The spread of Islam paved the way for the emergence of powerful Muslim trading communities 

in peninsular India. Peninsular India occupies a central position in this region and it's Lital roie in trade is 

undeniable. With the rise of Islamic power in West Asia, the Muslims lost no time in spreading their 

influence in the ports of peninsular India. Among the Hindu communities along the coast with whom 

they had already established friendly and close trade relations they also tried to spread their new faith. 

Islam. In the course of time, Arab settlements grew into powerful native Muslim trade settlements 

Malabar was a vital link in Muslim trade in the Indian ocean. The Chola sea power was a serious 

obstruction in the eleventh centuy to the growth of Muslim influence. One of the first important measure 

taken by Choia Raja Raja I towards the end of the tenth centuy A.D.. was to secure Malabar coast in an 

engagement off Kandalur Chalai and to conquer the Lacdives and Maldives islands This was intended 

to curb the Arab influence in Indian ocean trade. After the deciine of the Chola power in the hvelth 

century the Mwli influence increased, and they enjoyed a dominant role in the sea borne trade of the 

rwionl'. 

The Coromandel ports became the favourable settlements of the Muslim traders. Kayal was the 

principal port, in the thirteenth century where Muslims were pnnc~ple traders. It was also the chief port of 

kde uAh Cqrbn, Mabcca and Pdan gulf. Kikkkami. Mpattanam, To& ad Nagapattanam also became 

busy ports, and important Muslim centres of trade. These maritime tom played a c~aal economic roie in 

the pre-cobnial CoromKdel Coast. The import of war horses was one of the earliest spzdahties. By the early 

fourteenth century, the armies of Pandya rulers were supplied with west Asian horses, shipped in by the 

Mush tden to Kayal, Petiapathmm Kd Khkhd from the gat inkmatiad enkrpb of the P-d. 

In this,an important agency had been established here by an Arab Chief who is described by Muslim 

histoh as Malikkul Islam J&& the nJer of Kis. He was ve y influencial in Pandyan Kingdom. The 

~ t o f ~ ~ - ~ ~ t h e 9 & o f h o m h a d e . A c c o ~ t o t h e ~ t o f W d ,

m many as 10,000 horses were Imported into the Corornandel ports of whlch Jamdudin's CW, 

treeduas 

" 'k. Themost~ti&mofbdeftunAmb$npor~~~~horres. b p d o h 

visited Kayal at the end of thirteenth century has left detailed record about the horse trade at Kayal. 

Kayal was also an important link in horse trade to CeylonIz. 

The diverse Muslim communities of peninsular lndia had a significant role to play in the Indian 

ocean trade in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries until they were ousted by the European powers 

By the end of twelth century, the naval power of the Cholas and the Sylendras completely declined and 

many mercantile communities of peninsular India began to claim a major role in Indo-Ceylon trade and 

as well as trans oceanic trade. Soon they were able to secure a dominent role in the maritime trade of 

Ida and an enviable share of the seaborne trade in Malacca, lndonasian islands, Jam, Aden and Maldiws. 

The Muslims controlled much of the region's trade in gem stones and pearls. Many Muslim port centres 

also s e d as outlet for the international trade in cotton piece goods. After the destruction of Bagdad in 

the middle thirteenth century by Mangoles, the Arab activities in the East became restricted. In fact at the 

end of fifteenth centuly the Arabs had lost their supreme position in the sea borne trade13. The Gujarathi 

Muslims and Tamil Muslims had taken over from the Arabs the dominent role in the Indian ocean trade 

The fifteenth centuy Chinese sea farers comment on the commercial link of Nagapattanarn 

with Sumatra, Java and Burmese coasts. In the sixteenth centuy Adirampattanam, Kilakkarai 

Nagapattanam. PortoNovo and Pulicat were among the region's most active textile export centres: 

Muslim sea going men from Pulicat and Nagapattanam carried'coromandel piece goods to Mocha, 

Malacca and Burma. Even in the late nineteenth century, these Muslim ports still had links with great 

~nternational exchange centres of Indonesian archipelago and Malay Peninsula14. 

The Gujarathi Muslims handled much of the trade to Aden, Malacca, Sumatra and in Bay of 

Bengal. Around the same time. Tamil Muslim traders played an influencial role in the Southeast Asian 

trade though not perhaps to the same extent as the Gujarathis. Pearson says that details are unfortunately 

not avalkble but it is clear from the evidence we haw in the Malay annals regarding the affluence 

and political influence enjoyed by the Tamil Muslims in the Kingdoms of Malacca, Java, in the fifteenth 

century, and the significant role they played in the trade of the Malay world'5. The Gujarathi Muslim 

ships might haw ftieghted for the Coromandel Muslims, when they touched the coast.

The religious ties and associations of the converts, with foreign Muslims gave them a new fiekl of 

service in the mercantile towns. The increase in the number of ships in trading activities necessiated 

more perso~el to man them. Thus sailors and labourers for the shipping activities increased. They 

took such jobs in the ships and were ready to travel for a long distance. They also entered into trade in 

a variety of subsidiary roles such as brokers, jobbers and retailers. The poorest among them became 

porters and packen. The native Muslims were the chananel through which foreign goods were distributed 

either on barter or for money among the people16. There were many others who were in the upper 

strata of the society and they enjoyed a better position. It is possible that such people were mainly the 

traditioinal trading communities who were convetted to lslam and the gr&g 

influence of lslam facilitated 

their uplift. Along with the Muslim, the Chettiars were profitably engaged in ocean tmde. Their economic 

power was bigger and not comparable to that of the Muslims. 

The men who took lskm across the Bay of Bengd were the members of mercantile communities. 

Tamil Muslim merchants had done a lot in this direction. The Gujarathi Muslims also had served for this 

cause but the Tamil influence was found deep rooted. It was principally the efforts of these small groups 

of scribes, mystics, missionaries to a lesser degree their mercantile patrons coupled with political and 

economic ambitions of the local rulers that set Islam on the march across the Malay world1'. Marcopoio 

who visited Sumatra in 1292 mentions about the Muslim traders who influenced the natives of the place 

to embrace lslam la. Most of these merchants may be from Coromandel since the Muslims of many 

islands of the Southeast Asian region had adapted as their own the prefixes like Labbai. 

The influence of Tamil Muslims was so tremendous that it had an impact on the political course 

of Malacca from fifteenth centuy. They played a significant role in the political life of these countries. 

Thrwgh diplamatic ties, maniages presents and general goodwill, these Muslim became great favourites 

vAth the kings and obtained many concessions. They became not only prominent in commerce of the 

Ports but gradualiy became powerful force in the Royal court intrigues of Malacca and were in a position 

to make kings and miniiters19. 

The third ruler of Malacca, Raja lbrahim was dethroned and murdered in a coup, by a 

Tamil Muslim, led by his elder brother Raja Kasim, in the year 1446. Raja Kasim's mother 

was the daughter of a rich Tamil merchant from Pase. The Tamil uncle Tun Perak was

instrumental in placing RaJa Kasim on the throne. After this. Malacca became a Muslim 

political power of first rank. Tun Perak was also responsible for the territorial expansion of Malacca 

and for the defeat of the Siamese Ttius he exterlded his il~flue~~ce over the cornmercial and foreiy~~ 

policies of Malacca. Tun Perak and his successors were very powerful and were the real rulers; the 

rulers on the throne were only figure heads. Tamil Tun Ali was one of the Shabandar. Malacca was the 

most important commercial centre in Southeast Asia during this period as well as a main diffusion 

centre of Islamz0. Malacca's greatest achievement in propagating Islam was the conversion of Java. 

It was at this stage that the role of Muslims was seriously affectd by the intnrsioin of the Portuguese 

in Indian waters. The muslims were subordinated and mthlessiy attacked, and eventually Muslim trade 

began to dedine. The effect of Porhguese presence was more in Malabar coast and less in Coromandel. 

Hence M wli of Coromandel were continuing their trade ventures with the Southeast Asian countries. 

The Portuguese appeared in Malacca waters as early in 1510 as the rivals of the Tamil Muslims in trade 

and politics The Portuguese were hostile to the Muslims where ever they found them, in their homeland 

as well as in the far off lands where they traded. The Tamil Muslims persuaded the Sultan of Malacca 

to take stringent action against the Portuguese. However Malacca was captured by Portuguese in 15 11 

and the Sultan escaped to the island of Bentang in the straits of Singapore. Thereafter the Tamil 

Muslim traders avoided Malacca and transferred their trade interest to Brunei, Johore, Perak, Ache and 

other trade emporias in Southeast Asia, which became new centres of lslam and they became the allies 

of the rulers of the respective ~ountries~~. It can be said here that the Coromandel trade and lslamisatlon 

went hand In hand in the region in that we find a stricking similarity with the acti~ties of the Portuguese 

though the methods were different. 

However the failure of the Sultan to thwart the portuguese at Malacca appears to have given 

added stimulus to the spread of Warn over much of the Malay world. In this the Tamil Muslim merchants 

enjoyed the great advantages in Malaccan Muslim ports, than the Hindus. In due course of time, they 

emerged as the sole &jpprs in Mahxaz2. Thus the Muslim merchants kept up thew tmde alive because 

of the active support of royal courts in Southeast Asia and also by some native rulers like sethupathis in 

Coromandol. 

The Portuguese favoured the Chettiar merchants to keep the Malam trade going on. Similarly 

thq gave preferential treatment to the pmw 

in maritime tmde of Commandel. But the Hindu merchants

found it extremely difficult to compete with their Muslim colleagues and were compelled to sell or rent 

their remaining shipping or othenuise port to port conveyance of goods in Muslim vessels and confined 

themselves to the transactions on money lending and brokarage. The same sort of changeover took 

place among the Tamil Hindu merchants of Coromandel Coast alsoz3. 

Textlles constituted the major portion of exports during fifteenth to seventeenth cerlturies Cotton 

piece goodswith gold thread were exported from Pulicat, Mylapore, PortoNovo, Nagapattanam and 

Nagore, to Malacca, Sumatra, Borneo, Slam, Tennaserim. Pegu. Persia, South Arabia and other Red 

Sea ports. Animal skins were sent to Batavia for being sent to Japan. Indigo was exported from 

PortoNovo. Slaves were exported to Ceylon and other Eastern countries from Pulicat. PortoNovo, 

Nagapattanam and Tutlcorln. The Muslim traders vigorously took part in these trading activities. 

The major category of import was pepper and spices. They were imported into Coromandel 

from Malabar both by land and sea, and also from the Southeast Asian ports, particularly Ache. This 

shows pepper was cheap in Sumatra and tmnsport cost was not wy high. Nutmeg, cloves and cardamom 

came from Southeast Asian portsand cinnamon came from Ceylon. Elephants, horses, tin, copper and 

dyes were other items of import. Ti, a commodity of demand in Coromandel was imported from Ache, 

Malacca, Perak. Kedah. Ayuthya, Tennaserim and Ujang-Salang, Copper came from Ayuthaya and 

Tennaserim and kad from Burma. Camphor and incense, the major items in South Indian rituals came 

from Japan and Southeast Asia. 

The neighbowing island of Ceylon supplied avariety of goods lie pepper, cinnamon, cardamom, 

pulmyrah, coconut, coir products and areca to Coromandel. An ~mportant item of import was the 

elephants, the speciality, of the merchants of Coromandel Coast. The elephants came from Ache, 

Kedah. Perk, Tennaserim, Pegu, Thailand and Ceylon to the ports of PortoNovo and Nagapattanam. 

Muslim rules and Nay& purchased them for their army. Palayakkars and chieftains of the region 

plrd.lased them to keep up theIrdignlty d presdge. Horse tmde was not so amadiw in the Corornandel 

from seventeenth centuly. A few imports only were reported from Persla and later from Ache. The 

merchants brought silver and precious stones from various centres to Coromandel in return for their 

goods. The Corornandel M ush utili the patronage of the Sultans of the Southeast Asian countries 

and also worked together with the traders of those countries and carried on a flourishing trade2'

In Malacca, the Tamil Muslims were active businessmen and the Coromandel goods 

were sold at a profit of 50 to 1OOqf1 after deducting 18'!4 frieght charges and other duties. 

The role played by these klings, as they were called, was very Important. But they were 

pnerally known as Cholias in many towns of Malacca. The habitation of these Muslims was 

called Cholia street. Tamil was prevalant well and it was the language for trade in Malacca. 

Well to do families in Malacca made their children to learn Tamilzb. 

The Cholia Muslims were in dominant status in Ayutha and Pegu. They held high 

offices in the Island of Ujang Salang and in the neighbouring Bengari and one of the Cholia 

Muslims was it's governor during the last quarter of the seventeenth century. The Coromandel 

Muslims were so rich that they purchased ships built in Kedah, and Johore and one such 

trader is identified as a Marakkayar from PortoNovoZ7. The rulers of Kedah and Johore sent 

their ships to the Coromandel ports where the Cholia merchants negotiated goods for them. 

Thus the Coromandel trade was Initiated both ways. A Coromandel Labbai was a prominent 

alley of the Sultan of Jahore and he was the economic advisor of the regionz8. 

However, the establishment of the trading companies by the Dutch, English, Danes, 

and the French and the residual trade of Portuguese, was a stiff competition to the Tamil 

Muslim merchants, in the Southeast Asian ports. When the Dutch took over Malacca in 1641, 

the Coromandel Muslims traded with the passes issued by the Dutch. The Dutch had no 

violent religious fend with the Muslims but considered them as their main trade rivals. 

From the third quarter of seventeenth century, the Cholia Muslims of PortoNovo. 

Devanampattanam, Nagore, Nagapattanam and Tranquebar undertook vast trade to Bantam. 

In this they utilised the help of the Danes in Tranquebar. The Danes had six large ships 

which were set apart solely for freight to Bantam. The Coromandel Muslims well utilised this 

freight service. About 150 merchants could sail in a ship with their merchandise. The main 

commodity of export was textiles and the merchants returned with a variety of goods but 

mainly with gold and silver bullions. The Coramandel Muslim traders entered into partnership 

with the merchants of Java, Malaya and Borneo who were trading in Bantam ports. The 

Sultan of Bantam himself was a trader prince and he was the chief trader in his ports.

His ships sailed to Pulicat, PortoNovo and Nagapattanam. The Coromandel Muslims acted 

as his agents In these ports. The Sultan of Bantam bouyhl vosst!ls from Coromandel, probl)ly 

from Nagapattanam and PortoNovo Muslim ship builders 29. 

The Coromandel Muslims undertook southward trade to Ceylon. Malabar and Maldives. 

The volume of trade in this direction was great. About 250 vessels plied between Jaffna and 

Coromandel ports, most of them belonged to the Coromandel Muslims. The Muslims of 

PortoNovo, Nagore, Nagapattanam. Adirampattanam, Muthupettai. Tondi. Kilakkarai. 

Kulasekarapattanam, Kayalpattanam and other minors ports, were in trade with Ceylon 

Many of the Tamil Muslims in the coastal towns of Ceylon had their original home in their 

homeland. Thus they had a dual domicile. Apart from this, Tamil maritime Muslim merchants 

particularly Marakkayars and Labbais, who had lesser capital were engaged in areca trade 

with Ceylon or smaller dhoneys and sold them in the nearest Corornandel ports30. 

The English freighted their ships from the Coromandel, to eastward to Syriam. Mergui, 

Kedah. Ache, Macassar and Bantam, mostly from Madras. These ships touched PortoNovo 

to pickup more goods. The Muslim traders of PortoNovo freighted their goods in such 

English vessels31. 

In the homeland, the Coromandel Muslims had the support of some native rulers. The 

Sethupathis of Ramanathapuram extended their support to the Muslim traders. The Muslim 

traders, Marakkayars and Labbais also preferred to settle in the Sethupathi's ports because of 

the overwhelming Parava influence in the Madura ports. Many small Muslim merchants plied 

their vessels from the Sethupathi's ports to Ceylon. Malabr and in interportal trade. The 

Dutch were favouring the Paravas against the Muslims whom the Sethupathi supported. When 

the Dutch secured the Madura ports from the Madurai Nayaks, Muslim traders migrated in 

large numbers to the Sethupathi's ports. The restrictive policy of the Dutch adversely affected 

the Coromandel Muslim traders. The restriction on the transport of merchandise through 

Pamban canal and the monopoly in chank dealt a severe blow to their trade. The power of 

the Sethupathi was also at stake. The influencial Periathambi Marakkayar family that was 

Prominant in the trade of the area got close to the Sethupathi and had great influence in his 

policies. The family played multiple role as merchants, brokers, revenue farmers and 

intermediaries to the Sethupathi.

Periathambl is a title of the family of Sheik AUul Quadir Marakkayar of Kllakkarai. Between 

1682-1715, we find in the Dutch records atleast three Periathambis. The first reference to the old 

periathambi occurs in 1682 in Dutch and English records and he is mentioned as " Pedda Thambe 

Marcar ", When Kikvan Sethupathi had pushed down the Madurai Nayaks from the fishey coasts, he 

appointed thir Peliathambi Marakkayar to collect taxes from the coastal communities newly brought 

under his control. This Perlathambi, Syed Abdul Quadir Marakkayar, is identified as the father of the 

celebrated. Seethakkathi alias Syed AMul Quadir, the patron of poets and literary figure and philanthropist 

in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. So. SeethaWcathi is to be identified as the second 

Periathambi of Dutch records. Arasaratanam calls him as the commercial magnate of seventeenth 

centuy. Sanjay Subramaniam calls him as the " Prince of ports ". This Periathambi also enjoyed the 

confidence of the Sethupathi and he was appointed to high offices in the state. He was the chief 

architect in flouting the Dutch manopoiy in the Coromandel Coast. The Dutch termed him to be the evil 

genius behind the anti Dutch policy of the Sethupathi. The Dutch dreaded him and had compelled the 

Sethupathi to remove him, his sons, his brothers, and his relatives from aU state positions. 

The Sethupathi incorporated this Muslim community leader, Periathambi - Seethakkathi, in the 

state policies and designated him "Vijaya Raghunatha Periathambi ", Vljaya Raghunatha, bang the 

name of Sethupath. According to Dutch records, he is said to have controlled everything in Kilakkara~ 

region and was the second most powerful man in the Ramnad State after the Sethupathi. Thomas Van 

Rhees, Governor of Ceylon (1692-7) points out in hi memoir that the market price of textiles was raised 

or lowered according to the pleasure of Periathambi who had the entire management of the business in 

the Coromandel and as well as Ceylonese coasts. The Sethupathi in collaboration with Perlathambi 

sent his ships to Persian gulf and Bengal. The trade of Seethakkathi is extrolled by poets in Islamic 

Tam11 literatures. He is called as " Valkl" @reat Philonthoropist) in these literary works. Ha is said to be 

the founder builder of the great Jumma Masjid in Kilakkarai, one of the Dravidian architectural marvel. 

BY 1698 the Dutch realised that they caJd not cany their bade without the help of Pe~thambi W y a r 

and concluded a friendship treaty with him, Then the Marakkayar became the intermediay to the 

Dutch He also permitted the Dutch to build a factory at Kilakkarai.

The English records from 1686 mention Periathambi Marakkayar. He was owning a ship 

building yard and repaired the ships of the East India Company which traded in the region He supplied 

rice and pepper to the English. The English had requested the Marakkayar's help to trade in his region, 

most probably via Pamban canal. 

Since the Dutch records of 1709, mention one young Periathambi, we have to conclude that 

(Seethakkathi) Periathambi might have died by this time or relieved himself from active trade. After the 

year 1715, the name of the family of Syed Abdul Quadir do not find prominent place in Dutch records. 

But the successon of his family continued to play a dominant role in the marinme trade of this regioin. 

had vast business and big factories, at Kilakkarai and Bengal. They were proud of the Royal patronage 

enjoyed by their forefathers. In 1862 one of the descendants of Seethakkathi styled himself as Syed 

Mohamad S/0 Melapandagasalai Maha Shri Shri Ravikula Muthu Vijaya Raghunatha Sultan Abdul 

Kadir Marakkayar of Kilakkarai3'. 

Adam Labbal, Naina Labbai are some other powerful maritime traders of Kilakkarai who were 

having trade contacts with the Dutch. Another contemporary of Vallal Seethakkathi was Abdul Kasim 

Marakkayar, a trader of repute, He was the patron of poet Umaru the author of Seerapuranam, the 

extrolled histoy of Prophet Mohamed. It is generally believed that Seethakkathi-Penathambi Marakkayar 

was a patron of poet Umaru and was instrumental to write Seerapuranam. But his name does not find 

place in the text of Seerapuranam. Since poet Uma~ 

was the contemporary of Seethhthi,who was 

also patronised by him like many other poets, it is probable that Abdul Kasim Marakkayar might have 

continued the work initiated by Seethakkathi,since his name is mentioned in twentytwo stanzas in 

Seem~u,uranam~~. 

The vessels of Muslim merchants of the region were in a brisk trade from Madras Roads. 

at the end of the seventeenth century. We find many muslrm names of ships and their captains 

in the list of vessels that plied to and from Pegu. Ache, Kedah. Malacca and in coastal trade 

Elephant trade was an important one from Kedah. Many names of the Coromandel Muslim traders. 

Particularly from PortoNovo and Nagapattanam find place in this list". It is evident that by the close of 

the seventeenth century, the Corornandel Muslims had their settlements in Perak, Pegu. Malacca, Kedah, 

Ache and Ceylon.

The Tamil Muslims pznehated in large numbers into Kedah from Nagapattanam and PortoNovo 

In Perak, one Siddhi Labbai was a popular royal merchant (Soudagar Raja) who was a Tamil Muslim 

and the entire trade of Perak was in his hands". He had factories at Perak. Siddhi Labbai had contact 

with the powerful Labbai and Marayakkayar Maritime traders in Nagapattanam, Cuddalore and 

PortoNovo. A large part of tin of Perak found it's way into these ports in the vessels of Tamil Muslims 

or was freighted in English vessels for the Tamil Muslims36. 

The Tamil Muslims settled in Johore were trad~ng in tin. They stocked large quantities of tin in 

their factories for shipment. The Danish vessels fromTranquebar freighted their vessels for the Cholia 

Muslims to Johore.There was considerable English private trade In johore. Some of the English private 

merchants had partnership with Cholia Muslim shippers. The Dutch liberally issued passes to Cholia 

Muslim to trade in the prts of this county3'. Ache had a strong life line in Coromandel trade There 

was regular tmffic from PortoNovo and Nagapattanam to Ache. The English freighted in their ships the 

goods of Tamil Muslims, from PortoNovo and Cuddalore to Ache38 Thus PortonNovo withstood the 

European competition and successfully conducted the Asian trade against such competitions 

The Muslims of Madura and Ramnad coasts continued their trade with Ceylon because of the 

affinal ties there, in spite of the hostilities by the Dutch. At times they had to resort to clandestine 

methods and smuggling. In this they had the blessings of the Kandyan king and the Sethupathi. As 

already seen Periathambi Marakkayar family was the prime activist in this regard. The Dutch were 

unable to control such activities of the Marakkayars. When the Dutch vigorously tried to eliminate the 

Coromandel Muslims from the trading activities in Ceylonese Coast, the trade balance of the Dutch was 

affected. There was shortage of food and cloth in Ceylon. The poor peasant could neither purchase 

food or cloth at cheaper rate nor sell his agricultural products at a higher price since both ends were 

enchroached by the Dutch monopolistic plicy. Thus the commercial economy of Ceylon was closely 

tbed wlth that of Coromandel in whlch the Muslims played a vital roleJ9. At the close of seventeenth 

century, the Dutch adamantly reduced the passes to the Marakkayars of Nagapattanam to Malacca, 

Maccassar, Bantam, Johore and Ache ports. Permission was denied to trade with Ceylon. Trade to 

these ports was the main source of overseas trade to the Coromandel Muslim. The maritime Muslim 

traders had to move to Nagore, W a n d PortoNovo for the continuances of their trade. They ako 

utirked the goodwill of the Danes in Tranquebar. Thus by the end of the seventeenth century the 

maritime trade of the Coromandel Muslims met with serious set backs and their economic condition 

began to uumble.

MARITIME TRADE 

At the beginning of the per~od of our study - from 1750 - the political unrcrtainities in 

Coromandel hinterland brought down the native maritime trade to decline. The conflicts 

between the ruling powers large and small or major and minor eroded the economy of the 

region. The English were gaining the upper hand against their European rivals. The Dutch 

power was waning. The production of textiles, the staple commodity of export, was affected 

In the weaving centres. The maritime traders could not procure goods for Southeast As~an 

markets. Consequently exports from ports got reduced. Native people connected with maritime 

activities were naturally affected. Many of the ports decayed. Moreover the rise of European 

companies in Asian trade was another serious challenge, in which the traditional markets 

were shut down to the Coromandel merchants in general and Muslims in particular. 

In these adverse conditions, the Muslims owned sh~pping began to decline in number. The 

trading activities were limited to the ports of Ache, Johore, Perak Pegu, Arakan, Malay Peninsula and 

Ceylon. PortoNovo, Nagapattanam, Nagore, Karaikkal, Adirampattanam Ton~~i. Kilakkari, 

Kayalpattanam and Kulasekarapattanam were busy ports. 

The records of C o m d 3lipping forhebjhteenth century are not tor&ent with the shim that 

entered and left from the ports. The ships that entered and left from Madras port is randomly 

listed in the consultations of the Fort St. George council. Information on some ship owners 

and recod of their-, appear in the litgatkm that cam2 &fore the Mayor's court. The evidence thus is b~ 

no means exhaustive and extensive but there is enough to provide a picture of the ownership and the 

routes popularly sailed by the native tradersq0. In the eighteenth century. Madras emerged as the mat of 

Coromandel trade. From Madras, there was regular trade to Arakan, Ujang Salong. Kedah, Malacca 

and Ache, to the South of Madras long distance trade to Ceylon. Maldives and Malabar. There was short 

distance traffic between Madras, K&, 

Fort. St. Dad, Cuddalore. Tranquebar, Pondicheny PortoNovo 

Karaikkal, Nagore and Nagapattanm in which the Tamil Muslims participated.

During this period the H iu merchants were vey powerful. They had the favour of the English 

settlers in Madras The Komatti, Beri, and Balija Telugu speaking Cheitiars were the ir~flucncial irdcrs 

and shipowners in large numbers". The vast resources with them brought them close to the emerging 

English power. 

But the shipping south of Cuddalore was in the hands of the Muslims. To help the Muslim 

shipping, the Nawab of Arcot wanted to develop some of the ports like Kovalam, Alambaram and 

%thorn in their dominion. But it did not yieM the desired result. 

The Cholia Muslims picked up aU the guantlets and operated their vessek with available resources 

and merchandise, from PortoNovo, Cuddalore, Nagore, and Nagapattanam to Malay Peninsula and 

Ceylon and Ache, from Adirampattanam, Tondi, Kilakkarai, Kayalpattanam, Kulasekarapattanam to 

Ceylon and Malabar and Lackdives. There was regular traffic to Bengal from Coromandel for the 

import of edible oil and food grains. Rice and textiles were exported to Ceylon and in return elephants. 

areca, pepper, spices, coconut, coir products, pulmyrah timber were imported in to Coromandel. 

There was a greater concentration of Choiia Muslims in Kedah. in the eighteenth centuy. They 

were in the forefront of maritime commerce in Kedah ports. When the English were tying to establish 

a factory at Kedah coast in 1772, the Coromandel Muslims were well knitted in trade of the coast and 

also in politics. The English representative of Kedah, Monkton writing to the Fort St. George on the 

22nd April 1772 statad that the Cholia Muslims were dominant merchants in the coast and influenciai ~n 

the court. The king Sultan Mohamed was hesitant to contract with the English to the detriment of the 

Cholia Muslims, since he was getting good income from their trade contacts. Elephant trade was 

very attractive and the Cholia Muslims were engaged in this. Since the Muslim ships had their own 

security measures, the English representative had requested strong guns in the vessels of the English as a 

protection to the ship42. A report of 1789 says that the Cholia Muslims were well settled In the capital 

of Kedah and along the stretches of the coast. The cholias had nsen to the positions of influence and 

Power in the state. They were the harbour masters and Soudagar Rajas (Royal merchants) In 1770, one 

Cholia Muslim called Jamal had risen to become the most influencial minister in the state and was 

conferred the title DatuseriRaja. In this capacity he handled the king's negotiations with Francis Light 

owr British settlement in the state of Kadahd3. The Nagore and Nagapattanam Cholia families continued 

their connection with Kedah, which expanded later in the 

19th century.

Similarly the Cholia Muslim were well settled in the coast of Ache and influencid with the rulers. 

In the effort to promote their own trade, the English were trying to establish a factory at Ache. The 

English resident at Ache. Charles Desvoeux writing to Fort St. Gorye In 1772, says tliai tlie Cliolla 

Mulims were very influencid with the King of Ache. Among them one Cholia Muslim Mohamed Kasim 

was prlme merchant, probably a native of Nagapattanam. The English representative could meet the 

Sultan only with the help of Mohamed Kasim. The English had to negotiate with Mohamed Kasim to get 

trade concessions from the Sultan of Ache. The Cholia Muslims stiffly opposed the enty of the English 

but later they compromised with them and the English were permitted to trade in the coast of Ache" 

When English settlement was founded in Penang in 1789, the Cholia Muslirns were the first 

traders to arrive there. Early trade statistics show a large scale trade between PortoNovo. Nagore. 

Nagapattanam and Penang.The early censuses of population show the Cholias as the third largest 

community. Among the first inhabitants were family clans of the Labbais and Marakkayars. Some of 

whom were known as people of affluence IiLing in some of the best dwellings in the urban settlement 

But there were many cholias of lower social orders engaged in a variety of occupations : shopkeeping. 

peddling, poulhy rearing, coolie labour on the water front and crew on ships. It was noted that the vessels 

from Coromandel would bring annually about 2000 men who would settle for short periods.earn some 

money and return with their saws. Pe~ng had captured the imagination of the Cholia Muslims as a place 

with future. The English encouraged this perceptionq5. When Stamford Raffles founded 

Singapore in 1824, the Cholia Musllm inhabitants were there in large number^'^. The Cholia 

Muslims were mobile. Some members of the merchants family would live semipermanently in the main 

lands of Southeast Asian ports to conduct their business. 

The Tamil Muslirn merchants from Nagore and PortoNovo in the eighteenth century, carried 

paddy and ready money to the Jaffna Peninsula. Their agents made advances to the local tobacco 

cultivators ad shipped the cargoes from Ceylon directly to Malabar cost and Panany. 

Nadve -1s from Coromandel, rnajorlty of them belonging to Muslims, plied to Malabar in the 

eighteenth century from Manapad, Tutlwtin, Khkkaral, Kayalpattanam, Tegnapttanam. Nsgapttanarn 

and Colochal. They brought cotton piece goods such as spreads, chintzes, frocks, stokkings, carnbaya 

(a cheap cloth) kerchief, call)as (Manapad whlte cloth) tupatti, roornals, tobacco, salt , onion, writing olas 

karupatti (the native palmyrah sugar).ln miun thq, todcareca, coir, timber, oops, counut, dwmd

pulinjica (xap berry), dry ginger, turmeric, wlld jack tree and commodities broght by Mascat Barnbaras 

(one masted ship) such as dates, incense, asafetida, kismis, almands. pista, rose water, glass beeds. Perisian 

carpets, Ormw salt (Rock salt) medicinal tubers, gum resin zlnc oxide, pearls, Turkey red cloth, blue 

stone, gum Ambica, pepper, wonen cloth, Persian silk cloth, wheat, coffee and sea products from Arabian 

countries, The trade was mostly on barter system". 

Most of the regions cotton textiles were woven in the specialised weaving centres in the coastal 

villages of Thanjawr, Rnmanatahpuram ard Thimelveli and transported to the nearest ports for export. 

Large quandty of textiles were imported from Nagore and Karaikkal ports to Sumatra and Malay countries. 

Some of these consignments were shipped through the ports of Bengal where Marakkayars had chavadis. 

Mauritius too was a port of call of the Tamil Muslim textile traders48. 

The Thimnelveli Muslim artisans were spec~alised In carpet weaving and the products had good 

market in export trade. Most of them were Tamil labbais. The commercial life of these Muslim weavers 

was controlled by big Muslim traders. In the villages of Ramanathapuram also there were a large number 

of Tamil Muslim weavers who produced materials for expod. Ramanathapuram. Kilakkarai. Panaikulam, 

Kamudhi, Abirarnam, Madukulathur and Paramakudi, were the settlements of Muslim weavers and dye 

makers. A statistics at the close of eighteenth century reveal that there were about 980 looms in 

Kamanathapuram villages alone owned by Muslim weavers4'. These multifarious activities of the Tamil 

Muslims shows the part played by them in the economic development of the region. 

The diary and consultation books of Madras Council contain rccords rclating to the arnvels and 

departures of vessels from Madras port and also from other Coromandel ports via Madras enroute to 

Bengal and Southeast Asian counbies. Thee records give the name of captains (Nagudha) of the respective 

ships.type of ships etc.. Mohamed Bux. Alle Bux. Rahiman Bw, Cadar Bw were a few names of ships 

as found in these records and invariably the Nagudhas were all Muslims Even the ships owned by the 

Hindu merchants were manned by Muslim crew members. The East India Company employed a large 

number of Mwlirns in their factories. They appointed only Muslim crews in their ships in the early years. 

There was regular Muslim shipping to Malacca from Portonovo5'. Santhom was an important port of 

export and considerabk number of Muslim traders were settled in that port town5z.

Some of the Muslim traders were so rich that they lent money to the East lndia Company. 

Mohamed Ali Baig a merchant and ship owner in Cuddalore, was a financier to the company. The 

company was not financially sound to repay the debt to him and the company discharged the loan in 

lnstalments 53, Tamil Mush merchants settled in Ceylon coasts regularly &ited Madms port for trade". 

The bade in metal was an important item from Southeast Asian countries. Mohamed Sah~l, a Coromdcl 

Muslim, was virtually a monopolist in metal trade and he lifted large quantities of lead and tin5" 

The merchants of PortoNovo like Shaik Sunda Marakkayar and Shaik lsmail Marakkayar plied 

their ships in interportal bade from Pulicat to Kovalam and they had considemble trade with Tennaserims. 

Peer Marakkayar of Portonovo was a trader of considerable repute. He had business connections In 

Pondicheny. He acted as an agent of Ananda Ranga Pillai, the merchant and Dubash of Duplexi7. 

Mohamed Meem Lab was a shipowner and prominant merchant in Cuddalore hahg good relationship 

with the East lndia Companys8. 

After the year 1753, we find only a few reference to the arrivals and departures of vessels from 

Madras port in the Madras Council Consultations. Even in these few references we find only 

the names of the ships of the Company, Company merchants, Chettiar merchantsand English 

prlvate traders and very rarely Muslim ship names. The ship crews of the company vessels were all 

English. By this time, we understand that the Chettiar merchants came too close to the East lndia 

Company, mainly due to their sound financial condition. Thq made even investments on behalf of the 

Company. One Yalla Chetty made huge investments for the Company in Cuddalore5'. Lingi Chetty. 

Pigu Nalla Chetty, P e d Chetty were other important merchants and intermediates to the companp 

Thus by the third quarter of eighteenth century the Muslim merchants lost ground and volce in the 

company trade in Madras. With the investments of the Chettiar merchants the company merchants 

plied their ships to England, Batavia, Surat, Culcutta and St. David (Cuddalore). The Tamil Muslim 

merchants sent their merchandise in such ships of the Companfll. The Chettiar merchants bought the 

comrnodlties from the company and afforded space for the storage of company goods and the goods of 

English private traders. 

Some of the native rulers were themselves engaged in overseas trade, inspite of the political 

troubles. Muthummalinga Sethupathi of Ramanathapuram (1 772- 1795) was a trader prince and he had 

bade amtact with Bengal ad Mahbar. He had aka commercial rektions with d ous European companies

such as Dutch. French and the English. He entered into joint ventures Mth some Marakkayars in 

overseas trad4. Sekuna Labbai of Kayalpattanam and Sheik AMul Kadar of Kilakkaral were his allies in 

maritime trade. The sethupathi granted many concessions to Marakkayar traders and encouraged them 

In their enterprises. The Marathas of Thanjawr also encouraged to some extent the native traders. 

Sarabendrarajapattanam (Saluvanayakkanpattanam) was an important port in Thanjawr coast during 

nineteenth cen-. 

The Marathas had their om 

trade ships. In 1838, the ship Brihadisvara belonging 

to the Maratha king was utilised by English private traders. Ships were built in Sarabendrarajapattanam. 

Fresh water was supplied from this port to the passing vessels. There was wide trade from this port to 

Ceylon. The Modi records of the Marathas give the name of some Marakkayar maritime traders in 

Thanjawr coast along with others. The ship of Sheik Mian Kadar exported pearls to Malacca from 

Nagore in1806. Naina Raudw was a shipRe not s u to ~ ~ 

Companies and European private merchants6z. 

The pleadings in the Mayor's Court reveal some interesting features about the Muslim 

ship owners of Coromandel. Details of financing, rate of interest, litigation settlement procedures 

and trade practices are gleaned in these records. lsmail Labbe a merchant from Madras was having 

trade connection at Pegu. He was a ship owner and a financier. He advanced a loan at the rate of 9% 

~nterest for a ~oint venture by Moottamar Chetty, Cassim Labbe and Naina Ahamed Labbe. The latter 

two were the joint owners of a ship Fatheeraheem, which was trading in Southeast Asian ports. When 

they were unable to repay the loan, they sold their ship to settle the account of lsmail Labbe. Adam 

Labbe and Sged Marakkayar were financiers in Madras port tom and they advanced money to the ship 

owners and traders in overseas trade with an agreement for the repayment of the loan amount along 

k?th a percentage in the net profit63. 

AU the Muslim maritime merchants did not sail in the ships that were on trade to the ports of 

other countries. They would just load their cargoes in the ship of a particular Marakkayar. They will pay 

the freight charges to the owner, of the ship and a commission on the value of the merchandise to the 

Nagudha of the ship for selling and bringing the money due to them. The cargoes on the ships were 

insured and loans were obtained on this from moneylenders, which is called respondantia. During the 

second quarter of eighteenth century the insurance premium for the cargoes was 16% the freight charge 

was 14% and the commission of the Nagudha was 7 1/2 % of the total value of the cargoes.

When the amount due to the merchants was not settld by the nagudha concerned they approached the 

court for redressd. Chettiar merchants also sent their cargoes in Muslim ships64. Many of the Insurance 

companies were IVI by ~hettiar~~. 

Most of the Hindu ship owners appointed Muslim Nagudhas and the ship was given in his charge 

to frieght the cargoes of the Muslim merchants in interportal trade and also for trade with other countries 

The nagudha took loan on hi own accord for his trade prospects, during this business voyage. The sh~p 

Mundala Veeraregava, belonged to a chettiar merchant. He appointed Meem Mohamed Labbe as Nagudha 

of the ship, who was an independent timber merchant and a shipowner. Meera Mohamed Labbe took 

ioan for hls bushes voyage to Southeast Asian countries, from John Straton an English private merchant. 

The English private merchants also utilisod such ship for transporting their own cargoes66. 

The Cholia Muslim were able to se~ve 

In the highly competitive environment because of their 

cost-effectived modes of operation. There was no short d~stinction between the exporters and importers 

of commodities and ship owne$b~d navigators. Owners of ships and many of the crew had an interest 

m the cargo camed. The enhre operation of equipping a ship, launching it, sailing it to it's destination and 

back was a communal operation with most persons involved belong to a clan network Many of those 

who sailed in a ship would be linked in this way, others In any case were members of the broader 

Coromandei Muslim community. The crew and laskars employed on the ship were pa~d less in wages 

and permitted to engage in small ventures of their own. When a vessel was ol alichor Iri 4 yorl. tlicse 

people were engaged as labourers and artisans who worked as carpenters, caulkers, riggers and so on 

in this way the out fitting of a ship was considerably less expenslve to owner or to the Nagudha who 

contracted it. Consequently the Cholias were horn for the~r ability to operate wth small prof~t marglns 

But they could not compete with the growing European capitalism in this way of operation during the 

later half of nineteenth c entup' 

From the beginning of nineteenth centuy. Madras, Pond~cheny and Tuticorin were the Important 

major ports. PortoNovo. Nagapattanam. Kilakkarai and Kaydpattanam were also in the main stream of 

oceanic trade. But not to the same extent as in previous centuries. Further, many new minor ports 

sprang up for coastal trade.

The Muslim merchants of Nagore. Nagapattanam, and PortoNovo continued their trade with 

Pegu. Ache. Penang. Malacca. Malay, Ceylon, Malabar Coast and Bengal. The trading activity from 

Kilakkarai and Kayalpattanam was mostly confined to Ceylon, Malabar, Bengal and other Coromandel 

ports. Due to the wars in Europe among the nation who had interest in Indian ocean trade, there was 

unrest in the Indian ocean region. The native merchants were afraid of sending their ships on voyage 

because they were captured by the enemy nations. The French privateers mercilessly captured such 

ships of the enemy's territories -with their flags and colours - in large numbers and confiscated the 

vessels and cargws. This resulted in the loss of ship and cargoes in many cases. 

In such troubled circumstance during the last decade of the e~ghteeenth century and in the f~rsl 

decade of the nineteenth centuy, the Danes helped the Muslim merchants of Nagore, Nagapttanam. 

Karaikkal, and Tranquebar. We find informations about such shipping activities, in the archival records 

where the names of ships, their owners and the cargws freighted. 

The merchants in Nagore used to despatch their ships to the ports of Colombo, Ache, Penang. 

Malacca,Malay. Bengal, and Malabar with Danish flag to exape the depredation of the French privateers 

since the Danes were neutral in the war. During the course of war In the first quarter of nineteenth 

centuy, when the Danes were no longer neutral, the vessels of native merchant sent with Danish colours 

were in danger. The merchants who had despatched their ships in such circumstances requested the 

East India Company to give protection to their ships by using the Brihsh fleet. Thus the native mechants, 

ship owners had to depend on one or other European power to continue their trade, and the colonial 

nvaly was additional challenge to their shipping actidties. 

The names of the ship owners as found in the records, reveal that the Muslim mechants of 

Nagore were vey brisk in the Coromandel coast In one instance, out of seventeen signaturies in a 

memorial to the English authorities in1808, requesting their protection for their ships, only four werr 

Chettiar merchants and the rest were Muslims. The names of these ship owners (signaturies in the 

memonaI)were, klohamed M&yar, Mohamed Syed Mamkkayar. Ab Sahib Nagudha. Habib Mohd 

Malwni, Peer Sahib Nagudha, Muthumeera Sahib, Syed lsmail Labbai, Mohamed Rafeek Marakkayar. 

Mohideen Sahib Nagudha. Syed Mohideen Nagudha, Sulaiman Malumi, Fakir Mohamed Nagudha.

S i Moharned, and lbmhim ~agudha~'. The Nagore MamWclyar metchants had stated in the memorial 

that were happy since they constantly experienced the justice, induljance and protection of the English 

authorities in all their mercantile transactions. Whenever they experienced hurdles in their trading 

activities they approached the Commercial Resident at Nagore for redres~al.~~ 

Many ships of the Marakkayars found with the Danish colours and even with the colours of 

other nations were caught by the English fleet and as well as the French privateers The vessel of 

Mohamed Ackel of Nagapattanam which sailed under Achenese colours was captured by the French 

privateer. The vessels of Leve Vappa Malumi and Mydeen Kundoo Maricar, the merchants of Nagore. 

while returning from Malacca and Penang were caught by the English fleet in Tranquebar waters 

According to the accounts maintained by the Nagudha of the abow ships, the merchandise in the ships 

belonged to Mohamed Ali Marakkayar, Mohamed Syed Marakkayar, Ali Sahib Nagudha, Habeeb 

Mohamed Malumi, Peer sahib Naguda, Muthumeeran Sahib, Syed lsmail Labbai, Mohamed Rafeek 

Markyar, Madan Sahib Nagudha, Syed Mohamed Nagudha. Sulairnan Malim. Fakir M ohd Nagudha 

and Siddhi Mohamed, lbrahirn Nagudha of Nagore; Mohamed Sahib Marakkayar, Habib Mohamed. 

Atdd Gani and Syed Ahamed MamWcayar of Nagapattanam; Moharned Ali Marakkayar, Shak Mohamed 

Nagudha and Vappa Chinna vava Marakkayar of Thirumaiairajanpattanam; Mohideen Kundoo and 

Moharned Thambi Marakkayar of Karaikkal. AU the abow merchants requested the company authorities 

to release their merchandise and the ships which were sent to Penang and ~ alacca~~ The Company 

authorities conceded their demand.^'^. From this we understand the trade pract~ces in the Nagapattanam 

belt. 'There were only a few ship owners and a large number of marltime traders. All of them did not 

trawl in the ships. They entrusted their cargoes to the Nagudha of the respective ship for being sold and 

the Nag* 

mtheproflt 

malantained proper accounts and the Nagudha of the ship was giwn muprbx& p @ e 

A list of new vessels registered by the Muslims in the year 1808 in Nagore and Nagapattanam 

shows that it was only seven in number. All of them were engaged in overseas trade. This register 

contains the names of the ships War Bw. Mohideen Bw, Mohamed Bux, etc.) type of the vessel and 

tonnage, the names of the owners, commodities freigthted name of Nagudha, county to which the 

vessels plied and the licence and pass particulars. Most of the vessels were two masted. The ownor of 

the ship and the licencee for taking out voyage differ in most of the vessels. For example

the two masted vessel, Kadar Bux, was owned by Peersa Magdoom Marakkayar but the ship had a 

Danish pass in the name of Abusali Marican, who is the Nagudha of the ship. Another two masted 

vessel, Mohideen Bux, was owned by Kadar Mohideen Kappalar, the pass was in the name of Saidoo 

Pilki Madcan, the Nagudha. Since the pass for the voyage was in the name ot the Nagudhas, the owner 

may or may not sail in the ship. We are able to note only rare instance of joint ownership of vessels 

among the Muslim traders in coromande17' 

The Muslim merchants of Cuddalore and PortoNovo traded w~th Penang. Kedah and Ache. 

When their vessels on voyage were in trouble, they used to approach the East lndia Company authont~es 

for protection. In a memorandum to the company authorities the merchants of Cuddalore such as 

Kadar Mohamed Ali, Hussain Marakkayar, Adam Sahib, Kadir Mohideen Malumi, Esa Levai, John Sahib. 

Sevatha Marakkayar and Madaka Sahib, the merchant s of PortoNovo such as Mian Mohamed. Bade 

Mlan. Vavoo Maticcar, Meera Mariccar, Umar Naina Aulia Labbai, Mahaboob Sahlb, Magudum Sha. and 

Kabeer Sahib, salute the English administration as benevalent and equitable and requested the continuance 

of the patronage and protection in Indian waters Thus the Muslim merchants of Coromandel coast 

were at the favour of the East lndia Company authoritiesdunny this 

The Marakkayar traders of Nagapattanam region continued their trade with the rastern countries 

even in the second quarter of the nineteenth century. Some of the merchants acquired new ships and 

passes were issued to such vessels by the English. But the number of vessels in use were lesser than that 

of the provlous quarter. Further the vessels were smaller and the tonnage capaclty was also less. A 

reference lo the records of registry of ships in Nagapattanam reglon shows only a few names of Muslim 

vessels sudl as ~arakath~~. Mohiin ~ u Meera x Mydeen, ~ ~ Meers Madar 75, Mohideen b ~x'~ Hydroos7' 

Sydoo Hydroos7', Kadar BUX~' Mohamed ~ li". 

Thus the Marakkayar, merchants cum shipowners 

were declining in the region, and their economic condition show a downward trend from this penod 

onwards. 

The conquest of lndia and Malay by the English robbed the Coromandel Muslim Maritime 

enterprise of any significance in the eastern seas. As a result, the influence of Coromandel Muslim 

traders declined in Malay. Except for a few South Indians, who continued to feature in the Malay states 

the export and import trade fell Into the hands of the English traders.

The decline of opportunities in shipping along the coast of Coromandel forced the maritime 

pzople,the Marakkayars to shift their activities to inland trade. Many migrated to the Southeast Asian 

countres in search of better jobs and business. Large scale migration from Coromandel hegan from the 

foundation of Penang in 1786. Earlier immigrants were prominant traders and financiers and got firm 

footing there. Later immigrations were by arranged movement, induced by governmental action and 

Iwrstation of prospective cmployen and their agents. This wa.; Ircin~sc of thc political and cronon1lc 

changes in the homeland and abroad. Immigrations became easier because by the middle of the nineteenth 

century, India and most of the Southeast Asian countries became politically and economically the 

vassal State of Britain. 

Right from 1790 the vessels from Coromandel took annually about 2000 men to 

Penang. Many of them went as shop keepers and coolies When they returned home they 

were succeeded by others". 

English acquislt~on of Malacca in 1824, and loundation ol 

Singapore in 1819 demanded more labourers There was a constant copious flow of labour 

from South India. The ship fare from Nagapattanam to Malaya was reduced from Rupees 

15 to 8 in 1887. The South Indian Muslim emigrants were treated well. Malaya withdrew all 

restrictions in 1897 and the free flow emigration was allowedp2 All the main ports of Coromandel had 

facilities for handling passenger traffic to Straits. Vessels from Cuddalore, PortoNovo, Nagore, 

Pondicheny, Nagapattanam, Madras. Karaikkal, Kayalpattanarn. Kulasekarapattanam. Kilakkarai and 

Tutrorin, took migrants in great number. Many of these people were prewously engaged in maritme 

enterprises. Vast majority of the commercial ~mmigrants, the Cholia Marakkayars, became salesmen, 

pedlers, petty enterpreneurs, shop keepers, street side vendors, md~cine men ,stall holders. merchants, 

financiers and contractors of substanc~al meanss3. 

The shipowners of Coromandel utilised the opportunity in immigration. They w~dertook more 

trips to Southeast Asian countries. Virtually many of the cargo ships became passenger ships and the 

merchandise became secondaly. At times the ships were found overloaded and engaged in passenger 

service without a proper pass or licence. Such ships were taken to task by the English authorities in 

India. When Brig. Mohideen Bwc was found with overload of passengers and also without a valid pass 

on its way to Tennaserim, she was subjected to legal actlon Allson another vessel with captain AMul 

Kadar Malumi from Nagapattanam to Malay roast which had capacib for on& 35 passengers was fowd ~L~LII

351 passengers, and also merchandise of different descriptions, was penahsed Brig. Shree Jaganath 

Rasathi, commanded by Chinnathambi Marakkayar was on regular passenger service to Malaya from 

Nagapattanam. Brig. Mohamedd Buc of Nagore took passengers from Nagore and Karaikkal to 

Southeast Asian countries. There was a large scale migration to Burma also during the second quarter 

of the nineteenth centuy. About twelve ships owned by the Marakkayars manned by Muslim Nagudhas 

were on this activity from Coromandel. The passengers mostly Musl~ms, were taken from the ports of 

Thanjawr coast and PortoNovo. Musllm women also emigrated along with the~r menn4 

Similarly there was a large scale emigration to Penag and Malaya also. Ships owned by 

Mnrakkayar tradersol Karaikkal, Nngorc and Nagalmttal~a~t~, were in this route. In 1848 alone about 

23 ships freighted passengers from Nagapattanam, Nagore, Karaikkal, and PortoNovo. Many of the 

migrants from Kariakkal went to France. But the ships on these voyages could not full~ll the norms 

prescribed by the English authorities and they were penalised on many occasionsR~ost of the 

migrants to Ceylon were from 

Ramanathapuram and Thirunelveli coasts Along with the 

regular trade r& passenger=- wasabenco~ to ~ eylon~. The migmt cmk 

returrurg from 

Ceybn were given concessions to bring certain goods without duties, which fetched them good 

profit in Coromandels7. 

The emigrants to Ceylon were from the ports of Tut~cor~n. Kayalpattanam, 

Kulasekarapattanam, Vaipur, Kilakkarai and Pamban Majority of them were Muslim Marakkayar 

and Labbai traders. When compared with other nothern ports of the coast the shipp~ng activities 

in the above ports were less. We find only few names of vessels in passenger traffic to Ceylon 

from these ports such as Mohideen Bw. Rahmaniya. Allasamy Hameed, Hameed Latchumi, Abusali 

Harneed etc.. The ships which carried passengers were always overcrowded and the authorit~es an 

both the coasts were worried about taking suitable actlon on the erring vessels8'. But apart from 

the licenced ships, many small dhoneys are said to have engaged in taking passengets clandestinely 

to Ceylon through the shallow waters.

Even in the kt decatk of the nbwtemth century, there was law & rniymtion of Mtdir~ls to lkrnn, 

Strait Sel+kments. Ceylon. France and Ache, h m Nagapttanam, Kamikkal. Pamban. KiWarai and 

Ktkeham. h ~ c o ~ t a n d ~ ~ ~ a ~ ~ t e d & & X X V o f 1 8 5 9 h w n 

t h e p ~ o f ~ , ~ , ~ ~ t o ~ , h o m P a m b a n t o ~ d a r d S b a i t 

Nagapamvlam to RMgoon shattr and kngn189. 

At the dose of nineteenth cenhuy the maritime hading actidties of the Mush wre not appreciable 

Materials and &ces 

at our disd 

for t h e . We hear only a few 

m of shipa~lers and haden engaged in mlseas ard 4 t d at Ngapatm. PottoNm. KikWuuai. 

Kayalpattanam and Kubsekarapttanam. The ders with lesser capital shifted over to other occupations and 

rigrated to inkrd. Many mted 

other amhies in search of fa-& 

pcdithx. 

In the Rarnanathapuram coast, Kasim Mohamed Marakkayar of Mandapam was a 

wealthy maritime trader and shipowner during this periiod. For many generations h ~s farnrly 

was engaged in commercial enterprises of many kinds. He was the owner of seven villages 

around Mandaparn. The Raja of Ramanathapuram had given him the Hare Island in the Gulf 

of Manaar. The loading and unloading of cargoes at Mandapam and Parnban ports was 

under his control. A fleet of thirty boats of his own were engaged in this service and about 1000 

persons were employed by him in his maritime activities, throughout the year. The British Indian 

Stearn Navigation Company was represented by his family at Parnban port He helped the Engl~sh 

in all their enterprises and chank and pearl fishery. He was later honoured with title " Khan Bahadur 

" and was also extended other honours and concessions by the British government. He had vast 

trade connections in Ceylon. He was a philonthropist and was respected by people of all sections 

and affectionately called as " Mandapam Marakkayar ". He contributed the entire amount for 

laying a road of 8.k.m. for the benefit of the pilgrims from Ramanathapurarn to Devipattanam 

templeg0. The Hare Island which was in the possession of the descendants of Moharned Kasim 

Marakkayar was acquired by the Government of Tamil Nadu recently for the creation of the Marine 

National park9'

Ki!akkarai had a concentration of considerable number of maritime traders and shlp owners. The 

descendants of Periathambi Marakkayar (Seethakkathi) continued the traditional sea faring activities One 

such descendant of Periathambi Mamkkayar was Habib Marakkayar ln the first quarter of nineteenth century 

popularly known as Habib h r i h r - king) . He was also know as merchant prince He was a trader 

ul gemstones and owner of many ships and had trade contacts in Ceylon and Bengal. For many years he 

was also the rentor of pearl fishery in the Gulf of Manaar. He was in the good book of the British. In 1809, 

he was permitted by the English authorities in Ceylon to pass through the main gates of the fort In a 

palanquin. His son Sheik Sodakkathulla Marakkayar was permitted to use the same honours and seperate 

msignias, by the Ceylon Government in 1823. Habib Mamkkayar's brother, AMul kadar Sahib Marakkayar 

was a trader of repute and was well respected by the Ceylon Government. In 1821, when he went on a 

pilgrimage to Mecca all the dies of the Engiish were asked to extend their help to him slnce he had fair and 

honest transactions in Ceylon. Habib Mamkkayar built the Cholia mosque in Culcutta (which is knm by the 

same name even to this day) and the Odakkarai Mosque at Kilakkarai He also built many chavadis for the 

convenience of gem traderr at Culcutta and Rameswaram. He was a great philanthropist and patronised 

many Muslim Tamil p t s and was instrumental to publish many Islamic Tamil literary works. Cubby 

Mohamed Marakkayar was another noted buslness man and a survey report of the Engl~sh says that " 

Kirai was the residence of Cubby Mohamed MaraWcayar, a wealthy merchant and the chief of the tow. 

' Aharned Jalaludeen Marakkayar owned seven mercantile ships and he had extensive trade connect~ons 

with other Coromandel ports and Ceylon 92. Sultan AMul Kadar Marakyar was another shipowner 

In Kilakkarai. Rajanayagarn, one of the Islamic Tamil epics of 1807, extrol his trading activities and 

philonthropyg3. Mapillai Labbai Alim (1816-1896) was a prominant gemstone trader, philanthropist. 

poet and mystic of Kadiria tharikka. He was so influencial and powerful in Corornandel Coast and 

Ceylon, that he could collect one rupee on every boat in Ceylonese coast for his Aroosia Thaikka 

(Arabic learning centre) at Kilakkarai. He had rendered significant religious se~ce 

in Ceylon. His son 

Syed Abdul Kadir Marakkayar (1846 - 1912) was a maritime trader and mystic of' Kadiria ~harikka~~ 

Vappu Naina Pihi Marakkayar was a ship owner and trader in Kilakkarai. HIS sons Syed Kasim 

Marakkayar. Muthu lbrahii Marakkayar, Kirudu Naina Marakkayar. Mohideen AMul Kadar Marakkayar 

and Syed Mohamd Marakkayar were a!so prominant maritime traders They were trading with Ceylon.

Malabar and Bengal ports. This family had two ships. They had big godowns in the seashore at 

Kilakkarai which stand even to this day. This family is also said to be the descendent of Periathamb~ 

Marakkayar. We come to understand from the documents maintained by the members of this farnily. 

that the value of a two masted ship in their possession was about Rs.4000/- in 1881'~. 

Pamban Canal itself was a private property for some time which was granted by the ruler of 

Ramanathapuram, to a Marakkayar family at Pamban Neither people nor vessels could cross the 

Pamban Canal. The family of Aboobakar Marakkayar was given the right of taking the people across 

the bar of the Pamban on payment of a fees. Later the members of the family became pilots and they 

collected fees from all the vessels for pioloting them across the canal and divided amongst themselves the 

Income. When difference of opinion arose among the descendants of the family in dividing the fees 

collected. AMul Naina Ambalam. Peer Tamby Marakkayar Muthu Ahamed and Chinna Meera levey 

Marakkayar represented the matter to the Collector of Ramanathapuram. Retention of their hereditay 

rights to collect fees. a flxed salay to those who actually plloted the vessels across the Pamban Canal 

was ordered by the ~ollector~'. The descendants of the farnily of Aboobakkar Marakkayar are appolntcd 

as pilots at Pamban port-for piloting vessels across the Pamban-even to thls day. 

The trading activities in the ports of Thanjavur coast were in the hands of Marakkayars of this 

region. Realising the importance of Nagapattanam port and the other minor feeder parts, in the coast. 

the English company proposed to improve them for the development of trade. A statistics of the company 

shows that there were abut seventy maritime traders in Nagore and Nagapmanam alone in the beginning 

of nineteenth centuy and they had a total capital resources of two lakhs pagodas. They entered into the 

nineteenth centuy with the support of the English East lndia Company, and were honoured well The 

East lndia C:ompany engaged the Cholia vessels for their coastal trade in the Coromandel ports. The 

l3esident at Nagore wrote to the Board of Trade in 1812 that " the trade with the east was conducted 

chiefly by the Cholia merchants resident in Nagore and Nagapattanam ports, and they used vessels built 

there itself the burthen of which ranged from one hundred to four hundred tones". The list furnished by 

[lie British resident at Nagore abut the ships and their owners exporting salt to Bengal contained only 

Muslim names. Mohamed Kasim Marakkayar was the principle and respectable merchant of Nagore 

who yol hls ships !)lade at t'eyu9' 

It IS said thal he llved ill a ~pdldc~dl IIOUIB. 

M~rctidrils like Kaddr 

Mohideen Sahib of Nagapattanam owned a fleet of ships providing employment to a large number of 

coolies both Muslims and non ~ wlims~~.

The influential shipowner and maritime trader at Nagapattanam during the last quarter of the 

nineteenth century, was A h 4 Thambi Marakkayar. Later he became the member of Madras Legislative 

Council and was honoured with the title Khan Bahadur. He had trade contacts in Straits, Burma and 

Ceylon. He had a ket of ships and also a large number of small boats for loading and unloading cargoes 

at Nagapattanam port. He was the agent of British India Steam Navigation Company at Nagapattanam. 

Mohamed Gouse Marakkayar and Gulam Mohideen Marakkayar were other shipowning merchants at 

Nagapattanam during this period". 

The shipowners and traders with lesser capital could not cap their activities against the growing 

economic competitions. Asan Kuthoos Sahib Marakkayar, a ship owner of Nagore obtained a sum of 

Rs. 10,000/- in 1890 to repair his ship from one Ramanathan Chettiar and the ship was hypothecated 

to the Chettiar. The Marakkayar could not repay the loan and authorised the Chettiar to utilise the ship 

to undertake voyages and return back the ship after the credit amount was realised. This shows the 

financial resources of Marakkayars and Chettiar merchants100. 

In Adirampattanam there were many Marakkayar shipowners and maritime traders. Eiavapillal 

Marakkayar was the owner of many dhoneys. His wssels regularly plied to Masulipananam and ~a~ore'" 

Mohamed Thambi Marakkayar was ship owner and maritlme trader, popularly known as Kapalkarar 

(owner of ships) of the town. He owned two ships by name Mohideen Samdani and Sultan Hydroos 

which plied to Ceylon and Kakinada. He was a close associate of Mandapam Marakkayar, referred to 

above. Thangavappa Marakkayar, Mohamed Mohideen Marakkayar, Sheik Thambi Marakkayar and 

Hussain Marakkayar were other important ship owners and maritlme traders In ~dlram~attanam'~~ 

Sultan Marakkayar of Thirumaullaivsal a ship owner, who was a gram trader with ceylon Io3. 

Though Karaikkal was a centre of Marakkayars, there were only a few shipowners and maritime 

traders at the close of nineteenth century Since the adjoining Nagore and Nagapatanam ports were 

advantageous the Marakkayars of Karaikkal based their shipping activities in these ports. Export of grain 

continued from Karaikkal to other ports of Coromandel and Ceylon. Many of the prosperous maritime 

traders from here emigrated to Singapore, Penang and France and Indonesia The houses of the 

descendants of the shipowning families are called " Kappa1 Kara Veedu " (how of ship owers) even to 

this day. Kadar Sultan Marakkayar was a prominant maritime trader and shipowner

He had business connection in Singapore. Mammana Pillai Marakkayar was the owner of many ships. 

He had factories at Kakinada and Karaikkal. tiis ships plied to Andaman and N~colrar Irla~ids ~ I I C I 

Ceylon. This Marakkayar had a sound knowledge of astronomy who could predict motwan and cyclon~c 

effects which won the appreciation of the English. 

There were also many small traders engaged in coastal trade and in the transport of salt, timber. 

grain and fish from one minor port to another in Thanjavur coast. Many of the Marakkayars were 

engaged in various other maritime activities like f~shing, chank, diving and dyfish trade'" 

There were a 

number of Marakkayar traders with small capital operating the~r dhoneys and boats between the minor 

ports in the coast of the district such as Topputhurai. Point Calimere, Muthupet, Krishnajipattanam, 

Kattunlavadi. Ammapattanam. Kottaipattanam. Pasipattanam. Gopalapattanam and 

Soundarapandianpattanam and they supplied the commod~ties to the big traders 

Islamic Tamil literature is one of the pr~me sources for the study of the prosperous 

merchants of ~a~ai~attanam'~~. But most of them were dealing only in precious stones 

They had business connections in various overseas countries. They also imported uncut new precious 

stons into oro om and el'^ 

A reference to the available records on shipping in Ramanathapuram and Thirunelveli districts in 

the third and last quarter of nineteenth century give occasional reference about the trading activities of 

Muslims of the region. Tuticorine was the major port. Kayalpattanam. Kulasekarapattanam, Vaipar anrl 

Kilakkarai were tne other minor ports of importance. Many of the ships from these ports during this 

period bear Muslim names such as Mohideen Hydroos Bux, Mohideen Baghyalakshmi Bux, Mohideen 

Bw, Mohamed Sulairnan Bw, War Bw etc., The captains (Nagudha) of these vessels were also Muslim. 

Ships from these ports canied on interportal trade and foreign trade with Ceylon. No bigger vessels plied 

from these ports. All vessels that operated from these ports were xwners, brigantines, bats, vallam and 

dhoneys and were lesser than 90 tons burthen. Kayalpattanam and Kulasekaranpattanam were very 

busy ports. Large number of vessels operated only from these ports during this period. Along with the 

cargoes, passengers were also taken to ceylon and Cochin from Kilakkarai, Kayalpattanam and 

Kuksekampattanam107. While three-fourth of the crafts which plied from these ports belonged to the

Muslim maritime traders of this region, one fourth belonged to the Parava Christians. Vaipar was the 

parava port which was a Christian centre. The Paravas were also traders competing with the Muslims of 

the region and had the support of the Company and their vessels also plied to other ports in Coromandel 

and Malabar. From the ports of Kilakkarai, Kayalpattanam and Kulasekarapattanam and Vaipar 

merchandise were sent to other ports like Nagapattanam, Adimpattanam. Muthupet, Madras, Cuddalore, 

and ~ondicheny'~~. 

At the fag end of nineteenth century the sea traffic fromKayalpattanam was minimum 

and Kulasekarapattanam continued to be a busy port. The commodities of export from these 

ports were mats, oilcake, ch~lle, drylish, yarn, tobacco, condiments, ghee, animals, teakwood. 

porcel~ne, medic~nal herbs, cotton, sandalwood, palm, sugar, textiles etc., Areca, Coconut, 

jute, wheat, blackgram, metals, coconut oil, liquors, palm and coconut trunks, bull~ons, spices. 

yarn and cane were imported from ceylon into these ports. Food grains, areca, coconut. 

dlyfah, timber, palm sugar, animats, spices, tobacco, cotton and chank were the commodities in interportal 

trade'09. 

There were only a few prosperous manhme trad~ng famikes at the close of the nineteenth century 

at Kayalpattanam area. The families of Ahamed Hussain Marakkayar and Mohideen Meera Marakkayar 

were the leading n~aritime traders in Kayalpattanam during this period. They had extensive business 

connections in Ceylon and were running a cargo company at Colombo by name " Colombo Cargo Boat 

Company ". They were having more than fifty hais for cleaniig cargoes at both h e coasla Their cargo 

company had connections with British Steam Navigation Company. They owned salt pans at 

Kayalpattanam and exported the salt to Colombo and other ports. Thcy were having boiil bullding yard 

at Kayalpattnam and manufactured and sold boats to the English Company. Cholukar MaraWtayar 

family and Maniya Marakkayar family were the other important ship owning families at Kayalpattanam. 

All the above maritime traders had palacial buildings near the sea shore at Kayalpattanam, the remnants 

of which can be seen even to this day. The small traders who survived the economic storm, had to 

depend on the facilities afforded by the above shipowning families lor their overseas trading and interportal 

actidties.

At Kulasekarapuram , Hassankhan Sirajudeen Marakkayar, Kadar Batch Marakkayar, Gulam 

Mohideen Marakkayar. Vappu Naina Marakkayar. Syadulla Marakkayar and A\)usali Marakkayar w

without paying customs duties. Baboo Mohamed Marakkayar's clandestine activities are referred to 

inmany records of the ~n~lish"~. A letter to the board of trade from the Master Attendant of Rayapuram 

(near Madras) about the clandestine activities of the Labbai boatmen says that ,"they concieve that no 

punishment can reach them and becoming more and more daring in ~onse~uences"~. A supenntendent 

of Police in Madras alerts the government on their clandestine activities'I5. The smuggling activities of 

Muslims in Kannlyakumari district with the connivance of the local native officials is refenad to in another 

recordH6. The Labbai and Marakkayar residents of Triplicane in Madras were found smuggling textiles 

and the attempt of the authorities to stop it was not fruitful. The residential area of such merchants was 

known among the British officials as " Thieving Bazaar'' I" 

Manufacture and trade in salt was one of the activities of many Muslim families of 

Coromandel Coast for a very long time. The introduction of monopoly on salt by the English 

Government, deprived many Muslims of the Ramanathapuram and Thirunelveli coast from the 

manufacturing activity of salt. Prior to this, the salt pans of Ramanathapuram coast were 

rented by the Marakkayar of Kilakkarai. When salt monopoly was introduced a proclamation 

was Issued directing the natlve manufacturers to hand over all the stocks of salt to the 

Government. Accordmgly the Marakkayars of Kilakkarai stopped manufacture of salt and also handed 

over the stocks to the authorities. But those who possessed some qunatity of salt clandestively were 

penalised and the monopoly prize of salt was collected for the quantity in their possession. Alla Pitchai 

Marakkayar. Meera Sahib Marakkayar, Sheik Sadakathullah Marakkayar and Abdulkatlar Marakkayar 

were some salt manufacturers and rentiers in KIl&araiH8 . Habib Marakkayar of Kilakkarai collected 

the earth salt in the nearby islands like Anaipar and exported it 'I9 

The ships and dhoneys of Muslims were engaged in the transport of salt, m the region. Henry 

Darner, a private English merchant in Tuticorin, rented the ship of Sura Madali Marakkayar to transport 

salt to ~olombo'*~. The dhoneys and Vallams transported salt from one port to another and bigger 

vessels carried the salt from the minor ports to the major ports like Tuticorin and Nagapattanam Hasan 

Marakkayar of PortoNovo transported salt in his ship to ~arakanam"' . Mohamed Ali beg was engaged 

in the shipment of salt in his ships to lam bar am". A statement of capitalitsts in salt trade in the coastal 

region in 1887 shows tht it was dominated by Chett~ar and English private merchants.

and there were no Marakkayar traders in Nagapattanaln region . In Adira~npatla~~al~~, War Mohklcu~~ 

Marahyar was in salt trade. In Thirunelveli coast Mohamed Aliar, Muthuvava Mohamed, Mohamed 

Mohideen, Mohamed AMul Kadar Marakkayar and Ai~orilcd I Idmn Marekkdyor wore icoding zdll 

There is no strong evidance that in the first half of the nineteenth centuy Muslims were engaged 

In tannery industry. There was prevailing notion among the people that it was infralding for a person to 

haw anything to do uith hides and shns. Mattison Mines is right in pointing out that the prejudice against 

the dealers in hides and skin seems to su~w 

among the Muslims even now in certain areaslZ4. Tanning 

was the domain of the caste ~huckler'~~. Europeans entered in to this trade during nineteenth centuy 

and they introduced new methods in tanning in Madras presidency'26. Towards the end of nineteenth 

century, we find the names of some Muslims as owners of tanneries, This might be due to the lucrative 

and monopolistic nature of the business. Lnbbais and Deccanis were mostly in this industy But 

MaraWtayars were engaged in the shipment of raw and tanned skins. Mohamed Meeran Rawthar 

established tanneries in Tiruchirappalli in 1883 and he was an exporter of hides to England and other 

European countries. Bangi Hayat Basha established an export oriented tanney in 1874 at ~adras'~' 

76% of the hides from Madras Presidency were exported to ~ngland"~ 

The professional expertise of the Coromandel Muslims in shipping and connected actiLities made 

the English to seek their help on many occasions. Since the muslims boatmen were weil tra~ned in 

salvaging ships, the English company entrusted such works to them. Labbai Mohamed Thambi and h~s 

team was engaged by the English East lndia Company to salvage ships that wrecked off the shore of 

Manaar. Idis large dhoney was suitable for this purpose and was in operation to solvage the properties 

that may be saved. The divers in the team were Ahamed Labbai, and Uduman Labbai who were experts 

in salvaging wrecked ships. The English paid 1/5 of the value of the valuables that were retrieved from 

the wreckagelz9. During the earlier days of the ascendency of the English East lndia Company they 

appointed OI$. 

Muslim crw in their ships. Later, important positions of crewship were denied to natives 

However the Company appointed native pilots at Kikkkarai and Parnban to handle their vessels. Of the 

thirteen pilots appointed by the English at Pamban, eleven were Muslims. These polots were men of 

Proven ability and technical knowledge and held licence to pilot vesselsof any kind I3O . The English East 

India Company preferred the ships built by the native Muslims. They purchased the ships of tonnage 

capacity of 100 tons to 500 tons built by the Muslims of ~agapattanam'~'. Though the vessels owned 

by the company were manned by Muslim pilots they were paid less than the ~uropeans'~~.

The East lndia Company granted concessions and afforded every encouragement to the 

Muslims for the development of their trade, in the early years. Considerations were shown to the 

persons who had rendered special sentices to the Company. Towards the end of eighteenth centuy 

when the British East lndia Company took over Nagore, they imposed certain duties on exports and 

imports. The local Muslim Merchants claimed concessions from such duties, on the ground that the 

king of Thanjavur had issued certain cowlies granting tax concessions and that was the reason why 

they had come and settled down at Nagore as traders and made Nagore a flourishing commercial 

town. Their request was looked into133. The Company extended concessions to the Muslims who 

rendered service to the Company. Mohamed Kasim Marakkayar the principle merchant of Nagore 

had helped the Company in their trading activities A cowie had been granted to him by the English 

w~th a concession of 50% in customs duties and other taxes. After his death his son Mohamed 

Ackel claimed the same conce~sions'~~ The ancestors of Abdul Kadar Sahib Marakkayar of Tondi was so 

~nfluencial that they owned cannons which they fired on festive occassions In them family. The Engllsh 

Government granted special permission to Abdul Kadar to retain the cannons135 Chinrla Marakkayar 

Malumiar a ship merchant of Nagore was appointed as the member of the landing and shipping committee 

at ~aga~attanarn'~~. As a special gesture English colours were given to the ships of Mohamed Ali 

Marakkayar of Nagapattanam and Naina Malumi of cuddalore13'. 

But the claim of the residents of Kayalpattanam for the exemption of certain taxes was rejected 

by the English administration. In a memorial to the company in 1820, the Muslims of Kayalpattanam 

had represented that " they came from Arabistan and purchased the village of Kayalpattanam, where 

they had created sixtyfour mosques and brought up pulmyrah and coconut topes to defray the expenses 

of the mosqws. They had been the inhabitants of the place for the past 900 years, durlng which perled 

their honour was prese~ed by the favour of the Rajas and the Nawabs with special concessions. They 

were enjoying those concessions till the tenure of the previous Collector. But the new Collector demands 

to wmit the taxes for the pulmyrah and coconut topes ". They prayed for the continuance of the concessions 

hither to enjoyed by them'38 , Their request was considered in detail and finally it was rejected by the 

bglish Government on the ground that they were all prosperous at that time'39. However the English 

were liberal to some extent towards the maritime activities of the Muslims when compared with the 

Portugues and the Dutch.

Thus it will be seen tha there was a slow and steady decline in the maritime trade of the Muslims 

of Coromandel. The decline in trade started right at the emergence of the Portuguese in sixteenth 

centwy,and come to the point of liqujdation by the end of nineteenth centuy The economic compulsions 

due to the presence of many European companies, pushed back the coastal Muslims. The lesser 

resources at the disposal of the coastal Muslims made them to retreat from active direct trade, Instead 

they became the agents of bigger and wholesale Muslim traders, and English private merchants and 

procured textiles. food grains, condiments, and other commodities suitable for export and interportal 

trade and sold them to the waiting bigger merchants on the shore. Muslims owning small dhoneys, 

vallarns and boats moved along the shallow waters of the coast and procured the available commodities 

and brought them to bigger ports. Thus the chain of trading activities of the Muslims was kept up 

though the quantum was very less. The Muslim maritime community which once dominated trading 

fields in the maritime commerce on the Coromandel coast was vanishing devoid of any significance or 

gloy at the end of nineteenth century. 

PEARL AND CHANK FISHERY 

The anitquity of pearl fishey and pearl trade in Tamil nadu goes to the Sangam period. Sangam 

Tamil literatures like Patthupattu, Ahananurn. Purananuru. Kalithcgai. Narrinai, SUappathkrarn, and 

ManimeMai refer to the pearl of Pandya country and the connected mattes. Tamil Bakthi literatures 

like Thevararn, Nahyirathiyraprabandam. Seaakasinthamani etc. describe various ornaments made of 

pearl140. Inscriptions and copper plate grants of various rulers of Tamil county refer to the pearl and 

pearl flshey. The Thanjavur inscriptions of Raja Raja speak of numerous grants of pearl ornaments 

endowed to the temple14'. But we get splended account on pearl fishey from 13-14th centuries starting 

from the account of Marcopolo. 

The Arabs were the principal traders in pearls. Arab writers, traders and geographers of tenth 

centuy, like Suliman and A b d refer to the pearls of Tamil Country and pearl trade142. The documents 

of the Portuguese, the Dutch the English and the accounts of European travellers give very valuable 

informations about pearl fishey. The people who wre the fishen of the pearl oysters were the Parathaws 

(Paravas) who were the traditional fishermen in the coastal area. Pearl oysters were rich in 

Ramanathapuram and Thirunelveli coasts and in the Gulf of Manaar. In fact the Portuguese called the 

Thimnelveli coast as "Pixaria" or Fishery Coast in view of abandance of pearl oysters and chank.

FISHERY COAST I Detatls)

Korkai of Sangam period gave way to Kayal. From thirteenth century, Kaya' became the 

headquarters of pearl fishery. The Muslims by this time had captured the pearl fishey aa rentors 

and traders in pearl. The Pandya kings successfully conducted the pearl trade by extending great 

favours to the merchants, the main traders among them being the Arabs. They exchanged the 

imported horses for pearls. Some of the Muslims held high offices in the court of the Pandyas. The 

ports of Kayal, Vedalai. Devipattanam, Kilakkarai Tondi and Pasipattanam were the pearl exporting 

centers. A considerable part of the Tamil maritime population had embraced Islam by fourteenth 

and fifteenth centuries and they began to take pearl fishing as an occupation. The Muslims of 

Kllakkar~l and Kayal were known for their specidised dihg skill. The Muslims attempted to outreach 

the ~aravas'~~. The wealthy Muslims of Kayal and Kilakkarai managed to keep pearl fishing in their 

hands. The Paravas had practically been their hired hands and were feeling oppressed. However many 

of the Muslims in the coastal toms moved into shipping and gem trade from the more humble begming 

from the diving profession. Some others moved up the ladder by establishing themselves as pearl and 

chank traden and boat omers controlling large populatiion of low ranking Muslims divers in the lower 

shata of the sodety'M. This shows the occupational and status mobility among the Muslims of Commandel. 

After the arrival of the Portuguese in the Coromandel coast, the Missionay Manual De fries in 

1525, baptised a considerable number of Paravas. Joa Froles, the Portuguese captain and factor of the 

pearl fishery seized the pearl fishey and extracted rent from the Muslim headman and a force was kept 

to supmintend the fishery145. From then the Portuguese became the masters of pearl fishey in Coromdel 

coast and Manaar. The Pattamkattis (head man of Paravas) became the local authorities of pearl fbhe y. 

The Portuguese levied toll and taxes from the Paravas also which was vey hlgh. They leded such taxes 

on the Paravas since they were obliged to protect them from the Malabaris ( Tamil Muslim) who used to 

come with amled boats to capture Parava fishers146. The Portuguese rivalry forced the Muslims of Kayd 

to move to a nearby place and improve the new t m of Kayalpattanam. The Pamas made Pmaiknyal 

as their main settlement. Later Tuticorin became the headquarters of pearl fishery. 

The Muslim Mudalian of Kayalpattanam became the lease holders of the pearl and chank 

fishery durtng the second quarter of the sixteenth centuy, paying hibutes to the ~ortuguese'~'. Mudaliar 

means superintendent or headman148. (The title Muddiar is born by affluent Marakhyar merchants of 

Thirunelve~i district, even to this day).

The tinditional pearl market shifted from Kayal I Palayakayal) to Kilakkarai by 1531, where the 

~ar&yar pearl merchants were concentrated. During sixteenth century the pearl merchants had to 

pay 1/2 panam for every 100 pearls sold and it was used for the Ninaithathai Mudithan Vinayakar 

temple at Kilakkarai, according to an inscription in the temple'49. 

Ceasar Frederih, the Venetian merchant who visited the Thirunelveli coast by about 1563, says 

that the divers engaged by the Portuguese in pearl fishey were christian Paravas. It Wil be seen that the 

Muslim divers were left out with aversion150. 

Arunachalam goes to the extent of putting it that the Muslim Labbai and Mamkkayar divers who 

were not encouraged in their lawful persuit in pearl fishing became discontented and might have joined 

the pirates151. However, the Muslim divers of Kayalpattanam. Kilakkarai, Periapattanam, 

Soundarapandiapattanam, KaraiWtal, and Adiramapattanam participated in the fisheries conducted in 

the respective regions, of course in lesser number15Z. Thus the Portuguese were enjoying mastery over 

this maritime industy (till they were ousted by the Dutch) to the detriment of the Muslim traders and 

diwn. 

The Nay& of Madumi were content With the free stones and privileges in pearl fishery given to 

them by the Portuguese. But later at a point of time the Nayaks supported the Muslims against the 

Paravas, in pearl fiihery.Thima!ai Nayak who came to power in 1623 entered into an agreement With 

the headman of Muslim community at Kayalpattanam and extended them concessions in pearl fishery. 

He diverted the free stones giwn to his account to the Muslim community leader Mudali Pillai Marakkayar 

and he was authorised to superintend the activity as the agent of the ~ a~ak'~~. The Sethupathis also 

established similar connections with Kllakkarai Marakkayars. They encouraged the Marakkayar pearl 

merchants and established pearl trading centres at Rameswaram and ~eriapattanam'~~. These pearl 

trading centres were called " Muthupettai " and " Muthuchavadi " . The street at Ramewararn where the 

pearl market was siplated is called Muthuchavadi street even to this day. The Sethupathis donated the 

free stones allowed to them to the temples of Ramewamm and Thiruppulani. Fishing for the above free 

Stones was enbusted to the M&ym 

the family of one Sultan Marakkayar of ~ameswararn'~~ 

of the region. Fishing for Rameswaram temple was enbusted to

The Dutch took over the pearl fishery from the Portuguese in 1658. During the first fishery 

by the Dutch in 1663, they allowed the headman of Muslim cornrnumity of Kayalpattanam to 

have the accustomed number of boats free of tax as under the ~ortu~uese'~~. But with regard to the 

~ eon s inexempted boats, the Dutch levied more taxes from the Muslims than from the Param. These 

are the few examples of patronage and considerations shown by the Tamil Hindu rulers to their Muslim 

subjects without any religious bias. Thus the cordial relationship between the Hindu rulers and Muslim 

trading community helped them in their economic activities. 

The Muslim boat owners also had to give one day's collections of pearl oysters to the Dutch, the 

day being left to the choice of the Dutch autho~ities'~'. Prominant operators in pearl fishery in 

KiiAarai during this period include Adam Labbai. Chinna Marakkayar and Periathambi Marakkayar. 

Periathambi Marakkayar owned the largest number of fleet with huenty one fishing boats. Hussain 

Marakkayar dominated in the Thanjavur coast and he was the owner of six boats and an employer of 

thirtynine divers. During the 1691 fishery, the Dutch allowed the headman of the Muslim community of 

Kayalpattanam nine free stones. Earlier under the Portuguese, the Nay& of Madurai allowed only ten 

free stones from the privileged stones granted to them. But the Dutch themselves directly allowed nine 

freestones, to the Muslim Mudaliar. However this was very low when compared to the free stones 

allowed to the Parava Pattamkattis. 

From the year 1746 the Dutch abolished all typzs of free stones. Amnachakm says, ' By stone 

a diver is meant " , but the Thirunelveli District Gazetteer mentions " By stone, one diving for each 

diver1". 

But the former seems to be correct, in ow view. By this time the Nawabs of Arcot became the 

political masters in Camatic. The Dutch had confrontation with the Nawabs in &g 

the profits of pearl 

fishery. This made the Dutch to suspend the pearl fishey from 1749 to 1784, resulting in hardship to 

the Muslim divers since they were thrown out of the expertised profession. The Muslim pearl merchants 

had to resort to some other trade160. 

The economic impact of non conduct of pearl and chank fisheries was felt by the Dutch colonial 

authorides and the Nawab. By a treaty the Nawab ceded the chank fishey to Dutch, in 1758. By 

another treaty in 1788, the produce of the pearl and Chank fishey was divided equaUy by the Nawab 

and the Dutch. P@& there was no fishery in Tuticorin after 1796 and the Dutch lost their monopoly 

and hold in pearl hhe y.

The English took over the Thirunelveli coast in 1782 and began to conduct pearl fishey. 

The entire coast of Carnatic came under the English in 1796 and all the Dutch possessions 

were taken over in 1825. The pearl fishery suffered from 1796 to 1825, since the English 

were interested in the consolldatlon of their power. When the English took over the Thlnvlelvell coat in 

again in 1801, the privileged stones in marl fishery were abolished except in the cam of Pattamkottis, 

the Param)athlthaklMn. Only he was favoured by the ~ovemment~~'. Howover in the fisheries conduaod 

in Rarnanathapxm coast rnaniarn boats were given to the Muslim merchants (Marakkayar) of W r a i 

as a special privllege16' 

The English conducted the pearl fishey in the Coromandel coast at irregular intervals. For 

instance after the fishey of 1830 there was no fishey for thirty years till 1860. After 1862 fishery was 

conducted only in 1889. No fishe ry was conducted between 1889-1900. By 1900, the Coromandel 

pearl fishery deteriorated completely'63. But some of the Muslim divers took up pearl and chankfishey 

of thelr own indivldually in Ramanathapuram coast during the last quarter of nineteenth century. 

Marakkayar pearl merchants advanced money to them liberally on the condition that it should be settled 

in the ensuing fishing season1". This shows that the English were not vey serious about pearl and chank 

fishey. 

The Marathi Modi records in Thanjavur Saraswathi Mahal library give some details about pearl 

fishing activities in Thanjavur coast.'65. The Maratha kings received considerable income from pearl 

Pearl and pearl oysters were exported to Malacca in the ships of Marakkayars from Nagore 

port'67. Pearl and chankdiwrs were permitted to participate in the fisheries conducted in Cn/lon 

The pearl fiihey was conducted in Nagapattanam, Tranquebar, Ti~umullaivasal but it was meagre when 

compared with Ramanathapuram and Thimnelveli coasts. The Muslim divers (Labbias ,Sonakars) 

dominated the pearl fishey activities in Thanjavur coast. 

Chank fishey was an associated trade with pearling and was a lucrative maritime trade and 

brought god revenue to the precolonial rulers of Coromandel. The conch shells had been prized by the 

Hindus since ancient times and chank bangle making was an important industry in eng gal'^^. Chank 

diving often sensed as a cover for illicit pearling operations'70. Along the coast of Coromandel chank

was fished in the coastal belt of Thirunelveli, Ramanathapuram, Thanjawr and South Arcot. The 

thank fishery of Thirunelveli and Ramanathapuram coasts was vey prosperous when compared to 

Thanjaw and South Arcot coast1". 

Chank were exported to Bengal and it was sokl with good profit. 

The Chank &hey also shared the fate of the pearl fishery. It suffered many ups and downs in 

the hands of the colonial European powers and the native ders. The Muslim in the Coastal towns 

engaged in Chank fishey were affected by this. 

After 1796, the Dutch gave up chank fiihiig by themselves and rented it to the highest bidder. 

Most of such rentors were Muslims. Though the pearl fishey became Irregular, at the hands of the 

English from 1801, chank fishey was conducted from Tuticolin from October to May evey year. The 

divers had to move about to collect the scattered shells. The chank collected was sold by auction. Labbai 

divers of Kilakkarai were more in the chank fishey in Ramanathapuram coast. 

The English a!so rented the chank fiihey to the highest bidder till 1876 when it was taken over 

under direct government management. The English government encouraged the divers by giving the 

same coolie rate as given by the private contractors, i.e. Rupee 20.00 per 1000 chank. The chank 

flshey yielded a largo revenue to the English. 

The Rajas of Ramanathapuram and Sivaganga enjoyed the chank fishery rights in 

Ramanathapuram coast172. But the chank fishery of Thirunelveli coast alone was in the hands of the 

English administration. The Sethupathi exported the chank to Bengal in his own vessels and in the 

vessels of the Marakkayars of the region. It brought good revenue to the Sethupathl's treasuy. The 

Sethu~athi Raja sent in 1794 alone about 11,20,000 chank to Bengal from Devipattanam port in the 

ship of a Marhyar of Kilakkarai. Meera Naina Marakkayar of Ramanathapuram acted as the agent of 

the Sethupathi in ~alcuttal~~. The Sethupathis encouraged the Marakkayar and Labbai divers and 

traders in chank fishery activities in their coast. 

In Thanjawr coast the fishermen of 

Nagapattanam, Tranquebar, Thimmullaivasal and 

Adimmpattm collected the shells. Here the chanks were collected with net and not by d ~ng'~~. The 

thank fiery of Thanjaw coast was enjoyed by the Thanjawr Maratha mlers. The Modi records of the

Marathas speak about chank fishey in the coast and coolie charges to the divers. It was 14 chakrams, 

per 1000 chank. Further the English permitted the chank divers ( Muslims) In the coastal areas to go to 

Ceylon for fishing chank. Shells were sent to Malacca from Nagore port175. 

In the south &cot coast the chank shek were collected hy rentors and also by indiddual fkhmn. 

The collection of the shells was done with net as in the case of Thanjawr. Chank shells were smuggled 

from South Arcot coast to Pondicheny where it fetched a higher price'7'. 

The Coromandel chank shells had a good market in Bengal and hence exported there in large 

quantities. From there they were sent to Tibet and Butan. In Bengal the chank was in wider use as 

ornaments Uve bangles and eariets, it was also used in many social functions. We find references to the 

export of chank to Bengal from Coromandel in the Wting of the Arabian and European travellen. The 

Musi~ms of Coromandel were the wholesale merchants in chank in Calcutta. Kilakkarai was an important 

centre of chank export to Bengal. 

A large number of Muslims of Coromandel were engaged in pearl and chank fishing and trade, 

from wy early times. Pearling ad diving for chank were regarded as low and ritually pollubng oc~pations, 

but this did not stop these Muslims from using their specialities as a bridge to this more prestigious and 

lucrative maritime activity177. Persons in the lower strata of the society were engaged in diving and 

collecting activities while the affluent were in trade and export"'. From the early times, the Arab pearl 

divers were consided to be better than theTamils . Since Thimelveii and Ramanathapuram coasts 

wre nch in pearl and chank, the majority of the coastal population among the Muslims twk to diving as 

a profession. The writings of the Europeans praise the superiority of the Coromandel Muslim divers. 

The lWakkarai Muslim divers were vey industrious and liked by English also. They spenally designed the 

boats suitable for =hank and pearl fishey and these boats differ from evey other in the world. Great 

majority of the divers in Kllakkarai were Labbais, of course there were also Marakkayars and Sonakan. 

The superlorlty of the Labbais over Paravas In the number of seconds they remained under water. 

C~Uectin greater number of oysters per dive made the work of the former more productive and powerful. 

The stones under the Muslims fetched morels0. Hence the Muslim divers were paid higher than the 

Paravas and the Karaiyars.

At KikWcarai a certain wnMbution of the catch was also generally allowed to be set aside by the 

divers for the benefit of their rn~sque'~'. The English recruited Muslim divers of Kilakkarai and 

peliapattanm for chank and pearl fishing in Ceylon coast'8z. Similarly the Mudim divers of Thirunehrell 

codst also were of prown ability. The English authorities sent the Muslim divers from Thimnhli coast 

to Tennaserim for fishing ln view of the attractive income in chank trade many of the Muslim 

shipomen and divers resorted to smuggling. 

The Marakkayars of Kilakkarai were continuing to flourish in pearl and chank trade during 

eighteenth, nineteenth centuries. Syed Abdul Kadar Marakkayar figures vey often as the rentor and 

merchant In pearl and chank since 1789 in Ramanathapuram and Thlrunslvell coasb. He was havlng 

factories at Kllakkarai and Bengal. He enjoyed the patronage of the Sethupathi Vijaya Raghunatha 

Muthuramalingam ( 1762-1795). English records speak about the trade standing of AMul Kadar 

Marakkayar who could transport chank shells along with other mercandise to Bengal, in hls own shlpa, 

could afford a higher rent for fishing than any other person and his security was unquestionable. The 

English East India Company authorities preferred him over other competitors and had conferred renting 

tghts to him in pearl and chank fishey, in Thimeiveli and Ramanathapwarn coasts on many ~ 0115'~~. 

He was canying on a vast trade fmm the ptts of Kayalpattanam, Kulasekmpattanam, Vembar, KiMed 

and Tondi. The Sethupathi had given him the priLilege to trade in his ports on payment of a reduced duty 

i.e., instead of the usual duty. When the concession was curtailed later by the English authorities, (the 

Collector of Madurai) in 1802, the Board of Revenue, intetvened and afforded adequate remedy to him. 

The company sold the grains collected from the people in the region to AMul Kadar Marakkayar. The 

Nawab of Arcot also had granted hi 

some concessions. Many of the European private merchants were 

iedous of reputation and concessions enjoyed by this Marakkayar among the English authorities. His 

son-in-law Haneefa Lavai Marakkayar was also a prominant trader and =porter in chank and pearl'85 

Syed Mohamed Marakkayar of Kilakkarai was the rentor of chank fishey in 18251ffi. Varisai 

lbrahii Marakkayar was the rentor of pearl fishey in Madumi coast in 183334'" W i r Meera Phi 

Marakkayar was another trader and rentor in chank fishey in kilakkarai'88. 

Lewy Mohamed Marakkayar was the chank and pearl fishey rentor in Thirunelveli coast in 

1810-1 lIsg~ Ka!ed Mohamed Marakkayar was a prominent rentor of fiheriesduting the second quarter

of nineteenth centuy and he had factoy at ~ en~al'~~. Marakkayar Tambi Marakkayar, Sali Naina 

Marakkayar of Kikkkaral were exporters of chank to Bengal and they had trading centres in Thirunehreli 

coast 19' . Mohamed Kasim Labbe Marhyar of Kila!&arai was the rentor of chank and fishey in 

Thirunelveli coast in 1819. He was also the chank fishey rentor for South Arcot coast during this 

pelid192. 

The system of renting chank fishery was discontinued by the English from 1876. The English 

government looked upon the hank fishery as their prerogative and conducted it anually in Thiwelveli 

coast. The sh& collected were SOH in one lot, in the month of July, to the highest bidder. In Thanjavur 

coast, the individual fishermen collected the shells and they were purchased by the custom department 

at a fixed price. In South Arcot it was farmed out to the rentors on yearly basis. At the close of 

nineteenth centuy, the Muslim Labbais in the coastal villages continued as chank divers and there were 

many Muslims in chank trade and they exported them in their native crafts to Bengal. The Muslim divers 

of Kilakkarai, Periapattanam Kayalpattanam participated in the pearl fishery in the ceylon coasts where 

they got gocd remunerati~n'~~. 

The pearl and chank fisheries were an important a source for the economic development of the 

region during eighteenth nineteenth centuries. A detailed account of profit from pearl and chank flshety 

in Thlrunelveli ccastr from 1801 to 1900 wlU show the part played by these fisheries in the economic life 

of the people of the regionlg4. By their active participation in this sphere of activity, the Marakkayan 

of Ramanathapuram and Thirunelveli coasts, particularly of Kilakkarai and Kayalpattanam, contributed 

much for the economic development of the region and for the livelihood of a large contingent of people 

in the lower strata of society. 

The name " Pearl " is vey closely associated in the Islamic society in Coromandel. Muslim 

women loved ornaments made of pearl. Muslims in the coastal towns prefixed Muthu (Tamil word for 

Pearl) to their names. Muthu Ibrahim, Muthu Mohhamed, Muthu Nainar, Muthu Hussain are a few such 

very cbmmon names. The Marakkayan cat! the paternal grand father as Muthuvappa (vappa - father ). 

The habitations of the Muslims in the coastal towns were called Muthupattanam. Muthu Mahal, is vey 

commonly w d to name the Muslims' house. No doubt that the long association of the Muslims of 

Coromandel in pearling activities have brought such an effect in their social life.

A considerable population of Muslims in coastal areas were fishermen, from a very 

long time. Like pearling and chank diving, fishing was also regarded as a low occupation. But 

the fishermen who were poor among the Muslims had to depend on those who were in the 

upper strata. Rich Marakkayars owning vessels controlled groups of such people under them. 

The inhabitations of these fishermen were seperated from others. They were groupd along with Muslim 

weavers. It is apparent that a large part of Tamil maritime population who were specialised in pearl;ing. 

chank diving and fishing embraced Islam. AU of them could not have come out of their earlier occupation 

and continued themIg5 

A large number of Muslims I Labbai, Sonakars, Marakkayars) were engaged in sea fishing in 

places like Kovalam, PortoNovo, Thimmullaivasal, Nagore, Tranquebar, Velamkanni, Karaihl. 

Topputurai, Point Calimer, Muthupet, Adirampattanam, Ammapattanam, Tondi, Kilakkarai, 

Kayalpattanam, Kulasekarapattanam and in many other small villages along the stretch of the east 

coast. Many of the Muslims were selling fish and dly fish. Dry fish was one of the important commodities 

in coastal trade. The Muslim fishermen used champan or sampan, catamarans, dhoneys and boats for 

fishing. About fortyfive types of fishiig nets were in use in Coromandel. In Nagore and Karaikkal the 

Muslim fishermen were numerous and were experts in deep sea fishing. Since pearl fishey was -nd, 

during the rest of the season fishing might have been their main occupation. When the pearl fishery 

became Irregular, the Muslims engaged in this activity had to resort to sea fishing which was an easy job 

for them1%. From the third quarter of nineteenth century, many of the minor ports decayed, and trading 

activities were abandoned. The Muslim labourers who were in sea faring activities were thrown out of 

employment and many such minor ports naturally turned into fishing villages. When fishing was leased 

out by the English, the Marakkayar and Labbai traders became the rentors and a large contingent of 

Muslim labour class worked under them'g'. 

The fishermen among the Muslims were the people in the lower strata of the society. This is the 

condition even to this day, though they are called Labbais, Sonakar, or MarAyars they are segregated 

from other Mamkkayars Labbaii in mial and economic status. The long association of the Muslims 

with fishing is evident from the names of some fish like Sonakan Thintkkai. Sonakan Valai, Sonakan 

Kezhuthi198.

The Labbai and Marakkayar fishermen also had good knowledge in astronomical datas, 

weather conditions, and oceanography, like those who were engaged in high sea fishing. The 

knowledge on these maritime subjects have been handed down to generations bytmdluonverbalfy 

and they are being followed and practised ewn to this day in the coastal villages of Tad Nadu. The past 

glory of this maritime community is seen only in such vanishing vestiges199. 

SHlP AND BOAT BUILDING 

The talent of the ancient Tamils in sea craft and navigational technologies are attested by the 

occurance of many terms about sea, crafts and trading activities in the Sangam Tamil classics and in the 

later Tamil literary works. We find about twenty terms for valious kinds of ships and boat ad also names 

of the parts of the vessels and the building techniqueszo0. 

The vessels were built in vatious sizes and shapes. Their length varied from 10 feet to 176 feet. 

For example the front face of the vessel by name arnpi was in the shape of elephant or buffalo or lion 

somiothers were built in the shape of peacock, allegator, surpent and tiger. Vessels like navoy,vanknm 

and Mam were used for overseas and long distance voyages and trade. Toni, otam, pataku and similar 

vessels were in use for short distance and coastal voyages and tradeZ0'. 

The boat builders followed astrological and astronomical data for favourable time for boat building. 

The timber used in boat building were Vembu, Neem, Iiuppai, Punnai, Naval, Situtekku. Sirunangu. h i, 

Kongu, Kanunandu, teak and venteak. The ships were propelled by wind and had sails for this purpose. 

The ship after completion set on sail in an auspicious timezoZ. The use of iron was said to be taboo in 

Wpatam, the sanskrit text on seacraft technology. It was the tradition to build boats by hull of planks 

joined together by ropes and wooden pegs203. 

The Arab ships appeared in the Indian waters as early as second century A.D. The 

Persian and Arab ships were also built of wooden plank held together with coir ropes, They 

Were capaclous and lightly built and swift before the wind, but were not really able to

withstand the strong mansoon winds and long voyages. Marcopolo writing in the later part 

of fourteenth century mentions about the risky nature of Arab shipszo4. The ancient Tamil 

maritime communities coming in contact with the Arabs used to adopt the best features of 

their construction techniques in ship building for their mutual advantages. With the Arab 

patrmaeo, the ancient Tamik built ships of high quality. The Arab merchants might have brought their 

own carpenters in their vessels for their maintanence. Some of them might have also permanently 

stationed in the ports of Tamil county, for attending such works in Arab ships. So the Arab colonies in 

the eastern coast included their carpenten also. Manimekalai the Tamil epic of second centuy A.D. 

mentions about the Yavana (Arab) carpenterszo5. 

With this expertise in navigation, the rulers of Tamil county in the medieval period patronised 

ship building and maintained large fleets of vessels, Their naval expeditions and colonial conquests 

across the sea to Ceylon, Lakshadweep, Maldives, Andaman, and Nicobar, Burma, Malaya, Java and 

Indonesia and other Southeast Asian countries attest their naval powers2". Inscriptions and copper 

plates of the Pdkvas, Pandyas and the Choks right from the seventh centuy to fourteenth century speak 

about their naval strength and victories. The vessels were not only used for warfare but also for overseas 

tradezo7. 

lndian shipping industry developed remarkably by the end of fifteenth centuy. By European 

stardads fairly lame ships were buiit in South India. The ships as they haw been recorded were between 

350 to 800 tons burthen. Some of them were bigger than the Portuguese ships in lndian ocean. The 

Namyaeth Muslim merchants of Gujamth built vey beautiful ships. The Muslim communities of peninsular 

lndia had contributed much for the development of shipping in Indian oceanzo8. The ships of Bay of 

Bengal region were generally built in sturdier fashion to withstand the occasional cyclones in the area but 

they were slower to sail and they had to sail in time of favourable wind and weathe?09. Thomas Boway 

who visited the Coromandel Coast in 1670 mentions about the superior crafts of the coast. 

The Muslims of Coromandel owned many types of vessels for their sea faring activities. The 

kbur and technical skill to operate them also came from them. the Portuguese records speak about the 

carpentaw occupation of the Muslims of peninsular lndia and Ceylon. No doubt many of them were 

mainb boat buildersz10.

When the English appeared in Indian waters in the seventeenth century, they found the 

coromandel ships were better than their ships. The Engllsh ships were bullt of oak tree, 

fastened with iron nails,the corrosion of which consumed the very metal which is supposed to 

unite the planks. Hence the English turned to the South Indian technology and began to build 

crafts with teak wood engaging local craftsmen. In 1821, timber was declared as state monopoly 

~ lsmall d boat builders were not able to get teak wood for boat building2". 

The archival records of the English shed some light on the ship building activities of the Muslims 

of Coromandel. Periathambi Marakkayar the seventeenth century commercial magnate of Coromandei 

owed many -Is of various descriptions Md he bullt those wsek In his ship bulkbg yard at W. 

The English East India Company utilissd the yard of the Marakkayar to repairthelr 

Many other 

~nerchants of Kikkkami also built ships of their om for their maritime activities engaging local carpenters, 

among whom there were many Muslims. As trial run they freighted passengers in their vessels to 

~ecca~'~. The Muslim merchants in Nagapattanam and Nagore also built ships of considerable burthen 

up to 500 tons, in the port itself, not only for their use but also for the merchants of western coast. The 

English also purchased such wssels from the local Marakkayar merchants and the company also utikd 

their technical 

The Marakkayars of Kayalpattanam built ships for their activities and they also 

.old vessels to the English East India n om pan^^^^. Similarly the maritime Muslim communities engaged 

m seafaling and fishing activities throughout the stretch of the Coromandel coast built ships and boats of 

their own with the available local skills. It is interesting to note that at present the Marakkayars and 

Labbais who are engaged in fishing in Thanjawr, Ramanathapuram, and Thirunelvell coasts buiki their 

boats of their own. There are also a number of Muslim carpenters engaged in these works216. They 

buiM such wssels in the traditional way as handed down from generation to generation217. 

The coastal Muslim communities supplied skilled crew members required for shipping in large 

numbers because of their mastey in techniques in sea tradition and knowledge of oceanography. These 

traditions are getting lost under the impact of modern technologies and the last vestiges of a dieing past 

can be traced only in remote locations and minor ports where counhy crafts still survive. The memoy of 

the glorious past of the Mwlim maritime communities has vanished still the vediges can be traced among 

the Marakkayar and Labbai fishermen in Coastal villages. They have good knowledge about wind,

weather, sea and its bottom topography, water current and life, field knowledge about sky and stars 

method of determining distance, direction and fixing locations of the vessel in the open sea. Some 

information on the above collected in field studies in the coastal villages among Muslim fishermen are 

described here briefly. 

The basic dirtections are understood by rising and setting of the sun and the pole star. The 

d~rections find a strong associations with wind and weather, since the wind brings the weather and sailing 

IS regulated by wind direction and speed. The wind is named from the origin of it'sdirection as. vadai, for 

north wind, chokkatm for southern wind, Kachan for west wind and Kondal for eastern wind, lntermedioy 

directions are Vadaikondal for north east wind, Cholakondal for south east wind, Vadai Kachan for 

north west wind and Cholakachan for south west wind. The wind that brings changes in the direction of 

the wind is called Thiwaikat~. 

The location of the coast from the open sea is determined by the direction of the waves, since 

waves dl 

be directed towards the coast, and the flight of birds as they will fly towardsthe coast at the fall 

of the day. During day, the time is ascertained by pointing the pointing finger vertically towards the sun 

and time is calculated approximately from the resultant shade. During night the time is ascertained with 

the help of the stars. 

They use a handful of stars for finding directions, time and to forecast weather conditions. This 

varles with the seasons and regions. In Coromandel Coast the stars used are mainly planets and a few 

stars such as Jupiter, Erinjanvelli and Vldi velli morning star (Venus). Vada VelU ( pole star) Kappal velli 

(sapt Rishl or Ursa Majoris), Tarassu veb ( Tulacentaunrs) Kootu velli ( orionis or Adrra and Mrig), Raja 

veU~ etc. 

The depth of the sea is measured by droping a rope with a clay mass at the tip. As the clay 

mas touches the floor of the sea the sandy particles stick on it, the rope is drawn up and with the 

type of sandy particles sticking in the clay mass, the depth of the sea is ascertained.

This rope Ir called " Vizhuthu Coir ". Further from tho typs and smell of the rand they can determine 

the availability of the particular species fish in the area, so as to regulate their catch programmes. 

The water current direction is ascertained by throwing some wet ash ball in the water. They believe 

traditionally that on certain days of the lunar cycle there will be low tide. For example on 3rd, 14th 

to 17th, 28th to 30th days of the lunar cycle there will be low tide and they call it as " Kuru neer ". 

Change in weather condition is ascertained by the change in the brightness of the stars, with this they can 

i o d the nature of the wid and dde during Vadai Kachan ( North West) which often b-s hqh tih and 

cydone. on the Caorornandel Coast. The hdtional, knowledge followed by the Mst mjotity of the Muslim 

communities for centuks, can now be seen only among the scattered fisthg population of the community 

in the coastal dlage~'~~. 

End of the Enterprises 

The marltime enterprise of the Muslims of Coromandel Coast declined to near total by the end of 

nineteenth century. Only a handful of influential merchants withstood the storm, others went in search 

of better opportunities. Many were reduced to poverty. The labour class was the worst affected. No 

more sails to far off countries. The pearl banks were left unexploited. Many of the busy minor ports 

decayed and were reduced to fishing outlets. Various caws contributed to the decline of their maritime 

enterprises. 

It is a fact that the Muslims of Coromandel stumbled by the ruthless attack of the Portuguese. 

Their maritime enterprises met with a sudden economic misfortunes. Many withdrew from the scene. 

But in the course of time the Muslim traders began to accommodate and cooperate with the exploiters. 

There developed a symbiotic relationship between the two even with mutual freight space on board on 

one others ship but it was too late for the Muslims to tide up the situations. With regard to the Southeast 

Asian markets the Muslims avoided the Portuguese and shifted to alternate trade centres. However the 

superior naval power and higher capital resources of the Portuguese continued to be the real challenge to 

the Muslims219. With their half shattered economic condition they had to face the new competitors, the 

Dutch.

On thei anival at Commandel the Dutch a!s found the Muslims as the mapr rids to their trade 

and were extremely hostile to them. The restrictive policies of the Dutch In Coromandel- 

Ceylon - Malabar trade deprived the Muslims of their legitimate hading activities, eroding their economy. 

They were forced to adopt clandestine methods like smuggling for their livelihood. The injuries inflicted 

by the blows of the Portuguese developed into an ulcer by the additional blows of the Dutch. With the 

adversely affected economic structure they met the English in the seventeenth centuy. 

The English had no religious bias against the Muslims like the Portuguese and the Dutch. From 

the second half of eighteenth centuy to the first half of nineteenth , the English East lndia Company 

encouraged the Muslims particukrly Mamkkayars in the maritime trade. They extended them concessions 

and heated them Mth wwkleratlon. Howwer from the second quarter of nineteenth centiq the economic 

ambitions of the English marginalid the Mush also. In the period of our shdy the English emerged as 

the major political power in India and they were the purchasers and exporters of Indian goods. It was but 

natural for their subjects to turn in the direction of England for their trade prospects. But the policies of 

London were detrimental to lndian traders including the Coromandel Muslims. 

During the first half of the nineteenth century, the encouragement of the British administration to 

the bnkashire Jenny resulted in the import of cotton piece goods from Britain in to the South lndian 

market, maklng the then export and import pattern topsy tuny. Because of this, the export of cotton 

piece goods was sealed along with the fate of thousands of native weavers, intermediaries, traders and 

exporters among them were considerable number of Muslims. Economists state that this has no parallel 

in cominerdal hist~g~~. 

Englloh administration in lndia bowed to the pressure of a group of individuals ( both in lndia and 

England) who influenced the policies of the company. Accordingly they began to feather their own nest 

at the ccst of the nathror. The prohlbltion of lndian ships and sails to enter British ports and rdction on 

the lndian shipping and shlps employing lndian sailors had a crushing effect on the native maritime 

profession. The Muslims who were in shipping profession were suddenb necked out to despair. There 

was racial discrimination in collecting tariffs. Higher tariff rates on the ships of Indians affected 

their profitability. Muslim ship owners and Nagudhas had to run with lesser profits.

Grain was an important commodity in Coromandel coastal trade and lndo - Ceylon- Malabar trade. 

Increase of customs duty on grains was injurious to these trading activities and it declined in course of 

time. The value of coastal trade in Madras Presidency in 1805 was Rs. 2075339 / - but in 1845-46 

it was only Rs.362534 /-. 

In the course of nineteenth century, the minor ports along the stretch of the Coromandel Coast 

were neglected. There were no dockyard for landing or repairing facilities. Bigger vessels could not call 

on these ports. The District collectors suggested to enlarge the facilities in these ports. The officials in 

Fort St.George were sleeping over the recommendations of the officials in the district adrn!nistration. 

The Madhyar ports on the Coromandel had to starve in this score. Moreover, trading activities of 

the company, were concentrated in Madras and it was not in the reach of the small traderszz2. 

Heavy duty was imposed on the import of the spices. Hence spices trade declinedZz3.~wther, 

dnnamone, rbes and other spices were introduced in the gadens of the Company in pbces like Courtalam 

and the Naris to cater to the local needs. This made the merchants to restrict the import of spices224. 

The English free merchants, the Nabobs, entered the fray in to the export and import trade, salt 

tmde, rentorship of fisheries and inland de. They had bigger resources with them and had the blessings 

and support of the Company. The Muslim merchants could not withstand this compebtion and it brought 

adverse consequences on them. 

The prospects of foreign trade of the Coromandel Muslims was linked to the political 

conditions of the nations with which they were trading. Even during the eighteenth cenntury 

the kingdoms of Southeast Asia were In a political mess. The Madras based English private 

merchants offered to help such kings in case of attack by enemy nations. They kept armed 

men on the shore of these countries for this purpose. For example the king of Ache granted 

many concession to the English private merchant. Jourdan in 1768, in return for the military 

help arranged by him. He shipped about 75 Muslim men from Nagore for this purpose. Jourdan 

also enjoyed the favour of the kingdoms of Kedha for arranging similar help. The Danes in 

Tranquebar also supplied sepoys to the kingdom of Kedha. Thus trade was preferred by the 

Southeast Asian Kingdom with traders who assisted them in their defence. The English 

merchants well utilised such opportunities and readily accepted the invitation for alliance

in defence and tradeZz5. This is an illustration of tho condition which thrust tho political 

power into the hands of European traders. Thus the Europeans got a preference over the 

Coromandel Muslim traders even though they were frequenting these coasts for a very long 

time. In this way the Muslim traders were pushed to a second position in the trade of Southeast 

Asian countries by the end of the eighteenth century. 

The various wars fought by the European powers in South Indian soil for supremacy, 

brought economic instability, among the natives. Money became scarce, there was none to 

purchase grains and export commodities. The trading vessels of the natives were subjected to 

hardship at the hands of the opponent European powers. For example in 1798, many ships 

of Coromandel Muslims were captured by French privateers resulting in great loss of properties. 

Similarly the English fleets also harassed the native vessels with French or Danish flags 

and coloun. The Muslims of Nagore, Nagapattanam and PortoNovo were the worst affected during thii 

period becaw of the hostile operation by the Europeans. 

The horse trade which was in the hands of the Muslim Rowthars and Marhyars for centuries 

also slipped into the hands of the English private merchants and they imported small handy and fast 

ponies from Pegu and Manila. The venue of the horse fair shifted to Hydrabad which became the centre 

of local horse trade, Thus the Muslims of Kilakkarai and Kayalpattanam lost their lioris shake in horse 

trade by the end of eighteenth centugZ6. 

The pearl and chank fisheries suffered due to interference of the European powers. These 

fisheries became irregular. Even this was conducted to the whims and fancies of the particular power 

which engaged in them at that time. The vast majority of the coastal Muslim population in the lower 

strata of the society who were engaged in these fisheries activities were thrown out of employment. 

Such worken migrated to Ceylon for better Livelihood. Many became fishermen. The pearl and chank 

merchants had to enter Into other trades. A few of them became gem dealers. 

A large number of petty merchants, shipping penomel and other labour class migrated to Ceylon 

and Southeast Asian countries and Burma in penuit of better jobs. Such migrations affected the baknce 

of Coromandel marttime professional activities and the economic condition of the coastal belt.

Apart from all the above external factors, the internal differences and deficiencies among the 

Muslims also contributed to the decline of their maritime commerce and other activities. Right from the 

early times, the Indian ocean trade was based on the comercial success of numerous individual Muslim 

merchants. Adherance to a common religious faith some times enabled the building of a commercial link 

and network and ewlution of a mechanism of credit. But Muslim merchants competed fiercebwith each 

other. They were by far the most numerous though they generally operated individually or in groups 

according to their ethnic orlgin and never as one cohesive group. The concept of high and low in terms 

of ethnlcity, doscent and culture and social position etc., creates a d situation characted by the lack 

of solidarity and coopemUon among people and these in turn fail to produce a collective consciousness 

among them to change and dewlop their society. It is a fact that laissez faire doctrine promoted by Adam 

Smith postulates that individual pursuance for their own interest will bring great happiness in economy. 

&It in the changed modem capitalistic pattern of society, the monopiy of the Europeans and the formation 

of corporations ( joint stock companies etc.,) proved a real challenge and competition to the free 

enterp~ises~~~. This is hue in the case of the Muslims of Coromandel. 

Most of the Muslim traders were men who operated with limited capital resources and some 

times obtained loans from the money lending chettiars. There were only a few rich Muslim merchants 

and ship owners, who seldom undertook voyages across the sea but advanced money to small maritime 

traders on the condition that it should be returned dobuled on return. The Coromandel Marakkayars and 

Labbaii could not stand against the large capital resources of the European adventures. According to a 

statistics in the second half of the nineteenth centuy, the bigger individual Muslim merchants of 

Nagapattanarn and Nagore operated with a limited capital of R5.35.000 to 50.000 whereas the English 

private merchants had liquid capital several times higher than thiszz8. Though the Chettiar merchants in 

the coastal towns could not compete with the Muslims in commercial voyages and maritime commerce, 

they were better in financial resources. They financed large sums at a higher rate of interest, to those 

who were engaged in overseas trade. Many Muslim traders obtained loans from them for their trading 

activities229. So the capital resources of the Muslims could not keep space with the developed European 

capitalism. They took no serious note of the growing global modern capitalism and it's characters. 

Further their economic activities were conditioned by their religious doctrines, as rightly put forth by Max 

Weber in his famous work " Protestant Ethics ad Spirit of Capitalism ". For example usuay is prohibited 

in Islam. Even though the Muslim traders paid heay rate of interest to the Chemar money lenders

and others they could not get interest for the credits they advanced. As strict followers of religious tenets 

almost all of them were ready to forego such an income whereas the coreligionists enriched the~elws 

by such profits. Thus the religion also played it's om role in their economic wellbeing of the Muslims of 

Coromandel. 

In the whole period of our study we do not come across among the Coromandel Muslims, 

business men of magnitude of Francisco of Nagapattanam or Achuthappa chetty or Chinnana 

Chetty, Malaya Chetty , the only exception being Periathambi Marakkayar in seventeenth centuly. 

To overcome the destmctive circumstances of the wars, famines and financial crisis in South 

India during the eighteenth century, the English merchants organised themselves into agency 

houses'with definite partnership, since the individual capital resources were inadequate in the 

changed situation. Many such agency houses emerged in Madras like, the Chase Sewell and 

Chinnery, Tullah, Connell, Brodie. Reoibuck, Abbot and Maitland. These agency houses 

transacted business of every kind. They advanced money, bought and sold commodities on 

commission conducted business of their own and their shiping activities were widez30, The 

maritime Muslim traders never realised the importance of the modern capitalism and it's 

economic strength and also the viability of organisation like joint stock companies. They did 

not rise up to the occasion to build up their economy. It is a great fault on their part that they 

did not enter into such ventures. No doubt that such ventures would have rescued them from 

such an economic misfortune and downfall. Further . there was no any motivating agencies 

for their economic activities. The role of reforming agencies in that time were practically 

very insignificant. 

The Coromandel Tamil Muslims had no occasions to enjoy the political patronage of 

the local ruling houses ( except that of the Sethupathii). We have been seen that political 

support to a particular trade or communlty was essential for their development. For instance 

the Paravas who were fishermen, pearl and chank divers under the Muslims and other affluents 

emerged stronger with the support and encouragement of all the European colonial powers. 

In course of time they became traders and shipowners and challenged the Muslim enterprises. 

The Muslims were never offered such a support by the European powers and as well as the 

local rulers. These Tamil Muslims also stood away from political activities of the period.

They did not clamour for state owned financial or militay assistance. They had no ethnic or 

kinship relatlowhip to them among the ruling houses. Even the different ethnic or kinship 

relationship with the ruling houses would not have proved to be a hindrance if they had a will 

to enter politics. But by native it seems they had no quest or ambition for power. They 

adjusted themselves to the changed political situation ,keeping away from confrontatioin. 

whenever their rights were denied they accepted it quitely. They had no aptitude to warefare 

either in the sea or land to protect their maritime activities. In the absence of a state owned 

military support to them they bowed down to the force let loose on them. Thus without 

utilising the proper political forum for their development,they tightly remained in the pre- 

capitalistic shell in seclution where individual tradition dominates unmoved by the concept of 

modern economic institution^^^'. 

The Coromandel Muslims did not attain any significant economic development under 

the Nawabs of Arcot. The Nawabs themselves were struggling for their political life and were 

always in need of large sums of money. The English private merchants were in favour of the 

Nawabs since they advanced loan to them, which the Coromandel Muslim traders could not. 

Hence they were never close to this Muslim power throughout the period of our study. Still it 

is interesting to note that the trade of Carnatic court was in the hands of the Armenian 

merchants. These merchants minted in labs by supplying fancy goods and fragrances to the 

Nawab~~~~. Thus the hundreds of years Muslim rule also does not bring any special prosperity 

to the local Muslim population. 

The introduction of railways came as a hurdle to the small traders who were engaged 

in interportal and coastal trade. In his famous minute of 1853 Lord Dalhouse, the Governor 

General of India advocated construction of railway lines in each presidency connecting the 

interior parts with it's chief ports to serve the commercial advantages. Accordingly railway 

lines were laid connecting the coastal port towns with interior hinterland villages. It was 

advantageous for the hinterland traders to convey the commodities directly to the chief ports 

and other far off towns without waiting for the coastal boat servicez33.

There was lack of creativity and innovations in thought even among the elite Muslims 

in relation to modernity and developmental aspects of the society as a whole. They have 

neither accepted the new age or mentally alert to the need of the time. The Coromandel 

maritime Muslims failed to pick up the modern navigational technologies. They used only the 

sails for the~r interportal, coastal and overseas trades. This was the condition till 1900. But 

steamers were introduced by the English in Indian waters and the first stream vessel arrived in 

South Indian coast in 1826 itself. From 1850 the traffic of English steam vessels became 

regular in Coromandel and called the ports of Nagapattanam, Pamban and Tuticorinz3'. The 

old sails were no match to the steam vessels, Thus the Muslims neglected the modern 

technology, and ultimately lost the fruits of it. The Coromandel Mudims were lacking in 

warfare techniques failed to counter the attacks of the Europeans either in land or sea. 

Whenever they met with attacks simply they evaded them. 

The educational backwardness of the Coromandel Muslims was also responsible for 

their economic stagnation. In eighteenth-nineteenth centuries the Muslims lagged far behind 

the English education. The progress of their education was very slow owing to their strict 

adherence to the faith. They totally obstained from Hindu Schools where they had no chance 

of studying the teachings of Islam. When the fellow religionist were crowding in schools and 

colleges the Muslim sat apart and held back by conservatism. The Muslims were borne of 

spirit of exclusiveness. They thought that conversion to Christianity was due to the English 

education in the missionary institutions. They were prepared to forego the advantages of 

English Education rather than risk the. faith of their children. They opposed the opening of 

schools for modern education in their settlements. For achieving higher social status many 

Muslims of middle income groups were interested in religious education and preferred theology1 

oriented institution like Madarasa. These Madarasas were outmoded educational institutions 

where education imparted was mainly theocratic in nature and did not evince any interest in 

the teaching of science and technology, The Coromandel Muslims became religiously 

obscurantists and intellectually sterile. Religious leaders wielded much influence on the Muslims 

of older generation. The attachment of Muslims in Public services was negligible.

Not knowing the technological revolutions around them they were satisfied with their traditional 

way of life and 1earning.h thelast decades of nineteenth century there were only about 80 

Muslim students in Arts Colleges. There were only 450 students in secondary schools and the 

number in primary schools was 45915235. Thus the aversion of the Muslims for modern 

education and technologies widened the gap and caused a gulf and created barrier in their 

social and economic development to the generations to come236. 

By 1900, the masters of maritime commerce, the Marakkayars, Labbais, Sonakars and 

Rowthars were reduced to small and petty traders and intermediaries to the English and local 

artisans and peasants. Their independent economic stability and social standing were cut 

short due to the various causes enumerated above. Thus at the dawn of the twentyth century 

the enterprises of the Coromandel Muslims became the story of the past and forgotten 

unsung.

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ibid .. 1755, p. 108. 

ibld., 1754. p. 19 - 20. 

ibld., 1753, p XVl - XXX.

TNA MC:.'Vol. 44 A 1793 p. 55; Rewnue Consultations Vol. 62 A pp. 1796 -97; 

TNA Madurai District Records ,Vol. 1178 , pp. 470 - 472; S.RaJu, Inscriptions 

of Thanjawr Marathas (Tamil University, ThanJavur 1987) pp. 146 -149: 

Thanjavur Saraswathi Mahal Modi Script (Tr) Nos. 37(5) 1852/108C; 23 (1) 

1784/ lOYC X, 14(2) 1777/128C. 14 (3)/ 128C. 14 (4) 1777/128C, 13 (6)/ 1806. 

Pleadjngs o/ Mayor's Court. 1742 - 43, Vol. Ill , pp.68 -82. 

ibid., p. 106 - 114. 

ibid., p. 1745 Vol. I1 pp. XV - XXI 

ibid. ,1742 -43 pp. 165 - 70 

Selections from the Records of the Madras Government. No XIX (Madras 1855), 

pp.61-2; S . Arasaratnam, Maritime Commerce and English Power, op.cit p.266. 

TNA Public Consultation , Vo1.339/1808 pp. 1314 - 1315. 

ibid, Vol. 339 pp. 1317 - 20 

TNA Thanjavur District Record, No. 3174, 31 March 1806, p.71; TNA Public 

Consultation. 1st June 1808. 

TNA Public Consultation . Vol. 340, 15 March 1808, pp.2137 - 50. 

ibid., pp. 2450 -60 / 1 April 1808. 

ibid., pp. 2137 - 50. 

ibid., Vol. 610 ,9 April 1833, pp. 4950. 

ibid.. Vol. 614 , 2 October 1833, pp.25 - 26. 

ibid., Vol. 614. 30 October 1833, p.28. 

ibid., Vol. 615, 22 October, 1833, pp. 9 - 10. 

ibid., Vo1.636. 18 May 1835. pp.30 - 31. 

ibid., Vo1.641. 25 August 1835, pp.74 - 75. 

ibid., Vo1.666. 18 April 1837, pp. 75 . 76. 

ibld., Vo1.667, 16 May 1837, pp. 45 - 50. 

Strait settlement Factory Records . Vol.1 1769 - 95 pro. 1.9.1787 

Proceedings of the Legislative Council of Strait Settlement, 1900 P.C. 117. 

Kernial Singh Sandhdur, op. cit . p.121. 

TNA Public Consultation, Vol 831. 28 November 1848 pp. 7 - 9. 

ibid., Vol. 852, 12 December 1848. 

TM BOR , 1st March 1875, p. 1408, Thimnelveli Gazette. Vol.VI No.194, 

December 1862, p.8. 

TNA BOR, 1875, 20 January pp.305 - 307, 10 March , p. 1673 

TNA Public Consulratjon , Vol. 898, 7 December 1852, pp 8 - 10. 

TNA Public Department, 2 October 1888, Nos. 1006. 1006 A, 1007 and 1008; 

15 May 1888 Nos.513 - 14, 516 , 510. 512; 1888 23 June No. 79 - 80. 8 

March 1888, No. 254, 256; Administration of Madras Presidency 1866 - 67, 

Madras 1867) app. V

Somerset Playne, op.cit. p.4686; Particulars collected in an interview and family 

records from PR.MKM.Mohamed Abdul Kadar Marakkayar, Grandson of Kasim Mohamed 

Marakkayar, Mandapam . in July 1993. 

G.0 Ms. No. 455, Forest and Fisheries Department, Government of Tamil Nadu 

11.4. 1987. 

Mohamed Yusuff Kokan, Arabic and Persian in Carnatic 1710 - 1960, (Madras 1974) 

p. 455; M ldris Marakkayar, Keehimigum Kuakkardi (Madras, 1990) c pp 40 - 41, 46 

48; Particulars collected from the family documents maintained by M.ldris 

Marakkayar of Kilakkarai, in December 1990. 

RaJanayagam. Vannakkalanjiya Pulavar; M M.Uwais and AJumalkhan, op.clt pt 11, 

pp.112 -114; Selections from the old records of Madura collectorate, p.30. 

Fat-bud -dayyan, (Colombo 1963) p.XXI1; Shaiku Nayagam Souvenior, Kilakkarai 

1967; M.ldris Marakkayar, op.cit.p. 93. 

Ramanathapuram Registration office document, No.535/1881. 

TNA Madurai District Record, Vol. 4674/1826/pp.11 - 18. 

TNA Tanjore District Records , Vol. 3337 p.45;3349 p 5; 3174 p. 174;3352 

p.69; TNA Miscellaneous Records Vol. 268 (Gen 1835) 25 July 1814. 

TNA Political Consultation, 27, October 1857. 

Speeches and interplation of Honourable AKG Ahamed Thambi Marakkayaq Khan 

Bahadur, in the Madras Legislative council (Swadesamitran Press. Madras 1920) 

and also from particulars collected in an interview with Mohamed Gouse 

Marakkayar grandson of Ahamed Thambi Marakkayar at Nagore in July 1993. 

/nd/an Law Reporfor. Madras series Vol.XXII, 1899 January - December 

pp.26 -31; Sarada Raju, p. 190. 

TNA Tanjore District Record, Vol. 4252. pp 148 -49. 

Jayarajan, op. cit. pp. 138 - 139. 

S.Raju, Tanjore Marattiar Seppedugal - 50, op. cit. p.188. 

M.E. Moharned Hasan Marakkayar, Marakkayar Samoogam oar Aaivu (Madras 1991) 

pp. 41 -43; particulars collected in an interview with M.Sayabu Marakkayar, 

Karaikkal; Advocate,Ameerudeen Marakkayar, Karaikkal and M. Farook 

Marakkayar Pondicherry 

Shalk Abdul Kadar Nalnar's. Kulthub Nayagarn (18101,Stanza 29; Thirumanimalai 

(1816) Stanza 33. 

Henry Dodwell, op.cit, p.22;Fifth International Islamic Tamil literary Conference 

Seminar Souvenir, Kilakkarai, 1990. pp 180 -182. 

Tinnelveli gazette. Vol. VI No. 194, p.8 December 1862. 

lbid .Vol.VI No.240,21st October 1871, p.470. 

ibld. XIV No. 622, October 1871,p.470.

On Kayalpattanam and Kulasekarapattanam shipping families, particulars were 

collected from the family records and interview with M A.Jinna Marakkayar of 

Kayalpattanam who is the descendant of the family of Ahamad Hussain Marakkayar 

of Kayalpattanam and interview with M Sulaiman Marakkayar of Kayalpattanam. 

during October 1993; Christopher John Baker, The Indian Rural Economy 1850 - 

1955, The Tamil Nadu Country side, (Oxford 1984) p 337. 

Yusuff Kokan. op cit.p.458. 461. 

TNA Tanjore District Record, Vol. 4326/1823, pp. 14 - 15. 

TNA Tanlore District Record Vo1.3336/1812, pp.38 - 42 and p.174; 

No.3337/1813 pp. 88 - 91; TNA Public Consultation, Vo1.397, pp.5012 - 5018 

letter to the Honourable Governor in Council FSG from the Board of Trade, 19 

August 1812, BOR. 16 July 1812 pp. 628 - 29; BOR Vo1.1028 p. 6613, 

proceedings of the FSG 28 July 1825 and BOR Vol 1152/1828 p. 6919. 

TNA Public Consultation. Vo1.405/1813 pp.1739 - 1740, Letter to the Board of 

Trade from the Master Attendent. Anderson 

Ibid. Vol 633/1835, p 947. letter dated 24th February 1835 to the Chief 

Secretary to the Government of FSG from EP Elliot . District Magistrate and 

Superindent of Police, Madras 

TNA Politjcal consuitation, Vo1.550 p. 2005, 15 April 1855. 

TNA BOR Vo1.1100/1827, p.4613, letter to the President and Members of the 

Board of Revenue from 1.G.K Murrary, Collector of Madras. 20 April 1827 and 

also Vo1.1237/1830 p.5062. 

TNA Madurai District Record, Vo1.1154/808 p 143;Vol 4681/1833, pp.83, 88 -89 ; 

Vo1.4684 - B/1833, pp 33 - 35 

ibid., Vo1.4684 - B 26 February, 1833, pp.33 - 34. 

ibid., 1180/1800, pp 133 - 35. 

A.R.P. Diary, II.P.69. 

ibid. , p.143. 

TNA BOR -Separate Revenue, No.395/23 August. 1887 

Mattison Mines, op. cit. 

A Chatterson Alfred, A Note on Chrome Tanning In Madras Presidency (1904) 

A.Chanenon Alfred. Tanning and Working in Leather in Madras hddency (1904). 

Somerset Playne, op.cit. p.491 and 703. 

TNA BOR - Sepsrate Rewnue, Vol.lV July 1887 

TNA Commerclal Consultation,Vol.ll,proceedings of the FSG, 1 March 1815; 

TNA Marine consultation , Vol.ll p 674, 22 January 1823. 

Report of the Public Service Commission 1886 - 87, Calcutta 1888,p 112. 

TNA Tanjore District Record, Vol No.3334/1810, pp 28 -31.

TNA Judicial Consultation, Vol 242 A.p. 2932. 13 December 1831; 

TNA Marine Consultation Vol. 32. p 185 -205 11 March 1805 

TNA Tanlore District Record, Vo1.3325, p.65, 24 November 1795 

TNA BOR Vo1.404. pp.1842 - 1848. 18 March 1805. 

TNA Judicial Consultation, Vo1.497, 24 July 1890 

TNA Marine Consultation. Vol. 274, 24 July 1890 

TNA Tanlore District Record Vol. 3338/1814, p 37; Diary consultation Book. 1740. 

p.207 

TNA Tinnelveli District Record. Vol. 3571/1820 pp 220 - 30 

TNA BOR, Vo1.449 pp 5692 - 95. 9 June 1828 

Ahananuru, 3.27,130.201,280.296,350.; Purananuru, 45. 53, 58; Kalithogai, 

13:1:22, 9:11:15:16;Narrina!, 23:1:6, 172,; Pathupattu, 11, 56 -58; 

Madurai Kanchi ll, 138 - 139; Silappadikaram, 14.1 1, 193 - 196, Canto. 27,Canto 

14,5; Manimakalai. Canto 19.28 

South lndjan Inscription. 11. P.398.399,410,411, 436; A R E. 680 of 1919 

S Arunachalam, 7he History of the Pearl Fishery of the Tamd coast. 

(Annamalai Nagar. 1952) p 57 

S.Arunachalam, op.cit, pp.82 -85; Susan Bayly, op.cit, p 322. 

Francis Xavior. op cit, p.311; Susan Bayly op cit pp 323 - 24;TNA BOR. vol 556. 

18 November 1811. PP 1398 - 1409 

James Hornel, Sacred Chank . op cit, p.4. 

Jean Baptiste Travernier (Tr. from French), second edition (ed) William Crook. 

(Rept. 1889. New Delhi) Vol.ll, p.93. 

Francis Xavior, op.cit., p.320. 

Dalgoda II p. 61 - 62. 

Rangacherya, Inscriptions of Madras Presidency, Vol 1l.p 11 67; A.R E. 396 of 107; 

Francis Xavior, op cit.. p.320. 

Bishop R.Caldwel, op.c:t, pp 73 - 74. 

S.Arunachalam, op cit, p.100. 

James Hornel, Sacred Chank . op cit, p 175; Francis Xavior, op cit, pp 311 -314 

Susan Bayly, op.cit, pp.322 - 324 ; S.Arunachalam , op.cit.,p.l15. 

'TNA BORVol. 556, 18 November 1811, pp. 1138 - 409; James Hornal. Indian 

Pearl Fishery in Gulf of Manaar, op.cit.,p 25 ; TNA Tinnelveli District Record 

vo1.7966,26 October 1836. pp 252 -253. 

S.M.Kamal, Islam, op.cit, p 102 and Sethupathi Mannar Seppedugal, op.cit 

pp.71 -72, 117 - 119. 339 - 340. 

S.Arunachalam op.clt., p.123; James Hornel, The Indian Pearl Fisheries of the 

Gull of Manaar and Palk Bay, p .29. 

Travernier, op.cit., p.93.

James Hornel, Indian Pearl Fisheries , op.cit.. pp. 172 - 174 

S.Arunachalam ,p.l13;Tinnelveli Gazette, Vol.VI No 200, p 4.14 February 1863 

James Hornel, Sacred Chank , op.cit. p.6. 

S.Arunachalam op.cit.,p.l51; James Hornel, Sacred Chank, op.cit.pp 8-10; TNA 

BOR, vo1.143.7 January 1796. pp. 82 - 87. 

TNA Madurai District Record. Vol. 4681/1833, pp. 182 - 183. 

James Hornel, Indian Pearl Fishery, op. cit. pp. 47 - 48. 

Particulars collected from the family records maintamed by T S.M Tummani 

Marakkayar of Rameswaram. 

Thanjawr Maratha Mannar Modi Avana Tamilakkarnum kurippurajyum, (Tamil 

University. Thanjavur. 1989) p 150; (Modi Record No 13/1798 as referred to in 

the book1 

Modi Record. op cit No. 2 -120-121; 3 - 164. 

ibid. no. 13 - 6. 

ibid. no. 7- 813. 

James Hornel, Sacred Chank, op.cit,p 4 . 6 

Susan Bayly, op.cit.,p.322. 

S.Arunachalam, op.cit.p.2. 

S.Arunachalam, op.cit. p.170; James Hornel, Sacred Chank, pp 4 - 5. 

TNA Military Consultation, vol. 105, A p. 263/1800: TNA Revenue consultation. 

Vo1.62 A/1795. pp.1769 -97. 

James Hornel. Sacred Chank , op cit., p. 34. 

Thanjavur Saraswathi Mahal . Modi Records 1-334; 7 - 530 ; 7813; K. M 

Venkataramayya, Administration and Social life under the Maratha rulers of Thanjawr 

(Tarnil University Thanjawr. 1984) p. 398 

James Hornel, Sacred Chank , op cit., p. 34; S.Arunachalam, op.cit., p 170. 

Susan Bayly, op.cit. p.222 - 23. 

TNA BOR, Vo1.556. 18 November 1811. pp ,1398 - 409 

James Hornel, Sacred Chank, op. cit. p 23. 

James Hornel, Fisheries Buero Bulletin, No XVI, p.35 

James Hornel, Sacred Chank, op.cit., p 32. 

TNA Madurai District Record, Vol. 4673/1825 pp. 157 . 158. 

TNA. Publlc Consultation, Vol. No.547 pp.10-11, 23 Feb. 1827; Vol 549 pp 8-9, 

17 Apr. 1827: Vol. 551 12 June 1828. 

TNA Tinnelveli District Record. Vol. 3586/1810 pp.246-247; V01.3573/1810 

PP. 229-230 

TNA Madurai District Record Vol 1178 pp 470-72, 17 Nov. 1802; Vo1.1140 pp 

140-141, I8 Nov.1802;TNA Revenue consultation, Vol. 91-A pp 45-64, 15 

Dec.1797.

TNA Madurai District Record, Vo1.4763 pp. 190-191. 

Ibid. Vol. 4681/1833 pp. 468-70, Vo1.4863 pp.109-12. 

ibld., Vol. 4678/1830 pp. 31-44. 

TNA Tlnnelveli District Record. Vo1.3586/1810 pp 72-77 

ibld., Vol. 3590/1823 pp 205-6. 

ibld., Vol 4710/1822 pp 105-6. 

ibi., Vol. 3597/1820 p. 92; Vol. 4693 p.60; Vol 4704 pp 160-6; Vo1.4712 pp 431-32. 

S.A~nachalam, op. cit. pp. 164 - 70 

James Hornel, Sacred Chank, op, cit, pp. 173-75. 

Susan Baily, op. clt. pp. 322-323. 

James Hornel, Fishery Bulletin No.18,1924; Bulletln No. IV; Bulletin No.XVI 

TNA Tanjore Dlstrlct Record, Vo1.4325 p.21; A manual of Administration of 

Madras Presidency, Vol. I1 p.131 

Tamil Lexicon, (Madras University 1932) p.3395; M.Abdul Rahim, Islam in 

Nagapattinam 

Particulars collected from M.A.Jabbar Marakkayar and AJ M.Ebrahim Marakkayar 

of Vedalai. 

Ahananuru : 101; 12-13; 149; 9-11; 172; 11-13; 175; 1-5, 180; 

20-24, 186; 9-11, 190; 3-4,199; 6-1, 280; 7-11; 

Kalithcgai : 106; 25-26. 136; 1-14; 149; 1-3' 

Ainkuranuru : 98: 2-3; 168; 2-3; 

Kurunthogai : 168; 5; 304; 1-4; 

Natdnai : 110, 258; 11-7-10; 

Maduraikanchi : 75-85; 320-324; 

Seevakasinthamani : 5 8 0 

Perumkathei : 1: 33; 206-207; 

Kambaramayanam : 2:7:3:3-4. 2:12:56:1-2, 

Naladiyar : 136: 1, 

Perfyapranam : 2798: 3-6 

Kdothangan Wai amit : 38: 1-2; 

Thawmanavar Thimppadal : 12:2:7-12. 

V.S.Arulraj and G.Victor Rajamanickam. "Traditional Boats In Tamil Litreature". 

History of Traditional navigation, op.cit.

Kappa/ Sastiram, op, cit. p. XXII; 

R.Thlrumalal, "A ship song in the late 18th century in Tamil," paper presented in 

the International Symposium on Maritime History, Pondicherry University, Feb.1989 

Motl Chandra. 7iade and Tmde Routes in Ancient India. (New Delhi 1977) 

pp-153-158 

R.K.Mukherjee, History of Indian Shippfng, p.51; B. Amnachalam, " Timber Tradition 

in lndian Boat Technology, " Ship Building and Navigation in the Indian Ocean 

Region (1400-1800 AD) (ed) K.S. Mathew (New Delhi 1997) pp. 12-19 

The Travels of Morcopolo (Tr) by R.E. Lothawn, (London 1958), p. 36. 

Manimekalai. Siraikkottam Arakkottam aakkia Kathai, 108. 

About Naval Powers of the Rulers of Medieval Tamil County; A.Appadurai, Economic 

condibon of Sanh /&!a 1000 - 1500 A.D. Vol.U, (Univenity of Madm 1990); 

pp. 483 -86; K.A.NUakanta Sastti, Pandya k?n&om (London 1929) ; The Cholas, 

(Madras Uniwsity 1935): George W.Spencer, 7he Politics of Ezpulsion, 7he Chola, 

Caqwst of .-ka and S11 Wpp, (Madras ,1983) ;Kenneth R.Hall, The Pado and 

%te &fi m the Age of the W, (New Delhi ,1990). 

South lndian Inscriptions, Vols 1 - 6, (ed) Huzlitz 

M. N . Pearson, Coastal Western India Studies from Portuguese Records, 

(New Delhi, 19811, p. 8 and 128. 

J.H.Pany, The Discovery of the Sea. ( London, 1974) pp. 5 - 15. 

TBH Abetasinghe, in Muslims of SriLanka, op.cit, pp. 5 . 15. 

Report of the Customs Committee, 26 March 1821. 

FSG Diary and consultation Book, 6 December 1686. 

Ka. Mu. Sheriff, op cit, p.lO9.lsIamfa Nesan, monthly (Ceylon) December 1909 

TNA Tanjore District Record. Vol. 3325. p. 65 

Particulars collected from the family records of Jinnah Marakkayar, Kayalpattanam 

Particulars collected from interview with K.A Jabbar Marakkayar, Vedelai; 

M.Jaffar Mohiadeen Marakkayar, Nagore; Abdul Kadar Thandal, Keelakkarai and 

Meera Marakkayar of Kayalpattanam. 

Pudukottai District Gazetteer, (ed) , Gopalakrishna Gandhi, (Madras 1983) p. 362. 

Particulars collected In field study from varlous coastal villages in South Arcot, 

Thanjavur, Ramanathapuram and Tiruneiveli Districts from the Muslim fishermen 

and thandals. 

Sanjsy Subramanian , op.cit. p.195; M.N. Pearson, Merchants of Gujarat, op cit..p.4. 

For details; C.W.E. cotton op.cit, p. 94; C.Ramachandran opt. cit. p. 132; 

M.Ruthnasamy "Some influence that made the British Administrative system In 

India', Sir. Williams Mayor Lacture, 1936 - 37, (London 1936) ; Sarada Raiu, 

op.cit.,p.201.

Sarada Raju. op. cit pp.200 - 201. 

ibid.. p.222. 

Memorandum of Madras Presidency, Vol ll p 2 - 339 

C.Ramachandran, op.cit.p.35. 

Henry Dodwel, op.cit. pp. 132 - 134. 

ibld.. p.133.137. 

C.R.De Sllva, In Musllms of SrlLanka, op, cit; Seikh Rahirn Mondal. Dynamics of 

Musllm Soclety (New Delhi. 19941 p. 198: Samuel Koenig. Socialogy An 

lntrdutlon lo the Science of Society (New York ,1957) p 85 - 86. 

Letter from the collector of Thanjavur to the Board of Revenue, 12 September 

1834; Sarada Raju op. cit., p. 190; Henry Dodwel, op clt p.135 

Indian Law Reporter, Madras Series, Vol XXII, 1899, January - December, 

pp. 26 - 31; Sarada Raju, opt. cit. p. 190. 

Henry Dodwel, op. cit. pp.138 - 139. 

"lndian Merchants and their Trading Methods", lndian Economic and Social History 

Review, 111. No. I.. March 1961, pp.85 - 95. 

Meserevob Jacob Sethi, Armenians in India, ( (Rpt) New Delhi 1992) pp 529 - 30 

R.C. Majumdar. Brltlsh Paramountacy and lndian Renissance pt.4 (Bombay. 1965) p. 234 

Annual Volume of Seaborn Trade. 1876 - 77. R.C Majurndar. op cit 386 

Report of Public Instructions 1901 - 02 Vol i pp. 91 - 92. 

A.M.Azeez, op.cit

Chapter VII 

SOCIAL CUSTOMS 

Social history primarily concerns itself with the daily life of the people 

and the character of family and household life. It also comprises of human and 

economic relation of the different classes to one another, the social stratification 

of groups, occupation, culture, arose out of these general conditions and the 

reflection of this culture on religion, literature, arts, architecture, learning and 

thought. Intimately connected with this there appears the history of ideals and 

aspiratlons of manners, customs and beliefs and superstitions. 

In Coromandel Islamisation at the very inception of lslam was interlinked to 

the commercial enterprises of the coast. The Muslim colonies swelled through 

intermarriage of the native women to the Arab migratants and merchants and 

multiplied by conversation of the local population by the influence and efforts of the 

merchant missionaries and Sufis, the Muslim mystics who enjoyed the liberty of 

preaching the faith'. 

The activities of the zealous Muslim missionaries, the Sufi Mystics, flourished 

on the evils of the Hindu society. When lslam stepped Into the peninsular India, 

there was a rigid caste system in the Hindu social order. The caste system divided 

the Hindu society into a number of inaccessible and distinct castes which practicaly 

prevented any free social mobility among them. The caste system also inflicted 

inequality, injustice, inequity, on the so called low caste people. They were meanials 

never to rise in economic and social status and they were treated as untouchables, 

unapproachables and often harassed by higher caste Hindus2 In this social calamity 

the teachings of lslam produced a profound effect on the social and political st~cture 

and attracted the population towards its fold 

The Tamil country has always been the meeting ground of various cultures 

either due to wars or friendly contacts, cultural and commercial. And hence the 

Tamil culture has always been one of the synthesis and continuity. The process of 

assimilation had no serious difficulties with regard to the people of different region 

but with same religious practices. But they had totally different experience when 

Islam stepped into this soil. It's simple but definite creed like equallty of all men was 

a challenge to the Hindu set up which in actual practice was an antithesis to such a 

creed, Interaction between the two led to conversion and as a result two disslmilar and 

different cultures attracted each other and led to fusion and mingling oi population.

The Arabic word lslam cannotes submission, surrender and obedience to the Omnipotent, 

Allah. He is one. He alone is to be worshipped. There is no priesthood in Islam. lslam 

offers a complete political and social system. Democracy is it's key note. Individual 

is protected in the collective society. Private property is sanctioned and safeguarded. 

A certain portion of the income of a man must be given to the poor and downtrodden. 

Usury is forbidden. Drunkunness, gambling and hoarding declared as 

antisocial. It gave freedom to human intelligence. Islamic brotherhood Is an 

institution. The sacred law is one for all. It abolished all distinction of caste, colour 

and gave the lowliest and most degraded, the status of equality with the highest. 

The prayer in the mosque was in equal terms without colour, rank or social 

superiority3. 

The three major aspects of Islamic culture which clashed wlth the cultures In 

lndia were (1) the unshakable faith in monotheism, (2) the broad outlook of universal 

brotherhood and (3) the life is not an illusion but a life to be lived in all seriousness4. 

But the assimilative power of lndia succeeded in fusing the culture Into a unity and 

Islam stood as a product of assimilation. To the natives, particularly to lowest class, 

conversion to lslam symbolised emancipation, equality and prosperity5. With 

conversion they entered the brotherhood of lslam with freedom from bondage and 

opportunity for uplift. 

The laws of lslam governing the woman was intended for her benefit, for her 

health and happiness and for the betterment of her material and social postition. 

in this Hindu widows who were subject to humilition and indiginities and deprived 

of all wordly pleasures, were shown liberty. A widow became a bride once again. 

An untouchable drew water from a common well to which he had been denied access 

earlier. Thus human diginity was assured in Islam. In Malabar 'A Muslim could slt 

by the side of a Nambudiri Brahmin,a privilege denied even to a Nair, and his Imam 

or religious leader known as Thangal could ride in a palanquin, besides the ruler6. 

Thus the process of voluntary conversion brought large communities into the Islamic 

fold in peninsular lndia and lslam was not spread with sword as commonly believed 

and written. 

Though the woman, the Arabs consorted with and the converts belonged to 

the different regions and languages, lslam unified them. Because of this , we find 

a confused picture about the Muslims of Coromandel, their origln and the groups of 

numerous linguistic, territorial and occupational subdivisions7. As we have put it 

earlier the Muslims of Coromandel are known by the following names, the Marakkayan, 

Labbais and Rowthars and Deccanls.

ISLAM AND IT'S SECTS 

A few words about the main sects of Islam will not be out of place here and 

it will felicitate a better understanding of lslamic society. Though lslamic society 

is only one and an indivisible social organisation as recognised by the Cannon Law 

still arose some divisions on the basis of Khilafat (political) movements. The two 

main sects of Islam are Sunni and Shia. The former is principally an Arablan 

phenomenon, the later Persian. Each sect has acqulred It's own individual 

characteristics by incorporating different values and customs to the basic lslamic 

philosophy. Though these sects haveoriginated from the same source yet they have 

difference in their rites and customs. There are also many other small dissident sects, 

and subsects spread throughout the worlds. 

The people professing Sunni faith are called Sunnis, meaning a traditionist, a 

term generally applied to the large sect of Muslims who acknowledge the flrst four 

Khalifas as the rightful successors of Prophet Mohamed i.e. Hazrath Aboobakkar, 

H.11-13/632-634 A.D.. Hazrath Umar H.13-23/634-644 A.D., Hazrath Usman H.23- 

35/644-656 A.D.. Hazrath Ali H.35-40/656-661 A.D., Khalifa being the title of the 

president of the lslamic democracy in Arabia after Prophet Mohamed. A Sunni Muslim 

belong to any one of the four schools of jurisprudence. Hanafi, Shafi, Maliki, Hanbali 

which were founded by lmam Abu Hanifa, lmam Ash Shafi, lmam Malik and lmam Abu 

Hanbal respectively. The Sunnis are by far the most predominant sect of the Muslim 

world. 

Islamic society follows the Cannon Laws, the Shariath, from two sources, the 

Holy Quran, and Hadeesh. It is the belief of all Muslims that in addition to the 

revelations contained in the Holy Quran, Prophet Mohamed received Wahy (an unread 

revelation) whereby he war enabled to give authoritative declarations on religious 

questions either moral, ceremonial or doctrinal. Prophet Mohamed's traditions are 

therefore supposed to be the uninspired record of the inspired sayings, known as 

Sunnah. The Sunnis follow the Sunnah, a term used to express the customs, and 

manners or lslamic life. Hence the tradition which records either the sayings or doings 

of Prophet Mohamed, what he did, enjoined and what was done or said in his presence, 

which was not forbidden by him, are the traditional law which is handed down as the 

Hadeesh. The Arabic word for tradition is Hadeesh. Later the theologicians included 

into the Hadeesh, the authoritative saying and doings of the companions of the 

Prophet Mohamed also. The principles of Shariath are oriented in such a way that 

these could be classified into five categories. l)obligatory, P)prescrlptive, 

3)~ermirrible, 4)disapproved, 5)tabooed. The difference in the Interpretation of

the Shariath by Ulamas and Alims lead to the formation of various theological 

schools of lslamic jurisprudence the works and activities of which are responsible 

for the emergence of subsects resulting in diversity and heteroginity with In the 

Muslim society. Social standards and practices prevalent in a particular locality, 

different political affilitation on fundamental thelogical questions were the factors 

which helped to shape the divergent legal doctrines. As a result there eventually 

came into existence several schools of versions of Shariath laws. 

Without changing the basic ideas and principles of the sources of Cannon 

law, it was expanded and amplified by the judicious interpretations in the later 

periods. lslamic jurisprudence plays an important role in the main school of lslamic 

Sunni sect. Based on the schools of jurisprudance , the Sunni Muslim society is 

divisible into four madhhabs, as it is called, the Malikia. Hanbalia. Hanafia,and 

Shafia. Malikis are a judicial religious group of orthodox Muslims who adopted the 

doctrines of lmam Mallk-ibn-Anas of Medina, 711-791 A.D.~. Hanbals are tho 

followers of the school of theology, law, morality which grew up from the teachings 

of Imam Ahmad-ibn-Hanbal of Saudi Arabia 780-855 A.D. A great number of 

Hanbals are ~ufis". Hanafis are the followers of the school of religious law 

Hanafia, named after it's founder lmam Abu Hanifa of Persia, the great Sunni 

Imam and jurisprudent 699-767 A.D." Shafis are the followers of the school of 

jurisprudence founded by lmam Mohamed Ibn idris-Ash-Shafi of Syria 767-820 

AD". The followers of the four Madhhabs are spread all over the world. Without 

chang~ng the main principles of teachings of Sunnah and the Holy Quran, the 

founders of the four Madhhabs, have interpreted the lslamic laws according to their 

readings, according to which there are some minor differences in their customs, 

ceremonies, prayer and food habits. However these madhhabs do not constitute a 

caste or class. 

Shias are the followers of the fourth Khalifa, Ali, the first cousin of the 

Prophet Mohamed and the husband of his daughter Fathima. The Shias maintain 

that All was the first legitimate lmam or Khalifa or successor to the Prophet and 

therefore reject the first three Khalifas of the Sunni faith as usurpers The Shias 

maintain that they are the orthodox Muslims. They consider that the Khalifa is 

divinely appointed leader. They have profound veneration to All and regard him as 

the Incarnation or divinity. The Shias observe Moharrum in commemroation of All 

Hasan and Ali Hussain. The Shia school of jurisprudence is the earlier one. There 

are many differences in their ceremonies and Civil Laws when compared with the 

S~nnis'~.

Among the Muslim population of Coromandel the Marakkayars belong to the 

Sunni-Shafi madhhab. who also claim a descent from the region's early Arab migrants. 

The Labbais, Rowther and Deccanis belong to Hanafi Madhhab. But Jaffur Shurreef 

ascertains that the Shafis in some coastal towns of Coromandel were also called as 

Labbais and ~ava~ets'~. But the sub sects of the Coromandel Muslim society 

merge with each other . The identity of a particular subsect is based on the place 

of residence and occupation. 

IS THERE A CASTE SYSTEM IN COROMANDEL ISLAMIC SOCIETY ? 

There is no place for caste or class in Islam. Caste, as it is, ordinarily a 

distinctive institution of Hinduism. Social incompatibility with regard to either 

intermarriage or interdining, whether due to difference in race or occupation or 

geographical positions is one of the most essential attributes of caste. But as such 

Muslims are endogemous. Islam irnpiicltly emphasimr equallty and uniwrral brotherhood. 

In theory Islam does not recognise any social distinction or discrimination based upon 

ethnicity, lineage and occupation. The Idea of equality and brotherhood was establlshed 

during the early days of Islam by it's democratic form of political organisation. Inequality 

based on bith and descent is supposed to have no relevance in Islamic theology. Any 

ranking and divisions based on heredity, occupation etc. have no place in the ideal 

pattern of Islamic society'5. 

However,prejudices like those of castes are most commonly found among the 

Muslims of Coromandel which leads one to think there exists a caste like Institution. 

For instance, the Deccanis look down on the Marakkayars and other Tamil speaklng 

Muslims. They claim to be of more honourable birth than the mixed races. They 

also claim to be the descendants of Mughual and Turkish origin. While the Deccanis 

hold themselves socially superior to the Marakayyars, the Marakayyars consider 

themselves better than the Labbais. However, there is no religious bar to intermarriage 

between these different sects and subsects and such unions are brought about by 

the offer of strong financial inducements1'. In muslim strongholds several subsects 

are assigned separate street to live in. There are separate mosques for Hanafls and 

Shafis, though no bar to worship in each other's and living intermixed. 

lslam does not formulate any caste system, (Jathi) still the Muslims of South 

India particularly of Coromandel will look as if affected by the influence of the 

Hindu social systems. However, the Muslim subdivisions in Coromandel are not 

hierarchially ranked. All sects, sub sects or sub divisions are approximately of

equal status. Ranking as in caste system does not occur at the level of sects or 

subsects as one expects. But ranking exists on the level of individuals and is based 

primarily on the individual conduct, his age, wealth, personal character and 

religiousness. Some occupations are considered undesirable and those who perform 

them are ranked low. There is no continuing stigma attached to the person who 

once having performed them have turned to different profession. This kind of social 

mobility is very common in Islamic society. There is no untouchability among the 

Muslim groups. lnterdining freely occur at feasts and functions with all participants 

sitting shoulder to shoulderlg. 

Islamic society is highly egalitarian. Members of the sects have equal economic 

opportunities. But the egalitarian ideology does not aply in the realm of matrimony 

among the Corornandel Muslims, most of them consider sect and subsect identity is 

to be an important factor in selecting a spouse. In opting for intersubsects, the 

overriding concern is not however one of trying to maintain purity of blood as in 

Hindu caste ranking. The concern is for matching spouses who have the same 

economic background and same cultural and religious traditions since religious and 

social practices widely differ among the sects. Nevertheless intermarriages occur. 

As rightly pointed out by Mattison Mines the mixed couples and their children are 

not ostacizedzO. 

Thus the Coromandel Muslims are endogamous, not socially ranked and there 

is no bar for interdining. These essential features of a true Islamic society are being 

followed for generations. All these facts will go to show the absence of caste or class 

among the Muslims at any point of time. 

The Tamil speaking Muslims identify closely with the Hindu Tamils, and they 

are different from that population only in ethos and social structure. Their customs, 

dress, food and manners have been influenced by the larger aoclety, Islam seems 

to have affected it's followers here only to certain extent in this respect. For the 

rest they remain indistinguishable from the unconverted members of their previous 

order. Customs continued to be practised in the age old way having most often 

nothing to do with those prescribed by Islam. Thoburn laments that "one thlrd of the 

Muslims are only Muslims in namew2'. But the Marakkayars claim more closeness 

and admixure of Arab blood than the other sects like the Rawthars and Labbais. 

The Marakkayars also speak a variety of Tamil which contain a smattering of Arab 

words and terms.

MANNERS 

The Muslims are taught and trained in the Holy laws, manners and etiquittee. 

Basic instructions are given in Arabic to read Holy Quran. As soon as the child 

starts speaking it is taught to recite the Kalima, to memorise it and to understand 

it's meaning. From an early age boys are encouraged to go to mosque for prayer. 

Every Muslim has some obligations towards another fellow Muslim. While meeting 

a fellow Muslim they greet saying 'as-salamu-alaikkum' (may peace be upon you) in 

reply to the greeting as "wa-alaikkum-salam" (similarly. peace be upon you). When 

a fellow Muslim cries for help, the other should assist him. When a Muslim falls sick 

his fellow members should visit and enquire about him. When a Muslim dies others 

should attend his funeral. On occasions of happiness they congratulate others 

saying Masha-Allah (All Praise to Allah), while fixing an appointment or programme 

or function they say In Sha Allah (if Allah wishes ). Similarly for each and every act 

they recite same verses In the name of Allah. Tutored and bred in this way such 

practices became routine and a second nature with themzz. 

MARRIAGE 

lslam discourages celebacy and enjoins marriage on men and women as an 

obligation. Procreation is indeed is one of the main objectives of marriage. lslam 

lays down rational and just laws about marriage and divorce which satisfy the 

human heart and brain. Marriage in lslam Is a social contract entered into by the 

parties on a footing of equality and by free consent of the parties. At the time of 

marriage the bridegroom has to make a settlement of dower or Mahar on his wife 

which is regarded as a debt on his part. 

But the marriage ceremonies and practices differ among the sects. Muslim 

marriage is a simple process in that the ingrldiants are the consent of the brlde and 

bridegroom, payment of Mahar or Dower, a sum to be given by the groom to the brlde 

in the presence of a Vakil usually the father of the bride or her close relative and two 

wltnesser, a Khazi. Solemnisation of the marriage becomes complete by reciting the 

Kuthba by the Khazi followed by a feast. In Muslim marriage alliance the prohibited 

degrees are mother, step mother, daughter, step daughter, sister, paternal and maternal 

aunts, sister's daughters, niece, foster mother who suckled the individual, foster 

sister, wife's mother, wife's daughter, father's wife and daughter in law. Union with 

the above categories of women is unlawful in the case of all sects.23

Tho elaborate rituals and ceremonies that are being followed in the marriages of 

the Tamil Muslim subdivisions, are due to the influence of the larger Hindu society. 

Most of the social customs followed by the Tamil Muslims are not strictly in consonance 

to Shariat, the Islamic social law. Still they have become the part of their regular life 

and have rooted deeply. To quote a few such customs, betrothal, planting of muhurthaWtal 

or muhurthakombu, tying of marriage badge (thali) with string of black beeds; decorated 

pandal, distribution of sandal, pansupari and coconut to the assembled. Kuluvai or 

Kuravai (a musical roar by women), not celebrating the marriage in certain months and 

on certain days, considering certain days and dates as inauspicious and the practlce of 

taking arathi. And still there are many more. According to Islamic Shariat law, it is 

the bridegroom who has to pay dower or Mahar to the bride to many her. But the 

Muslims have fallen victims to the much reprehensible custom prevalent among the 

Hindus who demand dowry from the bride.z4. 

The parents of the grooms search for suitable match. Among the Marakkayars 

it is usually between the siblings in the same house or street or at the most in an 

adjascent town. Close kinship overrides other considerations in the choice of bride and 

bride groom. When an acceptable girl is chanced, the women of the groom's family go 

to see the suitability of the bride. The would be bridegroom is not allowed to see the 

bride 

I-loroscope is not consulted on both sides (except few, the musiims generally 

do not maintain horsocope). The parties settle the amount of money which the bride's 

father will give to his daughter and this sum - the dowry - called Kaikuli or price of 

bride's hand, and also jewels and household articles. Dowry or Kaikuli was very high in 

Coromandel Islamic society., An inscription of sixteenth century from Kayalpattanam 

states that even the rich among the residents of the place found it difficult to pay the 

dowry amount for their daughters. Because of this many teenaged girls remained 

unmarried. Hence the residents decided a ceiling on the amount of dowry or kaikuli 

to be paid to the bridegroom. This inscription gives a very valuable information about 

isiamic society of tho period, no wonder it is being continued to this dayz5. 

The betrothal takes place on a fixed day. The relatives of both the parties are 

invited and the ceremony is held at the residence of the bride, where the part or full 

amount of dowry or kaikuli is paid to the father of the bridegroom in the presence of 

the members of the Jamath. The acceptance of the money by the bridegroom's father 

constitue an inviolable bethrothal. The father of the bridegroom declares that the 

'bride is ours' and the father of the bride saying ' the groom is ours'. In some places 

it is verbal, but in some places the whole agreement is recorded wlth the signatures of 

the parties and witnesses. This is just like the 'Muhurtha Olai', or marriage agreement 

Paper of the Hindu marriages. Fatheeha is recited and a feast is offered,the sugar 

offered in the Fatheeeha is given to the bride. The bride is decorated well

and seated, the elders and relatives put the sugar in her mouth and bless her. 

Similarly the sugar is taken to the bridegroom and the groom dressed well and 

seated, the relatives and elders put the sugar in his mouth and bless him. This is 

called 'Seeni Poduthal' (Sugar feeding). In view of this the entire ceremony is 

known as 'Seeni Poduthal'. 

The day of the marriage is fixed on mutual convenience of both the houses 

on an auspicious day and time. Certain months of the year, certain days of the 

week are considered as inauspicious. Some time the local sooth sayer or astrologer 

is consulted. The relatives of both the sides are invited individualy or jointly for the 

marriage ceremony. In those days of non development of printing industry, invitation 

was extended personally or through messengers. A few days before the marriage, 

a pole called muhurthakkal or rnuhurthakombu or auspicious marriage pole are 

planted in the court yards of the houses of both the bride and groom (the pole is 

usually bamboo in which some yellow cloath soaked in turmeric water is twisted 

round and In the top of which is tied a bunch of mango leaves. The frontage of the 

houses are adorned with panda1 with plantain trees and coconut, and mango leaves. 

These practices are very much in the Hindu fashion. 

On the prior night of the marriage day, the bridegroom and the bride are 

anointed with henna paste in feet and hand in an auspicious ceremony called 

'Naiangu', in their respective houses. During naiangu ceremony the important 

relatives particularly women congregate and decorate the bride and the groom in 

their respective houses and bless them and to ward off from evil spirits. Before the 

approach of dawn the bridegroom is dressed in his best, seated in a chariot drawn 

by horses or seated on the horse back itself and taken round the town in procession 

to the bride's residence. (In modern times the groom is taken in procession in an 

open car) Francis while giving a picture on Marakkayar marriage at the beginning 

of this century writes that the groom is conducted in procession to the bride's 

realden~e.~~, whereas in Arabian countries it is the bride who is conducted to the 

groom's house in processionz7. In olden days lighted torches which burn with oll 

called deavattis were taken in the procession for lighting at the head of the procession. 

Islamic songs in praise of the Prophet and his companions are sung by the troupe 

of singers with small drums in their hands. This music party is called 'Thabs'. The 

Procession is always routed through a mosque or a dargha where Fatheeha Is offered 

by the marriage party. The relatives of the bridegroom stop the procession in front 

of their houses and offer him milk and presents.

On arrival at the bride's residence, the bridegroom is given a red carpet 

welcome. To ward off evil spirits, arathi is taken (arathi Is turmeric water mixed 

with lime-orange in colour - in a plate with pieces of betal leaf, charcoal and chilles) 

The plate is waved round the head of the bridegroom three times clock wise and 

three times anti clockwise and he is asked to spit in it three times and this water 

is poured in the centre of the road, infront. Arathi is generally taken by a male 

related to the bride. Apart from arathi. a plate containing rice, eggs and 

goat's head, also waved round the head of the bridegroom and it is given to 

the family dhobi (washerman).The groom is conducted to the stage where the 

Khazi, the muthavalli (Head of the janmath) of the mahalla and other relatives are 

assembled. The bride is adorned with jewels and marriage saree provided by the 

bridegroom and seated separately in the ladies apartment. 

The details of money, jewellery, other household utensils and properties 

given by the father of the bride and the mahar amount given by the bridegroom are 

announced to those who have assembled. The father of the bride or in his absence 

a near relative of her, acts as Vakil and offers the bride in marriage to the bridegroom 

in the presence of two witnesses and before hand the consent of the bride is 

obtained and announced in public. (But from the later years of the nineteenth 

century the entire proceedings of the marriage, was recorded in a note book called 

Nikhanama. which is being maintained in every Mahallah. The names of the couple 

and their fathers, witnesses and the Khazi who solemnised the marriage are entered 

and their signatures obtained and the details of the mahar, jewellery, presents and 

other properties are also entered there in. This practice is followed even to this day 

and this register has social and legal value in the life of Muslims). Then the father 

of the bride puts his hand on that of the bridegroom with the help of the Khazi and 

says."l give in marriage of my daughter, by name, to you, in the presence of the said 

two witnesses, for such an amount of mahar settled upon her, do you consent of it". 

The bridegroom replies. "with v~hole heart and soul to my marriage settlement made 

up on her. I consent, consent, consent". The Khazi offers some milk to the bridegroom. 

After this the Khazi offers up a supplication to the heaven, saying "Oh! Great God, 

grant that mutual love and reign between this couple and that existed between the 

Prophets of Allah and their wives". Thus the solemnisation of the marriage is over. 

When the Khazi is reciting the supplications one of the eldest lady related to the 

groom or the eldest sister of the groom ties a string of black beads in the neck of 

the bride amidst chanting of kuluvai (a musical roar in chorus by the women). This 

string of black beeds is provided by the bridegroom's side. The residue of the milk 

given to the bridegroom is given to the bride and the women chant kuluvai again. 

The bridegroom offers salam (salutation) to the gathering and the near relatives 

hugs him. Friends and relatives offer presents.

The tying of black beaded string to the bride is similar to the tying of the thali 

or mangalyasutra in Hindu marriages. This custom has crept in to the Muslim 

society due to ihe influence of Hindu culture. A researcher has come out with a 

finding that there was no biak bead tying in the marriages of the family of the 

Nawabs of ~rcot''. A scholar opins that the practice might have been copied by 

the Tamil Muslims from the Marathas who migrated and settled in this part of the 

peninsula29. On the fortyth day after the marriage, the black beaded string is 

removed and retied with some gold pendants 

Though after the completion of nikah formalities, the bride and bridegroom 

are considered to be husband and wife, the bridegroom is taken to the bride's 

apartment by a learned elderly man, who Joins their hands together and blesses 

them. This is called Kaiazhithuviduthal or Kaiserthuvidal (joining the hands) and is 

a exclusive custom among Marakkayars. 

The nikah ceremony is followed by the feast (walima feast) offered by the 

bride's side. It is usualy non-vegetarian food.either rice cooked with meat (briyani) 

or Pulavu (ghee fried rice) with separate meat sauce. This food is supplied in big 

plates called 'Sahan' and a group of four persons seated round the plate take the 

food. This practice might have been copied from the Arabian society, where it is 

still followed. Serving meals in sahan is the practice in almost all the Marakkayar 

settlement towns in the coastal region of Coromandel. In some places like Kilakkarai, 

Tondi and Kayalpattanam even a group of six persons eat in a plate. Of course, 

individual small plates or leaf is also offered to the friends from other religious 

groups. Sahan meals is a type of joint feeding in Muslim society. But in the 

hinterland, in Muslim marriages, whether Marakkayar or Labbai or Rowthar, food is 

sewed only in individual plates or leaf. After the feast beta1 leaf (pan) is offered. 

After the ceremony of joining the hands the bridegroom and the bride are 

seated side by side. To create mutual affection and understanding amusing plays 

are arranged. The paparakkolam, Pallankuzhi vilayattu are some of the Items. 

Paparakkolam - as described by ~huston~~ , the bride is dressed like a Brahman 

woman and holds a brass vessel in one hand and a stick on the other. Approaching 

the bridegroom she strikes him gently and says did not I give you butter milk and 

curd? Pay me for them. The bridegroom then places some tamarind seeds in the 

brass vessel but the bride objects to this and demands money, accompanying the 

demand with the strokes of the stick. The groom then places some copper, silver 

and gold coins in the vessel and the bride returns in triumphant. This ceremony is 

Peculiar to the Marakkayars alone. But the origin and meaning of thls ceremony is 

obscure. However this practice has disappeared in Marakkayars marriages

at present. In many families among the Marakkayars, the groom ties a chain in the 

neck of the bride. This is another ceremony equal to thali tying by the bridegroom 

himself. This practice is in vogue even to this day among Marakkayars, though not 

sanctioned in Islamic culture. 

Among the Marakkayars after the marriage the wife stays with her parents 

in the house given by her parents, but all of them eat together. It may be a separate 

house or a portion of the house of her parents. Gift of a house to the bride is not 

met in any other part of India or in Arab countries, and also among other sects and 

subsects of Coromandel Muslims. The husband visits her and takes food and pays 

a sum to meet the expenses, a sort of paying guest husband and not as a veettu 

mappillai ( the groom who stays permanently in father in law's house leavlng their 

parents) of the Hindu household. 

This practice of the wife living with her parents is closely allied to the 

matrilocal residence found among the Arabs of the pre Islamic times. Most 

probably this practice originated from the circumstances of the Arab husband 

being away for a long period on business in far off lands. The practice of house gift 

came to be followed in the Coromandel Muslim Marakkayar society from the fact 

that the early Arab settlers here had no house of their own when they came here 

as traders. Naturally they had to stay in the house of the wives after marriage. 

Whenever they ventured into sea for trade opportunities, for months together they 

left the wives in the safe custody of their parents. Thus perhaps in the Marakkayar 

society arose the practice of bride remaining with her parents and the husband 

visiting her at her parent's house. The house gift and matrilocal re~idence are 

simply the continuation of the custom which had some utility and necessity when 

the sea faring husbands were away from their families for a long duration of time. 

When Islam spread in the west coast, first, the practice of matrilocal residence of 

the Malayalam society coincided with that of the Arabian customs and hence was 

well received and then this custom entered the Coromandel Muslim society. 

The matrilocal residence became a social necessity in the interest of the two 

families. It does not create any impact in the economic activities. This custom also 

does not create any Joint venture. Both the families run their business with their 

own interest. It is very often said that in this type of residence, tho husband 

becomes henpecked. 

The Marakkayar family system is very peculiar in this respect. It is a 

combination of joint and independent family system. It is joint in the sense that 

they include married daughters and their children and that brothers and sisters are

coowners of the family properties and partners of business firms. Independent in 

the sense that each family has a house or portion of a house of it's own and 

independent source of income. A recent statistics in a Marakkayar town shows that 

8096 of the houses are in the name of ~omen~~.~his 

because of the house gifts 

to the women. 

Parallel cousin marriage or marriage between the sons and daugters of brothers is 

usual one among the Mamkkayars. It outwits all other considerations. This type of alliance 

is not common among the other Muslim sub sects like Rowthar, Labbal and Deccanis and 

rarely practiced. ( But majority of the Labbai and Rowthar families practise the cross, cousin 

marriage (muralmappihi) much in Hindu fashion ). A scholar is of the view that the most 

probable reason for this sort of matrimonial alliance Is that siblings among them yearn for 

remaining among themselves close to each other and hence they want their children to 

intermany and give the demonstration of sibling solidarity32. Some think that the parallel 

cousin marriages are concluded to keep the blood ties and property intact33. But it is 

probable that this is an inheritance from the early Arabian society. This type of marriage 

was also practised in the family of Prophet Mohamed. Scientists are of the view that the 

marriage among the close relatives may lead to childlessness or mentally or physically 

retarded children. The Marakkayar population neither approve or disapprove this thesis, 

though childlessness and physically and mentally affected children are In excess of It's quota 

among them. At the same time there are Marakkayar families with good number of 

children who are physically and mentally robust34. The Muslim of a particuhr sect Is not 

averse to matrimonial alliance with other sect and subsect or segment and there is no 

religious bar also. The overriding consideration in such cases is frequently being 

financial, economic or social status or superior accomplishments. There are instances 

of the Marakkayar bride marrying a Labbai, Rowthar or Sheik or Deccani bridegroom, 

vice versa and the like. 

Generations back Muslim marriages were celebrated for eleven days, later the 

duration was reduced to seven days and further to three days. But in modem times it 

is a one day wonder. In earlier times Muslim marriages were solemnised in predawn 

hours. At present marriages are celebrated during day time either forenoon or afternoon. 

Thus we find that most of the ceremonies connected with the marriage of the 

Muslims are influenced by Hindu customs and culture. But these custom are in usage 

for a very long period and handed down from generations to the present day. We find 

authentic evidence in an Islamic Tamil literature of the seventeenth century by 

nameMSaithakkathiru Marakkayar Thirumana Vazhthu, which describes the marriage 

of Vallar Seethakkathi (Periathambi Marakkayar) of Kilakkarai. The poet 'Umarkathab', 

a contemporary of Perlathambi Marakkayar had seen the marriage In person

and hw described about each and every ceremony in great deta11~~. ktrothal h bride's 

residence,36 planting of muhurthakka~,~~ panda1 (shamiana) arrangement for marriage, 

decorated with flowers, coconut bunches, jack fruit, plantain fruits, sugarcane, and 

areca bunch3', lighting of kuthuvilaku3', decorated stage for marriageq0, keeping of 

coconut flower bunch in a pot in the marriage dias (much in Hindu fashion)41, decoration 

of the bridegroom with silk cloth, ornaments made of precious stones, fragrances and 

flower garlands42, kulavai or kuravai, the roar in chorus by womenq3, procession of the 

bridegroom in an elephad4, differnt kinds of musical instruments taken in the 

procession45, lightlng arrangement in the procession by theevati - open oil lampsq6. 

alathi or arathi to the bridegroomq7, bathing the bride with turmeric waterq8, decoration 

of the bride4', mahar was fixed and the marriage of the couple with their names and 

names of their parents was recorded5', the bridegroom and the bride seated side by 

side and the bridegroom himself ties mangalyam - blackbead-in the neck of the brtde51, 

gift of house to the bride by her parents52, are some of the marriage customs that find 

reference in this literary work. As such it gives a vivid picture of the Muslim society 

in the seventeenth century and this literary work can be called as a social document of 

Muslim society of seventeenth century. Seerapuranam, the important Islamic Tamil 

Literary work of seventeenth century which describes life sketch and deeds of the 

Prophet Mohamed in Tamil literary tradition also throws light on the customs of Tamil 

Muslims. Though it is the biography of Prophet Mohamed, it is entirely written on the 

natural and cultural settings of Tamils. We find a reference as to that the Prophet 

Mohamed was taken in procession on a horse back53, and tied thali to the bride. All 

the above customs are handed down to generations and are in practice even to this day. 

BIRTH 

Procreation is indeed one of the main objectives of marriage. Pregnancy is 

an eagerly awaited one in the life of the couple. To ensure the safe delivery and a 

healthy child, several precautions are taken. The mother avoids new clothes and 

ornaments sinca all these will attract the evil spirits, the jinns. The pregnant woman 

do not eat during the lunar eclipse54. A ceremony similar to Valaikappu (of the 

Hindu custom)is performed during the seventh or nineth month of pregnancy 

(Valaikappu or bangle wearing ceremony is believed to possess virtues toward of 

evils from the evil spirits hovering about a pregnant woman since she is considered 

to be more susceptive to the influence of the evil spirit than others. During this 

auspicious ceremony the pregnant woman is decorated with a large number of glass 

and lac (Kankanam) bangles and elderly women bless her for a safe delivery).

Gone are the ages of female infanticide. Yet birth of a male child is preferred. 

As Jaffur Shureef writes, "though the desire for a male offspring does not influence 

the Muslims to the same extent as Hindus who believe that It is only a son who can 

perform the funeral rites which admit the spirit of his father in the company of his 

sainted ancestors, still among the Muslims the craving for a male heir is often 

intense55. To the Muslims a female child is indeed an expensive luxury. Once 

born the girls are brought up with love and affection. 

As soon as the baby is born azan (general call for the prayer) is recited in the 

right ear and igamath (call for jamath prayer) in the left ear by a Khazi or a learned 

man. The idea behind this practice is that from the very begining of it's life the 

c h i I d 

should inbibe the name Allah and the Muslim confession of faith. After this a drop 

0 f 

honey is given to the child by the Khazi. 

The fifth day of birth is celebrated with pomp and show in the (child's) 

mother's house. Relatives and friends are invited for a feast. The women folk sing 

lallabay in the name of Prophet Mohamed, Nagore Andavar and other holy persons. 

On the seventh day or on a suitable convenient day, the child's head is shaved 

ceremoneously in it's mother's house. On this occasion one goat in the case of 

female child and two if the child is male (as per Shafi school) are sacrificially 

slaughtered.The sacrificed animal is divided into three equal parts, one is given to 

the baby's nurse one to the orphans and poor and the other is used by the members 

of the household.This sacrificial offering is called "Akika", and is meant to safeguard 

the child from the influence of evil spirits and all sorts of misfortune^^^. The hair 

of the child is weighed and an equal weight of silver is given to poor or the religious 

mendicants5'. These practices are widely prevalent among the Marakkayars and 

not with other subdivisions of Tamil Muslims. 

Like the namakaranam or naming ceremony of the Hindus a customary 

ceremony is held to give a name to the child. This ceremony is generally held on the 

fortyth day after the child's birth. But in Marakkayar families in places like Karaikkal, 

traditionaly naming of child takes place within half an hour after the birth5'. 

Muslims mostly give Arabic traditional names prefixing the attributes of Allah, the 

name of the Prophet and his distinguished companions and the members of the 

family of the Prophet and also the names of Aulias, saints who are entombed in the 

respective aress. Female children often receive the names of the wives and 

daughters of the Prophet and his companions. The names help to preserve

tho idontlty of the Muvllms and to airenyil~or~ the individual's falth. But we find so 

many Hindu names and terminations among the Muslims like Chinnathambi, 

Periathambi, Nallathambi .Ambaiam. Servai and Muslim names with Hindu 

terminations like Allahpitchai, Kuppai Mohamed, Fakirappa, Seeniappa and so 

on59, Such names were accepted as Muslim personnal names due to the influence 

of Hindu culture and shows the humanitarian affection and bond between the 

different religious groups which set a foundation for the unity in diversity. A scholar 

in his recent book has written that Muslims began to use Hindu names and terminations 

to conceal their identity to escape the attack and wrath of the Portuguese. This is 

totally rn~sconceived~~. 

On the fortyth day function, which is considered to be the end of the period 

of pollution, the mother and the child are bathed and the mother offers prayers. 

Sweet candy is prepared and distributed to the relatives. A grand lunch feast is 

offered to the friends and relatives by the mother's household. Jewels and decorative6 

are offered to the child by the father In the case of Marakkayars and by the maternal 

grandfather of the child in the case of other subsects. The child is placed in a new 

cradle and songs of Islamic themes are sung along with the roar of kuluvai. The 

functions are very elaberate for the first child and lesser to the subsequent onea. 

In the birth ceremonies many Hindu customs and beliefs have crept into the 

Muslim society. When a woman is pregnant she appeals to the saints for the safe 

delivery and vows to contribute her mite. The movements of the pregnant woman 

is restricted during lunar eclipse. A period of pollution for forty days is observed 

after child birth, to prevent the approach of evil spirits. Some people prepare the 

horoscope for their children. In the event of successive deaths of children, the new 

born is sold to the father of many children and named like Kuppai (waste) and 

repurchased from him on payment of some quantity of rice barn. The mother is 

bound by self denial for forty days and not allowed to pray or fast, and cannot touch 

the Holy Quran. Among the Muslims such customs are found in no other country6'. 

KHATHNA 

Khathna (circumcision) among the Muslims is directed to be performed between 

the age of seven and fourteen, though occassionally it is done either before or after 

that perlod.

Should an adult ol a tllffurur~i ~~urn~~nlloi~ 

IIU ~luqlro~l- 01 (1111Ilrer1nu lalam Irul at thr 

same time dreaded undergoing the operatlon. it Is not ossentlally necessary that he 

should be circumcised. The devine canard Is that he be initiated Into the tenets of 

the faith62. A Muslim traveller of tenth century writes that the people of India were 

not circ~mcised~~. 

There is neither an injunction nor it is a Quranic law to do circumcision, but 

it is a tradition, ~unna~~. Further there are no original sources to trace the origin 

of Khathna or circumcision in Islamic society65. Circumcision was practiced by tho 

Jews and Arabs in pre-Islamic times. In the Old Testament it is stated "And 

Abraham cirscumcised his son lssasc being eight days old when his son was born on 

to him"66. In popular parlance circumcision is called Sunnath or Khathna. In olden 

days circumcision was performed by the family barber and the medicines for healing 

was administered by him. (But in modern times it is being done by professional 

medical men). Among the Tamil speaking Muslims this ceremony is known as 

"Markkakalyanam", a sort of initiation ceremony into the religion much in Hindu 

fashion. When a person embraces Islam, cirscumcission is obligatory. Muslims 

celebrate this private domestic function with much fanfare6'. Now a days invitation 

are printed to invite the relatives and friends like that of the marriage. Feast is 

arranged to the invities. Friends and relatives offer presents to the child to be 

cirscumcised. 

If there is a girl in the house, the ear boring ceremony is also held along with 

circumcission cermony. In that case the maternal uncle has to present the ear1ets.h 

circumcission ceremony we also find the influence of Tamil or Hindu culture in all 

aspects. This custom is also handed down from generations and being followed to 

this day, of course with minor changes.lt is interestingto note that some of the caste 

Hindus like Piramalai Kallars (Madrurai district) have copied and practical circumcission 

to their children. 

PUBERTY CELEBRATION 

In a Muslim family when a girl attains puberty,the relatives are informed by the 

parents of the girl. It is a way of conveying the message that a girl is ready for marriage 

because in those days the girls were married at a very early age. On the day of 

attaining puberty. the girl is bathed ceremoneously in the presence of the close relatives. 

The maternal uncle sends eggs , milk, fruits and sweets. In the case of Marakksyars 

the father's household sends eggs, gingily oil , black gram, coconut, etc. since the girl 

lives with her mother's family. A food stuff called 'kali' (a combination of rice and 

black gram flour) is re pared and given to the girl for a few days.

Puberty ceremony is generally celebrated on the seventh day or eleventh day or in a 

day convenient. Relatives and frlends are invited to the function. The girl Is bathed 

ceremoneously, decked with new cloth and flowers ar~d is taken to a decorated dias. 

In the case of Marakkayar girl she is conducted to the dlas by the parallel cousin. 

The ladies and elder male members bless the girl by applying sandal in her cheek 

and also offer presents. A feast is given. Pan, fruits, and rice flower mixed 

with sugar called 'malida' are also distributed to those assembled. The celebrations 

connected with puberty is due to the influence of Hindu custom and usages. Jaffur 

Shureeff says that this celebration is a preparatory function for marriage, among 

the Mu~lirns~~. Quadlr Hussain Khan writes that puberty celebrations are not found 

in the Islamic society of any other country69. 

DEATH 

Every Muslim aspires to die with the Kalima (the confession of faith) in his 

lips. A man in death bed is exhorted by those around him to recite the Kalima. 

When a man or woman is about to die Quaranic verses are recited loudly in order 

that the spirit of the man by hearing it may experience an easy concentration. On 

the point of death the relative pour some drops of water down the throat to 

facilitate the exlt of the vital spark. The moment the splrit has fled, the mouth is 

closed, the two great toes are brought in contact and fastened together with a thin 

ribbon. The corpse is called 'Zanaza' or 'maiyathu' (in Tamil). As soon as the 

death occurs the body is bathed in hot water. This is called kasappumatral. The 

relatives and friends are informed in those days through the barber. The dead is 

buried at the earliest. Before taking for burial, the zanaza is wamhed thoroughly, 

camphor and scented materials are sprinkled and wrapped in a new white cloth 

called kaffan. Permanent bier called sandack are kept in every mosque. It is 

brought to the house of the dead and the zanaza is placed in the bier and taken in 

procession to the mosque, where a special funeral prayer is offered and the bier is 

taken to the burial ground. The body is placed in the grave pit dug for this purpose, 

in north south direction with face turning to the west the direction of kaaba in 

Mecca. The mourners throw handful of mud or sand into the grave. Some bamboo 

sticks are placed in slanting position in the pit, pulmyrah mat Is placed as a cover 

over it and the pit is filled with mud so that the mud cannot fall directly on the dead 

body. The whole grave is piled with muddy earth. Fatheeha is offered for the 

eternal peace of the dead. After the burial rice, salt, bread and coins are distributed 

to the poor in the name of the dead. The processionists return to the house and 

again Fatheeha is offered and the moruners disperse offering condolence personally 

to the members of the family.70 As a general rule among the Muslims the dead are 

buried. But Lakshmi quotes incidence of burning the dead among the Tamil Muslims 

in some parts of Sri ~anka~l. Nowhere we hear such an information.

Some among the relatives take up the food arrangements on the day of burial. 

Usually the third day is called ziarath day during which day the burial place called 

kaproo is decorated with flowers and sandal paste and after a Fatheeha there. sweets 

are distributed to the gathering. Feast take place on the fifth, seventh, twentyfirst, 

thirtyfirst and fortyth days. The feast on the fortyth day is a grand one. It is believed 

that the soul of the dead leaves the house on the fortyth day and if already left 

returns on that day and makes a survey of the article, offered at the Fatheeha and 

takes a smell of them and departs. A moulavi or a learned man reads the Holy 

Quran in instalments for the forty days in the house of the dead. A tumbler of 

water and a lamp are kept for the forty days at the spot in the house where the spirit 

of the body left, and the water is poured in some green tree in the morning. The 

death anniversary is also observed by offering the food and drinks used by the dead 

and this traces the anismatic ideas of the soul that suffers for the necessities it felt 

during sojourn in the mundane world. Feast is offered to the friends and relatives. 

Ziarath, fortyth day celebrations and death anniversary are not part of orthodox 

Islam and all these are innovations and unlawful. Still these practices are widely 

prevelent in the South Indian Muslim society7'. 

There are no festivities in the house of the dead and the family members do 

not wear new clothes on festive occassions for a year. At the death of the husband, 

the wife (widow) removes her thali (black beaded string) breaks the bangles, removes 

the toe ring, nose ring etc., in Hindu fashion. The widow observes iddat seclution 

and confinement and abstenance for four months and ten days, during which time 

she is prohibited to remarry. Though lslarn permits the remarriage of widows it is 

not practised universally but occassionally in Tamil Muslim so~iety'~. 

lslarn does not permit any permanent structures, the samathi like form of the 

Hindus in the burial place of the dead. However, mousoleums, tombs and darghas 

have been constructed over the graves of martyrs, missionaries and men and women 

of eminance. 

FOOD HABITS 

The Muslims are good eaters and are expert in culinery art. Their food is 

rich, nutritious and varigated. 

In Coromandel areas customary breakfast is idly, dosai and idiappam, rotti, 

appam, vattalappam, Julur etc., made of rice flour, egg, ghee, coconut milk and 

sugar and are the delicious special foods in breakfast. These food items are similar 

to those prevalent among the Moplas of west coast.

Lunch and dinner is mostly rice Non-vegetarian foods are preferred. Mutton, 

chicken, egg are cooked, fried, roasted with masala of cashew, badam, bista, 

almond and a variety spices. Pulavu (ghee fried rice) or biriyani (rice cooked with 

meat) is a must in feasts. Fish, prawn and dried fish occupy a pride of place in the 

kltchon. Most of them preparatlonc of non-vegetarian foods have the Influenca el 

Iral~lan and Turkiah curi~la 111 lllal birlya~~l 1% siy~~lllca~~l orlr, wt~lch han becomr the 

favourite non-vegetarian food of people in India irrespective of religion. Different 

sweet varieties are also taken. Sherbath and tea are their favourite beverages. 

It is lawful to eat the flesh of sheep, goat, deer, hare, rabbit, cow, bull female 

and male buffalo, camel, heron, duck, partridge, goose, snipe, pigeon etc. These 

animals and birds have to be cut in throat with the recitation of thakbir (Quranic 

verse) and only such meat has to be taken. The meat obtained in this way is called 

" haial" (permissible). It is unlawful to eat the flesh of allegator, turtle, frogs, crab, 

hog, wolf, tiger and the like and birds like hawk, kite, crow and vulture. Shrimps 

can be taken since it is only makroo (abominable) Fish found dead in the water is 

unlawful, but if it is taken out alive and dies afterwards it is lawful to take. It is 

unlawful to take intoxicating liquors and substances like ganja affin (opium) 

Achupaniyaram, inchikothupaniyaram, vellaiappam, koovai, agar agar, 

nanahath, thamroti, feerni, sheerni, naan, and kabaab, halwa, and jangiri are 

special types of sweets liked by Muslims. 

Because of the influence of the food habits of the Muslims the names of a 

number of food articles have mingled in Tamil such as kurma, sherbat, salna, 

masala, halva, and jangiri to quote a few.74 

JEWELLERY AND ORNAMENTS 

Muslim women are madly fond of jewellery and ornaments. Thls is not only for 

decoration and ornamentation but to serve as a parameter of the financial stab of the 

family. 

We find reference about the various ornaments and Jewels made of gold, silver and 

other precious stones which were in use in Tamil society in the Sangarn and post Sangam 

literatures and inscriptions. A visual representaion of all these ornaments and their designs 

can be seen in the temple sculptures, bronze figures and ancient paintings. The Tamil 

Muslim women also wear such ornaments besides some special types of their own. Sonakan 

sidukku, an ornament mentioned in Raja Raja's inscriptions at Thanjavur Big Temple is

worn on the head and might have introduced by the Muslims76. The Muaim women wear 

different kinds of gold and silver ornaments (like Hindu women) in their ear, nose, neck, 

arms, fingers, waist, feet, ankle and toe. Most of these jewellary are in Hindu pattern, 

differing in details and designs. Muslim women bore ear and nose much in the Hindu 

fashion. Apart from the conventional ear ornaments, the Marakkayar, Rawthar and 

Labbai women bore their entire ear lobes and wear a gold ornament called vali 

arasilai or alarkothu which consists of rings made of thin wire with leaf 

design of peepal tree hanging from it. Arab and Persian women do have such 

bores in their ear but they never bore nose76. So boring of the nose is copied by 

the Muslim women from the Hindu society. 

Muslim women wear different types of ornaments like thodu, (earlet), 

thongattan (pendent from ear) mattal, (worn with ear stud and tukked in hair to 

counter the weight). Vali arasalai or alarkothu for the ears; mookuthl (nose stud) of 

different patterns, bangles, fingerrings and kadagam in arms; parumani, 

gothumaimani, padakkam, attiyal, kasumalai, governor malai, thali chain, black 

beaded string (Thali) studded with gold beads and presious stones; sarappalli, kothu 

vadam kantasaram, mutharam, (pearl pendent) and many other types of chains and 

pendents in the neck; Jadaipillai, Thalaivattam, pirai, and kondaippoo on the head; 

ottiyanam in the waist; thandai, silambu, and golusu in the ankle; and toe ring for 

the toes. In some rich families, the ornaments worn in the ankle are all made of 

gold. Most of the married Muslim women wear toe ring in the second toe or some 

times in the third and fourth also to signify the marital status as in the case of Hindu 

women. But among the Marakkayar women in some places like Adirampattanam 

wearing of toe ring is not found. In all these ornaments no figures of any kind is 

engraved but only floral designs, Lunar and star designs and Arabic letters are 

found77. 

Islamic Tamil literatures give a long list of ornaments worn by Muslim women. 

Saithakkathiru Marakkayar Thirumanavazhthu (referred supra) excel in this respect

where we find references to the ornamer~tn ant1 )uwellery of tha Coromandal 

Marakkayar women In 17th century of which a spacial mention can be made for the 

nose stud and metti toe ring. Almost all the ornament8 doscribad in €his literary 

work are in use to the present day7'. 

Islam forbids decoration of menfolk with gold ornaments. But due to the 

influence of Hindu culture men also wear rings in their fingers and chains in their 

neck. Saithakkathiru Marakkayar Thirumanavazhthu also gives a long list of ornaments 

worn by men of course the affluent79. 

STATUS OF WOMEN 

The status of women in Islamic society is a subject of much interest and 

debate ever since of the birth of Islam. But it was lslam that acknowledged a 

seperate and independent human status to women and a honourable and noble 

position in the society. As a fundamental principle of it's system, women and men 

are quite equal to each other and entitled to equal rights. Islam gave her the right 

to life and property like men. Liberal provisions are found in the Holy Quran about 

the rights and dignity of women. Though marriage is a social contract in Islam, in 

essence it is the union of two souls,which is one of the sacred Sunnats of the 

Prophet ~ohamed~'. This contract is entered into by the parties on a footlng of 

equality and by the free consent of parties. Prophet Mohamed has expressed the 

opinion that the women should be consulted as to the choice of the husband that if 

a virgin is too shy to speak, her silence has to be taken as consent8'. The dower 

or mahar signifies the giving of some thing willingly of one's own accord in consideration 

of the contract, the marriage. Further, mahar is a debt on the husband. A widow 

can remarry if she is willing. 

If a husband does not find his wife, a suitable companion, he can divorce her. 

According to Quranic law, he has to pronounce his intention to divorce her (Thalak) 

at the intervals of one month each for three times during which period the couple

can reconcile so that the divorce can be avoided. If no reconcilliation takes place. 

the divorce become absolute and both parties are free to contract another marriage. 

Similarly the wife is not satisfied with the husband she can obtain divorce from him 

(Khula) on condition of glvlng her right to mshare2. 

Polygamy is not an institution of Islam. It is an allowance made for the 

ardant human nature. The Holy Quran does not enjoin it but recommends in 

certain circumstances as better than leaving women helpless and without 

protectors83. So Polygamy is an emergency law in Islam. It does not at all 

represent the fundamental principles of Islamic law. Holy Quran says " 

Marry a woman who seem good to you, two or three or four and if you fear 

that you cannot do justice (to so many) then one only"84. The Prophet has 

made it clear that if a man marry more than one wife he has to treat them with 

equal status socially and and economically. Thus the injunction virtually comes to 

imply that one should contract with one wife only. Thus the Islamic law favours in 

normal life monogamy rather than Polygamy. During the life time of the Prophet 

Mohamed, in the wars (especially at Badr and Uhadh) a large number of men were 

decimated and the balance of sexes was seriously shaken. In such circumstances 

polygamy became a social necessity as it may save the society from sexual anarchy 

that follows the decimation of (men) life partners. So the Prophet Mohamed 

encouraged men to marry the poor widows in addition to one wife. Thus perhaps 

the institution of polygamy was instituted in Islam. But in later times men married 

more than one wife in the case of over active sexually, cronic disease and sterility. 

But a majority of the population continued to be monogamouss5. 

In the Muslim society of Coromandel Coast, the influence of the Hindu 

culture infiltrated into this field also and most of the muslims considered the marriage 

as a sacrament. They want to be monogamous. The incidence of polygamy was 

at a very low percentage only. This is true even in the present day society.

The purdha system is widely in practice among the Muslim women. In the 

northern districts of Thanjavur, South Arcot and Chengalpat the women come out 

covering the entire body from head to feet with a big white loose mantle. 

Thanjavur district, it is more strict. But in the northern districts like Ramanathapuram 

and Thirunelveli,the women do not veil with a seperate big cloth like the women in 

other districts but they come out with just a veil over the head, that even from the 

end portion of the saree. However, the veiling is an accepted custom among the 

Coromandel Muslims. 

In 

The Islamic traditon, the pure Arabic tradition enjoins the veiling the hair and neck 

and modest conduct of Musim women. The veiling of face by women itself is not an lskmic 

custom. It was prevalent in many cities of the east before the coming of Islam but not in 

the cities of Arabia. The purdha system as it is now existing in India was quite 

undreamt by the Muslims of the early centuries who had adopted a face veil 

and some other fashions for their women. The women folk when they came into 

the cities of Syria, Mesapatomia, Persia and Egypt, they appeared with a veil as 

a protection for not being misunderstood by the people. The people associated 

unveiled women with loose character. Later on it was adopted even in the clties of 

Arabia as a mark of civilization and township. Purdha has never been the universal 

custom. The great majority of the Muslim women in the world are peasants who 

work with their husbands and brothers in the fields. For them, the face veil would 

be an absured encumbrance. The head veil on the other hand was universal. The 

Egyptian, Syrian, Turkish or Arbian peasant women veiled their face only when they 

had to go into the town and then it was a half veil that they wore. In no other 

country besides India, the custom adopted by wealthiest Muslim women for distinction 

was adopted by all. 

Thus the purdha system is neither Arabic nor Arabian in origin. It is Zorastrian 

Persian and Christian Byzantine in origin. It has nothing to do with Islam and for 

practical reason it has never been adopted by great majority of Muslim women. So 

long it was applied only to the women of great houses who had varied interest in life.

It was never applicable to every class of society and when applied to every class 

as now in India it is a positive evil which the sacred law ever sanctioned. Hence the 

purdha system is not a part of Islamic law. It is a custom of the court introduced 

after the Kilafat had degenerated from the true Islamic standard under Persian 

Byzantine influence and had become mere oriental despotism. It comes from the 

source of weakness of Islam and not from the source of strength8'. 

The following InJunction is enjoined in the Holy Quran, " 0, Prophet I , 

Thy wife and daughters and the women of believers to draw their cloacks down their 

face. That will be better so that they may be recognised and not annoyed"8B. So 

it will be seen that the face veil alone is sanctioned. The peculiar purdha system 

practised by the Coromandel Muslim women probably originated to distinguish them 

from the women of other religious groups and became universal in the course of 

time. 

Tell 

Long before the onset of puberty, the Muslim girls in the Coromandel are 

trained to cover the head and upper part of the body with the scarf. When they 

attain puberty, they are secluded within the four walls of zenana. When they have 

to go out, they wrap the whole body from head to foot exposing only the eyes and 

nose with a white mantle (called dupatti) which is very unwieldy. This cloth is very 

heavy in Thanjavur district. This type of purdha is peculiar to the Marakkayar, 

Labbai and Rawthar women in the coastal belts. However, thls type of purdha has 

the advantage of an exterior cloth which can be worn or discarded with ease without 

disturbing the regular dress inside. Muslim women are accustomed to this for 

generation and it is being followed to this daysg. 

Inspite of all these religious sanctions and Quranic injunctions the position of 

Muslim women was not good during the period of our study. Many of them were In 

letter and not in spirit. The women were suffering from several social disabilities.

The girls were married at a very early aye immadinlely afiur puberty, unl~wful form of 

divorce was thrusted on them. 

uneducated and shunned in four walls. 

They were subservient to men. They were ignorant, 

At the end of nineteenth century and the 

beginning of twentyth,the school going female were only 0.4% of the total school going 

children among Muslims. No female students were found either in colleges or in upper 

secondary schools.( It is interesting to note that for the first time a Muslim lady joined 

a college in Madras only in 1923 ). 

Their economic role was very insignificant. 

However, they were taught Arabic and to read the Holy Quran. They were seldom 

allowed to learr, languages like Tamil and English. But however, some of them learnt 

the newly developed script, the Arabic Tamil , i.e. Tamil language in Arabic character, 

to write the accounts of the household and other related matters. In marriage the 

consent of the bride was a formal one and majority of them had little or no say in the 

choice of their life partners. Some elders observe that the payment of mahar was only 

in theory in most of the cases. Though only mahar is enjoined in Islam, the social evils 

of dowry, perhaps a continuation of Hindu practice was almost universal among the 

Muslims and proved to be an ulcer to the society. 

lnspite of Islamic dictation of 

woman's share in parental property, they were deprived of getting their respective 

shares for various reasons. 

Due to ignorance and isolation women were not accounted 

with their legal rights. The isolation and segregation the Muslim women brought very 

little social contact with the external world. 

There were instances of misuse of 

the sacred provisions of divorce and polygamy here and there. 

Islam cannot 

be blamed for acts of contradictions of it's teaching or bar the way to the 

implementation of it's law; but the behavioural character of the individuals and their 

cover under fundarnentaiistic ideas are alone at fault. 

But the Muslim women in 

Coromandel , a vast majority of them being the descendants of converted society 

had their own sacred concept about the marriage like their fellow Hindu women. 

They were never willing to part with their husbands. lnspite of the religious 

sanction for remarriage, most of the widows remain unmarried in reverence to the 

departed husbandsg0.

RELIGIOUS LIFE 

There are mosques in all the Muslim settlements. In the coastal towns of the 

Coromandel we can find some earliest mosques. In most of the mosques in the coastal 

towns prayer is conducted according to Shafi madhhab. There may be separate mosque 

for the Hanafi faith. The people living adjacent to a particular mosque constitute a 

group called Mahalla and they elect themselves a Muthavalli who will be the head of the 

trustees of the mosque. He is more or less a leader of the community in that particular 

area. The Mahalla committee under the presidentship of the Muthavalli is responsible 

for the administration of the mosque and its properties. This committee also takes care 

of the religious and social functions of the people of the area. The committee maintains 

the records of the marriages that takes place in the families of Mahalla. If a party of 

the bridegroom or bride go to another town to contract a marriage the Muthavalli of the 

Mahalia issues a certificate to the bonafideness of the party without which marriage 

would not be solmenised in another town. In the event of a marriage celebration or 

other^ social functions or death in a house within the Mahalla all the members of the 

Mahalla congregate there. 

The Mahalla committee also acts as a caste panchayat organisation and settles 

disputes relating to properties, divorce and other social matters. The Mahalla appeals 

for donation from the philonthropiests to build and repair or maintain the mosque, to 

help the marriage of poor girls, to support the orphans and for institutions of Arabic 

learning.The Muslim philanthropists vie with one another in offering donations in cash 

or kind for such religious cause and social upliftment. The funds so collected is 

maintained by the Mahalla committee. 

The mosques and darghas built by the Muslim philanthropists right from the 

earlier centuries to the present day can be seen In various coastal towns in the Coromandel 

region. Among which the mosques and darghas in Kilakkarai, Kayalpattanam and 

Nagore deserve special mention. These mosques and darghas are constructed In typical 

Dravidian style with the combination of Islamic architecture.

The Muslims attach much importance to the splrltual life and duties. Their 

faith in the fundamental principles of lslam is unshakable. Most of them are 

punctual in their daily five time prayers and Friday mass prayer. 

faith, 

lslam comprises of five divine commands.1) Kalima or confession of 

2) Namaz or five times prayer, 3) Roza or fasting for thirty days during the month 

of Ramzan. 4) Zakath or alms giving ,5) Haj or pligrimage to Mecca. These are the 

five pillars of Islam 

Every Muslim has to confess his faith in Allah, the Almighty, with the recitation of 

the first Kalima, La-il-la-hah-il-lul-la-hu -Mohamad-oor-Rasoola allahi, which means there is 

no other God except the one true God, and Mohamed is the Prophet or messenger sent by 

Allah. 

The divine law prescribes five times prayer daily. 1. Fazar or morning prayer from 

5 a.m. or from dawn of the day to Sunrise. 2. Zohar, midday prayer between 1.00 and 2.00 

p.m. 3. Assar, or afternoon prayer, from 4 .OO p.m. to 5.30 p.m. or UIl Sunset, 4. Magrlb 

or Sunset prayer, 6.00 p.m. to 6.30 p.m or usually after the Sunset. 5. Iysha or prayer 

before resting to bed, 8.00 p.m. to midnight. In those days the time was calculated 

approximately with the help of the position of the sun, stars, call of the birds and by the 

bloom of flowers. Before every prayer one has to make ablutions or wwu, i.e., washing 

of hands mouth, nose (inside), face, arms, head and back of the neck and feet. Every tlme 

the people are called for prayer by reciting azan or call to prayer . by the Mowene, an 

employee of the mosque. On hearing the arm the people congregate and pray by standing 

in rows in military fashion without distinction of position, colour or rank 91. Muslims a h 

train their male children to pray five times daily from the very early age. 

During the month of Ramzan, one has to undertake fasting for 30 days from 

dawn to dusk. Eating, drinking, chewing betel, smoking, snuffing or cannubial 

intercourse or embrace of women are prohibited during fasting tlme (i.e, dawn to dusk.)

On the termination of the fasting on thirtyth day, before going to the Ramzan 

prayer ( Id-dhul- fitr) fithra, the fast offering, is to be given to the poor and needy 

from their earnings which consists of 

two and half measures of wheat or money 

equivalent to it, per head in the family. Prophet Mohamed has said those who fast 

during Ramzan shall be the privileged persons who at the Last Day will have the 

honour of entering the celestial city,The Heaven. 

Zakath or alms giving is obligatory on Muslims possessing any property and 

to give away 1/40th part of it every year to the State for the welfare schemes to 

the poor. 

Zakath is not an income tax but it is a property tax at the rate of 2 l/z %. It is 

intended to alleviate the destitution of the poor. This will create love and gratitude 

on the part of the poor to the rich and the rich will look up on the poor as the 

comrades,thus making a socialistic pattern of society. In olden days, in the Islamic 

States, the Zakath was compulsorily collected and deposited in the Baithulmal (the 

State treasury). But in the later political administrative settings , the individuals 

themselves began to distribute the Zakath amount to poor people of their choice. 

Most of the Musllms calculate the Zakath share faithfully in tune, to their propertlea 

and distribute 

it to the poor and destitutos, during the month of Ramran. 

Ha] or pilgrimage to Mecca, is the divine command to undertake pilgrimage once In 

their lives to those who have sufficient means to meet the expensks and exegencies. The 

poor are not obligated to perform it but fortunately for the poor, the charitable minded 

opulant natives in the coastal towns had operated ships named "fyz-e-billah" (God's grace 

of bounty ship) for pilgrimage to Mecca and transported the poor people bearing all 

expennor themselveag2. Labbai Naina Marakkayar of Kilakkarai, a descendant of 

Seethakkathi( in the third quarter of the eighteenth century) took a large number of pllgrlms 

to Mecca in his ship Hydroos at his own expense93. Nawab of Arcot. Mohamed Ali, 

despatched every year two ships Safinat~dlah and Safinathul Rasool with pilgrlms to Mecca 

at the expense of the He also sent presents to the exalted pious nobles In Mecca

and also to the poor in Mecca and ~edina'~. During eighteenth and nineteenth centuries 

the Coromandel Marakkayar ships transported Haj pilgrims to the west coast, in their 

mercantile vessels, from where they took ships for Arab coasts. 

Pearson gives a very interesting account of Haj pilgrimage from Indian coasts. 

The journey from India to Mecca was very expensive and dangerous. In spite of that 

there were regular large scale passenger movement by sea for Ha]. 15,000 people 

performed Haj, from India, every year in eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Most 

of the pilgrims were urban dwellers. The Mughal emperors provided all facilities to 

the pious men and fakirs to perform Haj . Intending people from various parts of 

the country ( perhaps including those from Coromandel ) assembled in the port 

towns of Mughals to take this opportunity. Polltical opponents of the Mughal rulers 

were sent on Ha], never to return. Women also undertook Ha] pilgrimage. Trade 

was not the motive for most of the pilgrims. However they carried some goods with 

them. This was not intended to be sold for profit but rather sold on the way or in 

Mecca 'in order to provide expenses of the voyage. Thus, Mecca became the centre 

of exchange for Middle Eastern pious products96. 

FESTIVALS 

Generally. the Marakkayars. Labbais, and Rowthars do not celebrate with 

pomp and shovr the Muharrum festival, the mourning and lamentations of the 

martyrdom of Hossein and Hussain , the grandsons of Prophet Mohamed (in the 

fourtyeighth year of Hijira) as the Deccanis and Shias of Corornandel. In some 

households a fatheeha is offered for the eternal place of the martyrs. The Islamic 

calender month begins from the month Muharrum, consisting of 355 days. 

Odukkathu perunal (feetivai) in celebrated as a houmehold function on the last 

Wednesday of the month Saffar. This is not considered as an auspicious celebration. 

It is celebrated to ward off all misfortunes that befell in the year. Origin of this 

celebration goes to the indisposition of the Prophet Mohamed during this month

(in 11th year of Hijira) and to thank the Almighty for his recovety. The first thirteen 

days of the month are considered extremely unlucky, on account of the Prophet having 

been seriously indisposed during those days and on the thirteenth day some changes for 

the better showed itself in his malady. The last Wednesday of the month is celebrated 

as Odukkathu perunal. It was on this day that the Prophet experiencing some degree 

of mitigation in the violence of his distemper, bathed but never, after, having on 

the twelth day of the following month reslgned his soul to God (peace be upon 

him). 

On the last Wednesday it is customary with every Muslim, early in the 

morning, cause to write on a mango leaf some Quaranic verses with saffron water, 

wash of the writing in water and drink the liquid in the hope that it may preserve 

them from afflictions, enjoy peace and happiness. On the above account it is highly 

proper on this day to take bath wear new clothes and offer fatheeha in the name of 

the Prophet, eat and distribute food to the poor, to enjoy a walk in the garden with 

pleasure and amusements. 

The Tamil speaking Muslims celebrate this day as an unlucky day . Houses 

and household articles are washed thoroughly on the previous day. On the night of 

the previous day, some black gram, unboiled rice and a small quantity of oil (in a 

cup), a few paise of coins and eggs, one each for each male members of the house, 

are put in a plate and kept over the night. On the next day morning after bath, 

the plate is waved three times around the heads of the male members of the family 

and is given to the poor or some fakirs. Usually a cock is cut on this occasion 

cooked and fatheeha is offered. in the evening the ladies in particular go to the 

seashore or to gardens or groves and enjoy a pleasure time. 

The Marakkayar 

women preserve the garlands that were worn by the bridegroom and bride (if there 

had been 

a marriage in their house during the year) and take with them for being 

thrown into the sea on this occassion. But most of these practices have no sanction 

and 'these new customs seems to have been introduced by the womenfolkg7. 

The twelth day of the month of Rabee -001-awal, the day, the Prophet Mohamed 

departed this life is celebrated praising and eulogising the Prophet as contained in 

the Hadeesh. Food stuffs are prepared and distributed to all.

The Mira) or Mihura) night is considered to be an auspicious night which fall8 

on the sixteenth day of the month of Rajab. On this night only, the Angel, 

Gabrie1,conveyed his holiness the Prophet Mohamed to the Almighty, mounted on 

a booroq. Muslims regard it an important religious occassion and sit all the night 

in prayer and reading Quran and in dikir (verses in praise of God). (Booroq is a 

celestial animal like a mule with a human face, wings of a peacock with a speed of 

burg (lighting) hence named as Booroq). But the prayer connected wlth this celebration 

is known to the elite only. The Tamil Muslims observe this night faithfully by 

participating in the special prayers . 

Ramzan is an important festival to all the Muslims. It is known as Id-dhul-fitr 

and celebrated on the first day of the month Shawwal. Ramzan is celebrated in 

continuation of the fast for thirty days during the previous month. On the day, the 

Muslims congregate for the special prayer in a maidan (idhgah maidan) of the town. 

Before going to the prayer they distribute the fitra and alms to the poor. It is 

compulsory on the part of every Muslim to distribute the fitra - a fixed quantity of 

grain, or the cost of it - to the poor before the special prayer. It Is intended the poor 

feel secure and happy. Almost all the Muslims distribute the zakath amount to the 

poor and needy prior to this festival, thus making the poor fellow beings to feel 

happy and hence it can be called as a social festival. 

On the day of Ramzan celebration the Muslims take bath apply soorma 

(galena) to the eyebrows, wear new clothes. decorate the body with perfumes and 

fragrance and merrily walk to the prayer. After the prayer, when they reach their 

house the women take arathi and it is waved round the heads of the male members 

and thrown in the street. Delicious foods are prepared , usually non-vegetarian. 

Friends and relatives are entertained with feast. 

Baqr-eed or Eed-ool-Zoha is another important festival which is celebrated on 

the tenth day of the month Baqreed or Zilhujja. Pilgrimage to Mecca takes place 

during this season. During this festival the opulent among the Musllrns offer quorbanee,

the d c e of goat or camel or cow in memory of the sacrifice of his son done by Prophet 

Ibrahim(Abraham) at Mecca. 

The- Muslims sacrifice as many number of goats or other 

animals according to their means. The poor are always exempted from such provlrlom and 

it is obligatory on those who can afford to it according to the norms as laid down in the 

Hadeesh. One portion of the flesh of the sacrifised animal is taken by the sacrifice himself, 

the second is distributed to the poor and indignent, the third to the relatives and friends. 

During this festival a h 

the poor are taken care of in that those who ca~ot afford to buy 

a piece of meat enjoy it through this alms giving. During this festival also the Muslims 

wear new clothes and celebrate it merrily. They congregate for a special prayer in the 

idgha maidan and share their joy with friends and relatives. 

prepared and taken with family and frlends. 

Delicious foods are 

Apart from the above Islamic festivals the households of Muslims wear a 

merrv look during the Hindu festivals also. Muslim children crack crackers and light 

sparklers in their houses during Deepavali. The Muslims gladly accept and relish the 

Deepavali sweets offered by the Hindu neighbours. They cook pongal (sugarcandy) 

like the Hindus during Pongal, the universal harvest festival. The Muslim industrial 

and trade establishments also wear festive look along with that of the Hindus 

during Ayudha Pooja, of course the poojas are performed by their Hindu employees. 

Thus the influence of many of the Hindu festivities also have penetrated into the 

Tamil Islamic society. 

DARGAH WORSHIP AND BELIEFS 

Dargahs or Tykhas are the tomb shrines of Muslim holymen who are known as 

Walt, Aulia or Andavar (Lord). In the earlier phase these shrines served as a force 

in the expansion of Islam. Within these shrines the Muslim rellglous llfe is more 

flexible and accommodative rather than at the mosques. Further these shrines have 

moved between the high Islam and the supposedly humble folk traditions of Mush masses.

The worship that takes place in these shrines tended to draw upon the local religious 

vocabulary and local style of verse, music etc.. transmitting Muslim teaching in a 

form which can most easily transcend the frontal boundaries of the sect and community. 

Many such cluster of dargahs are found along the coastal town of Coromandel 

as well as in the hinterland; among which the dargahs at PortoNovo, Nagore, 

Karaikal, Muthupet, Kilakkarai. Ervadi and Kayalpattanam are very sacred to the 

Muslims as well as the Hindus. Some of the earliest dargahs in places like 

PortNovo, Kovalam and Kolachal are associated with the contemporaries and 

companions of Prophet Mohamed. 

The dargahs are revered as a place of power , a repository of barakath 

(blessing) and boons and a source of miraculous cure and a resort of pilgrimage. The 

Awlia entombed in a particular shrine may be a learned man, a scholar, a teacher, 

a missionary, a polemicist, a poet or a Sufi, whose original teaching place became 

a place of devotion and pilgrimage after his death. It was believed that apart from 

being a learned holy man and the missionaries such saints were also great hakims 

(physicians) and masters in accult science and had powers to perform Karamath 

(miracles). The character of such saints attracted the masses. 

Most of these dargahs are recent foundations. But the pirzadas (trustees) of 

the shrine claim a long antiquity and have created thirteenth or fourteenth century 

date of foundation, in order to link the shrines to one of the great founder figures 

of Sufism such as Jalaludin Rumi or Ibn AI Arabi. Most of the region's historical 

Sufis were from Deccan who fled to the Tamil region following the collapse of 

Deccani Sultanates. But all the tomb shrines in Coromandel coastal towns do not 

belong to such Sufis. Majority of them were Muslim saints of Tamil origin and they 

were literary laurates and missi~naries~~.

Sufi or Tassawaf is Muslim mysticism. A Muslim mystic is called as Sufi. The Sufi 

spiritual leader is called Peer, in Persian. Such individuals belong to one of the Sufi order 

or Thariqua. Most of the Sufis of South India belong to Quadiria Tariqua, founded in 

Bagdad by the famous Sufi, Abdul Quadir Jilani in the huelth centuy A.D. The essentials 

of the Sufism are self discipline, adoration of Lord, love in Supreme Beauty, virtue and 

intention. Their spiritual policy was peace with all. To the Muslims and Hindus they 

preached alike on equal terms. In the Tad region Sufism is said to be a mixture of Arabic, 

Persian, and Indian mysticism. The teachings of the Sufis were akin to those of Tamil 

Siddhars (mystics) and many of the Muslim Sufis were included in the order of Tamil 

Siddhars,the mystics of Hinduism. In the Coromandel regions a large number of of Sufis 

were Tamil poets and they enriched the Tamil language and spiritual literature by their 

literary works. Peer Mohamed Aulia Sahib of Takkalai, Sadakkathullah Appa of Kilakkaral 

were the prominent Tamil Sufi poets who lived in the last quarter of the eighteenth century 

and in .the beginning of nineteenth centuy. Mastan Sahib was the well known Sufi the 

Tamil poet among masses who was born in Tondi and buried in Madras and there are many 

more such Sufis.. The tradition of Sufism continued in the Coromandel region and there 

are many more such Sufis. Their sayings and doings were responsible for the spread of 

lskm and its enlightment. The tombs of such Sufis also came to be venerated by the masses 

along with that of other saintly personsloo. 

According to Islamic tenets, the Muslims can venerate such saints and 

missionaries since they were seen and shown as dear to Allah. In that a Muslim can 

perform a ziarath (homage to the dead), in the shrine of the saint by reciting some 

verses from the Holy Quran ( 1.e. to plead with the Almighty to give an eternal, 

peaceful life to the saint). It is said that Prophet Mohamed himself has performed 

such ziaraths to his elders101. But in due course of time the saints and Aulias 

came to be regarded as men of God and their birth and death anniversary came to 

be celebrated as Kanthoori and Urus. 

The celebration of the annual festival to the Aulias (holy persons) was in 

practice among the Arabs of Middle ages. It was known as moulid (eulogy).

Such festivals were celebrated with pomp and show with song and music and story 

telling. The writings of Islamic scholars of the period condemn such practices since 

it was inconsistent with the spirit of Islam, vain, ignorant and erroneous, not 

ordered by Quran or tradition of the Prophet but invented by those Isrelites who 

worshipped the Golden Calf lo'. Any how with all these varied opinions among the 

theologicians and scholars, the belief In saints and worship of their shrines is not 

peculiar to lndian Islam. In fact, this came ready made to India along with the 

Afghans, Persians and Arabs to which the Indian culture also added it's great 

sharexo3. 

Almost all the celebrations in the Dargahs here are much in the Hindu fashion. 

The influence of Hinduism on Islam is an interesting subject for study in this 

connection. The Dravidian form of worship seems to have appealed to the Muslims 

of South India. The reason for this is that most of them are converts from Hindu 

Dravidian faith and such practices and worship ( in Dargahs) well suited the heritage 

of the majority of the converted Muslims and naturally it waa more ~indulrodl~~. 

The urus festival was introduced in South India during the reign of Bhamini 

Sultan Ahamed Shah 1 (1422 - 36) but it was celebrated as the death anniversary of 

the king105. In the course of time, it became a festival for the Muslim saints also 

and variously called as Kanthoori, Urus, Santhanakoodu festival [Sandal anointing 

festival) much in the fashion of the Guru Poojas to the Hindus savants. Kanthoori 

(Kanduri, kandri ) is a Turkish word and appears for the first time in the Islamic 

Tamil Iitrary work, Yakobu Siddar Padal of seventeenth century, where it is described 

as a festival to feed the poor on the birth or death anniversary of a saintlob. In 

Tamil region, in the later periods the celebrations were subjected to more Hindu 

influence. During the celebration a pot of sandal is carried to the Dargah in a 

decorated car in procession, with music and fire works, and people on the way pay 

respect to the sandal pot. This is much in the iashion of the ratham In which the 

Hindu deities are taken around the streets for the worship of the devotees.

The devotees, be it Marakayan. Labbais, Rowthars or Deccanis without excoption, 

flock to these dargah shrines like the bees to sip the sweet honey, where ( It lo believed that) 

mental and physical afflictions are soothed and healed and all supplicatlons are met. They 

sing upon the saints,'You who are beloved of God and his Prophet. rid me of my disease, 

shower your grace upon me"l14. 

Dargahs attract both Muslims and Hindus who believe that the miraculous power of 

the Peer, entombed there will cure ailment of the mind and body including afflictions such 

as infertility and possession of malavalent demonic forces. Many of the Dargahs in 

Coromandel have become the assylum for psychiatric patients. It Is interesting to note that 

the padel between the Muslim saint cults and Hindu Goddesses traditions involves 

more than a superficial similarity between the healing functlon performed at 

the dargahs and Hindu Amman shrines. 

The Thazkiras (hagiological texts and legends) on these shrines and dargahs 

are full of maimings and other acts of destruction wrought by the Aualis. As a 

protector the saint is portrayed as a figure of terror and destroyer of evils, like the 

blood taking Dravidian Tamil Goddesses. Susan Baily who has undertaken an 

indepth study on the aspects of Muslim saints of Coromandel argued that the 

association of certain animals and weapons, as described in the Thazkira literatures. 

are similar to the motifs found among the Saivaitic and Vaishnavaitic Gods, with the 

help of which they destroy the evil spirits and demons. For example, Baily suggests 

that the association of Natharwali, the famous Aulia entombed at Tiruchirapalli, 

with lion, is similar to that of the vehicle of the Goddess Durga. She adds that a 

common item of regalia to be found in dargahs is a wand made of peacock feathers 

bound at the base with some ornamental silver band. This is considered to be an 

emblem of power and kingship. The officient at the dargah administers a ceremonial 

knock on the head of the devotee who make offerings to the shrine. This is 

considered to be a spiritual way of submission to the Peer or Aulia. Thls connects the 

Mushm saint cult with the divine Lord Subrarnanya - Karthikeya - whose vehide is pead115.

(Though this is a good study to interlink the different cults. I am of the view that the 

use of peacock feather wand in dargahs can be similar to the Hindu practice, where 

the Poojaris in the temples of village Gods, use bunch of margosa leaf with which he 

strikes and waves on the face and head of the devotees to ward off evil spirits. To keep 

a permanent and honoured material in lieu of margosa leaf, the officiants in the dargahs 

might have invented the peacock feather wand. Further I have also seen that the learned 

Muslims officients in dargahs use margosa leaf instead of the peacock feather wand). 

Muslims visit the dargahs during the Kanthoori festival and also on Thursdays and 

Sundays of the week. They offer fatheeha with flowers and incense and sweets and plead 

for the fulfilment of their desires. They offer money and various kinds of votive offerings 

such as miniature of a cradle in pursuit of a child, miniature models of the body in metal 

(usually tin, but at times silver and gold) such as leg, hand, eye, nose, ear, 

abdomen etc.,to get cure of the ailments in those parts. Children are brought 

to the dargahs and tonsured ceremoniously. Almost all the devotees vow to 

contribute their mite and visit again the shrine if their desires are met. 

Some vow to tonsure. 

premises. 

Some conduct grand feast to the poor in the dargah 

Psychiatric patients are taken to the dargahs for cure. Some dargahs 

like Ervadi, Kayalpattanam,Nagore and Papavoor (near Nagore) are considered 

more fruitful than the mental clinics and psychiatric patients are made to stay 

months together to get cure of their mental afflictions. 

Both the Muslims and 

Hlndus have strong faiths in the cure of the psychiatric patients in dargahs. After 

the harvest many of the farmers offer some grain to the dargah. The first yield of 

a coconut or fruit bearing trees are offered to the saint. 

Pegions are offered when 

one recovers after a struggle for life. Thus the list of offerings runs to a great 

length. The water of the tank in the dargahs is considered holy like that of a 

temple tank. Generally, dried rose petals and sweets are distributed to the devotees 

in the dargahs. But in some dargahs sacred ash blessed with verses of Quran is also 

distributed. Though the Muslims do not wear the sacred ash in the forehead, they 

receive it with reverence and sprinkle on the head and take it home for being kept there.

Knotted black threads blessed with holy verses are distributed to the devotees on 

payment. Such threads are worn on the different parts of the body such as neck, 

arm, ankle etc., both by men and women, to get away from evil spirits. 

Though all these practices are unlslamlc still they are widely in practice. 

Most of these customs are followed by the Hindu devotees also who vislt the 

dargahs. The Hindus also have a strong faith in the barakath and power of the 

Muslim saints and in fact in some dargahs like Nagore the Hindus out number 

Muslims. Thus the dargahs serve as the symbol of peaceful co-existence of masses 

irrespective of religious faith and as a symbol of National Integration. The time 

honoured religious customs and practices of the region, thus, have crept into the 

Muslim society due to the Hindu cultural contacts. Though Islam and Hinduism 

cannot go together in the basic ideologies of monotheism and universal brotherhood 

they identify closely in the matter of rituals and ceremonies. Thus we find a total 

cultural synthesis in the dargah worhip116. 

The details of Kanthoori festival differ from place to place. Generally the 

festival lasts for ten to twelve days. In the Nagore dargah of Shahul Hameed Aulia, it 

lasts for twelve days. The festival starts with flag hoisting. Special ceremonies takes 

place at night times everyday. On the tenth day a sandal pot is carried to the dargah 

in a decorated chariot in procession from Nagapattanam with music and 

amusements. Devotees both Muslims and Hindu throng the route of the 

procession and pay homage to the sandal chariot, when the chariot reaches the dargah 

at Nagore, the sandal is received with reverence and anointed to the tomb. There wiU be 

scramble to receive a bit of this sandal paste. Sweets are distributed to the devotees. By 

the begining of eighteenth century the leading role in the sandal anohtrnent rituals of many 

great shrines were shared between elite Muslim Pirzada lineage and representatives of 

important local Hindu caste group and communitiesn7.

Dargah worship is much familiar among the Muslim women. Since there is no 

separate place for women, to worship and plead for the welfare of their families they find 

it in the dargahs. (Muslim women pray for five times in their house itself. In some places 

like Kllakkarai and Kayalpattanam though there are separate enclosures for women In the 

premises of the mosques, they seldom visit such mosques on ordlnary days, but may 

congregate on festival occasions.) A Muslim woman who comes to know about the blesshgs 

said to have been showered on her Hindu sister because of her worship and pleadings in the 

shrines of Gods and Godesses, naturally she wants a similar soothing place where she can 

plead, for the betterment and welfare of her family and relatives. She copies such practices 

and votive offerings of the Hindu shrines , in the dargah when she &its there. Thus, to the 

Muslim women, a dargah is a place to ventilate their emotions and stress of mind slnce they 

conceive it as a power centre. Hence Muslim women very often visit dargahs than the men 

and they are more pious in this respect. 

The orthodox Muslims claim that what is accorded to a saint is not a worship, as per 

Quran and Sunna. Thii is understandable to the elite but the majority of the Muslims regard 

the Aulias as being the proper objects of worship and in himself they feel the source of 

blessings. It naturally comes into conflict with the fundamental concept of the unity of God 

in lslam and leads to the association of other objects with Him in worship. The effect of 

Wali cult has fostered superstitions and beliefs in magic among the ignorant classes. The 

cult of local saints can often be shown to be the survival of an earlier faith which has passed 

on into lslam under another guise"8. Thus there exists a compromise between lsh and 

Hinduism. The propitiation of disease godlings, worship of patron saints and local deittes. 

veneration of relics, preachings of black art, divination of the future, are more attractivee 

to the rural Muslim population"9. The festivals in the dargahs and pilgrimage to these 

shrines have become a recreation for the people. Any interference with the festlvalr 

connected with the saints and shrines or their abolition creates outbursts. The 

attempt to check saint worship has been a failure nor will it even succeed as 

long as lslam continues to be what it has been for nine hundred years past and 

a collective sentiment is demonstrated in this respectlZ0.

LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE 

The Marakkayars, Labbais and Rowthars are monolinguals. Tamil b their mother 

tongue. They are trained to read and write Arabic. They think, speak and unite In chaste 

Tamil. But in the spoken dialect and kinship terms among the Marakkayars we can find 

an admixture of Arabic words. This helps for their individual identity. From the earlier 

times the Tamil Muslims also wrote Tamil in Arabic script and this new language was known 

as Arabic - Tamil. Europeans like Portugese, Dutch, Danes set up colonies mostly in the 

coastal towns and the Coromandel Muslims had opportunity to move with them directly and 

some of the words of their language are exclusively in use among the Marakkayars and 

Labbais in the coastal towns. 

Muslims all over the world have inherited lslam along with it's language, Arabic. The 

religious terms and theological phrases of lslam are indispensible for every Muslim for the 

proper performance of his religious duties which are inter woven with his day today life. It 

is difficult to translate the Arabic terminologies In to an indigenous language. Thls resulted 

in the absorbtion of the indispensible Arabic words into the indigenous languages and such 

words came to be written in Arabic script. 

With the advent of lslam in peninsular India, a parallel development took place in the 

region. The contact of Islam with the language of the region had changed the character of 

the languages by imposing Arabic script on them adding new dimensions to them. This 

resulted in the growth of Arabic-Telegu, Arabic-Malayalam and Arabic Tamil, by which the 

Muslims used to write the respective language dialects in Arabic script. 

Arabic is considered to be a sacred language to the Muslims. They are familiar with 

the Holy Quran and as a result they are acquinted with Arabic xript. This mah them to 

read eady any thq in Arabic script. Scholars and missionaries who wanted to communicate 

with the local Muslims of the average standard found it easy to express the ideas In the 

Indigenous languages. Even those who are not competent enough to read their

indigenous languages can understand if anything is expressed in the indigenous 

langauge written in Arabic script. Thus the use of Arabic script to write the 

indigenous language helped both the scholars who wanted to convey the ideas and 

the people for whom these ideas were meant. In the Coromandel region, thus 

grew, the Arabic Tamil. 

The origin of Arabaic Tamil goes beyond eighth century A.D. and it fills the 

vacuum found in the literary history of Tamil speaking Muslims. The Arabs who 

stayed in the coastal region consorting with native women and learnt to speak 

Tamil, might have started to write Tamil in Arabic character for the purpose of 

their trade and accounting. This helped the local merchants to communicate with 

their Arab counterparts. 

Though Tamil was the mother tongue of the converts to Islam, most of them 

from the middle and lower strata of the society, were illiterates. To them anything 

written in Arabic script was sacred. Because of their practice to read the Holy 

Quran they could understand Tamil in Arabic script. Thus they were able to 

understand the lslamic theology written in Arabic script. Islamic Tamil literatures 

at the earlier stage were also written in Arabic Tamil. Tamil had it's own script and 

Ara,bic Tamil did not replace it, but existed side by side. Whenever the Arabic 

letters were lnadequate to express in Tamil, new letters and consonants were 

devised to enrich the Arabic Tamil writings. Thus a person who is familiar with the 

reading of the Holy Quran and at the same time understand Tamil will be able to 

understand the themes of lslamic Tamil literatures written in Arabic Tamil. 

Many of the lslamic Tamil works now in Tamil script might have been in 

Arabic Tamil. Later on when necessity arose, they were originally produced in 

Tamil itself. A large number of literary master pieces on lslamic themes, 

commentaries on Holy Quran, dictionaries, poetry, prose works on Islamic mysticism 

can be seen in Arab Tamil character even to this day.

In Arabic language the term Arvi (Lisenul Arvi or liscenul Arvi) is used to 

indicate Tamil language. In Tamil the Arabic Tamil was also called as Muslim Tamil 

and in Ceylon Sonakar Tamil. Arabic Tamil was used even in correspondence among 

the Muslims of Coromandel and Ceylon. There were occasions when people printed 

invitations In Arabic Tamil. Further, it was familiar to Muslim women who were 

drtually lacking the writing knowledge in Tamil. From linguistic polnt of view, It may 

appear to be a different dialect coming out of the mixture of Arabic and Tamil but 

not a separate language. It was only a language of script. Only those who can read 

Arabic can read Arabic Tamil. Some of the scholars are of the view that like 

Sanskrit to the Hindus, Latin to Christians, Arabic Tamil was the language of the 

Muslim elites and was not a popular one. The Arabic Tamil began to decline by the 

end of the nineteenth century'Z1. 

The Muslims along the coastal region speak chaste Tamil even to this day. 

Original and antique Tamil words, unmutilated are in use among them in day today 

life. Tamil is the language in every sphere of their life. Thus the Tamil Muslims 

live as Tamils in the main stream, like any other religious groups of people of Tamil 

region. 

The kinship terms of the Marakkayars are peculiar of it's kind and not 

prevalent among other sects of Muslims. This may be due to the Arab ethnological 

connections. A few terms that are in use in the Coastal region will go to show this 

fact. 

Kinship term Marakkayar Labbai Rowthar 

Father V~PP~ Atha Atha 

Mother Umma Amma Amma 

Father's father Vappappa APP~ APP~ 

Father's mother Vappamma Athamma Athamma 

Mother's father Kannuvappa APP~ APP~ 

Mother's mother Kannamma Nannima Nannima

Kinship term Marakkayar Labbai Rowthar 

Father's elder brother Muthuvappa Periatha Periatha 

Father's younger brother Chinnavappa Sacha Chinnatha 

Mother's younger sister Chachi Chinnarnma Chinarnma 

Elder brother Kaka,Nana Annan Annan 

Elder sister Latha,Ratha Achi Akka 

Younger brother Thambi Tharnbi Thambi 

Younger sister Thangachi Thangachi Thangachi 

Grand ,son Peran Peran Peran 

Grand daughter Pethi Pethi Pethi 

It will be seen that the kinship terms of Labbais and Rawthars are in Tamil 

form of kinship terms'22. 

Due to the constant contact of the Muslims with Westerners like Portugese and Dutch, 

a number of voccables of their respective language came into use among the coastal Muslims 

and a few such voccables are exclusively still in use among the coastal MusBms, (apart from 

many other words which are common to all). 

PORTUGUESE VOCCABLES"' 

English Local usage Portuguese 

Kitchen Kusini Codnha 

Lantern Lanthar Lantema 

Saucer (Porcelin) Peers Pires 

Room Kamara Camara 

A hand spike Alavanku Alavanca 

Hand kerchief Lenchi Lenco 

Flat dish Pingan Palangana 

Shirt Kamis Camisa 

A small basin Koppal COP 

DUTCH VOCCABLES'" 

A sauce Samba1 Sambli 

Detailed linguistic study on the Coromandel Muslim society may yield many more 

interesting materials

Literature is the mirror of the society of it's creation. It narrates the higher ideas of 

the people who inherit it. It promotes arts and culture. All the leading religions of the world 

have contributed to enrich the Tamil literature, on this the contribution of the Mullmr la by no 

means small. 

lslamic Tamil literatures are literay works in Tamil on the Islamic themes.ln lslamic 

Tamil literature, Arabic and Persian words are freely used to express the lslammic ideologies. 

Many a Iiteray masterpieces have adorned the Islamic literature since of yore. 

Epics and minor epics many in number were produced right from the thirteenth and 

fourteenth centuries, by Muslim poets in Tamil and as well as in Arabic Tamil. Many of 

the Tamil Muslim poets were Sufi mystics. All the grammatical and literary forms of 

Tamil were experimented in these works. Some new literary forms were also innovated 

and introduced into Tamil literature, like, Padaippor,Munajath. Machala which have no 

parallel in other non Muslim forms of literay works. Minor classical literay forms like Armppadai. 

Anthathi, Pillaitarnil, Kalarnpakarn, Sathakam etc., were also produced on Islamic themes. 

The life of Prophet, progress of Islam etc.,are Arabian in conception yet they are Tamilaked 

in these literay works to make the Tamils to identify themselves closely with them. Holy 

Quran and books on Islamic jurisprudance were translated into Tamil. Altogether more than 

2000 literay works have been identified which emerged during the period of our study. The 

mystic poems of Mastan Sahib, Peer Appa, Habeeb Arasar and other Sufi poets have accelerated 

the fusion and culturisation of the Muslims and Hindus. 

The Muslim philanthropists encouraged and patronised poets to produce fine literary 

works, in Tamil as we find in these works. Right from sixteenth century, Kilakkaral, 

Kayalpattanarn, and Nagore, were important lslamic Tamil literay centres. The KilaWcarai 

maritime magnate Periathambi Marakkayar's philanthropy was a boon to lslamic literature. It 

is said that he was responsible for the production of many literay works including the celebrated 

Seerapuranam of UrnaruPulavar. (But it is strange that his name is not at all mentioned In the 

poems of Seerapuranam, instead the name of one Mohamed Kasim Marakkayar is portrayed 

as the donor patron of the poet Umaru It is possible that the work commence with the 

patronage of Seethakathi, might have continued by Mohamed Kasim Marakkayar and he 

may be close friend or relative of the farmer). Many more marltlme trading Marclkkayan were 

instrumental for the production of a number of lslamic Tamil literay works. Thus the Muslim 

Tamils loved and patronised Tamil language and their ccntribution to the progress and richness 

of Tamil literature has honoured place in the linguistic history of the Tamll society.

Muslims have enriched the voccabulary of Tamil language by adding Arabic, 

Persian and Urdu words. These borrowed words, about 5000, have been mixed 

inextricably with Tamil language and are in usage in day to day life. These 

borrowed words are cultural indices and indicates intense interaction that has taken 

place between the two religions in this landlz5. 

The Muslims introduced the Unani system of medicine, ( medicinal system of 

Arabs), into Coromandel region. The men who practised it, called Hakims, even 

attracted masses towards Islam. The influence of Islamic music is responsible for 

the introduction of two ragas (musical notes ) namely. Arabi and Hussaini, in 

Carnatic music. 

Islam also short a fresh woof into the warf of Indian architecture. lslamic 

architecture was introduced in North India, in the twelth century by the early Muslim 

conquerors. Islamic architecture in all it's true form was introduced in the Coromandel 

region only in the later part of seventeenth century, though the process of Islamisation 

started very early. The indigenous Tamil building style is called " Dravidian style". 

The Muslims of Coromandel coasts adopted this style in the construction of their 

worshipping place, the mosque, the best example of which can be seen in Kilakkarai 

and Kayalpattanam. When Islamic architecture was introduced in South India the 

Hindus also adapted the style in their buildings, and thus a new style emerged. 

" 

The lndo - lslamic architecture". When Islamic architecture gained access in 

Coromandel region the Dravidian style mingled freely with it and the Coromandel 

muslims thus innovated yet another new style " lndo - Dravidian - lslamic 

architecturelZ6. 

The macro level study of the social customs and practices of the Muslims 

demonstrate that the time honoured customs are handed down from generation to 

generation. However, a detailed examination of the soclal customs of the Muslims 

of the Coromandel region will yield very interesting materials for the socialogical 

reserarch and study. In view of our limitations of the subject, a macro level study 

is attempted here which will attract the attention of the scholars.

References 

Susan Bayly, op.cit. 73.74 

T.Jayarajan op.cit., p.22, S.M.Sulaiman and MM. Ismail, blam and Indian 

Religion and Tamil Culture Rlniverslty of Madras 1977) p.11; 

P. Subramanlan, op.cit. pp. 43-44. 

S.M. Sulaiman and M.M. Ismail, op.cit., p.3-4. 

Souvenir of the second World Tamil Conference. Madras 1968 (Eng) p.15 

A.B.M. Habibullah, The FoundaNon of Muslim Rule inlndia, (Allahabad 1967) p.15. 

Jamila Brilbushan, Muslim women in and out o/ N. ( Vikas publishing how, 

NewDelhi 1990), p 1 

Susan Bayiy, op.cit., p.73. 

Nikshoy-C-ChetterJi. A H~stoy of Modern Middie East, (New Delhl 19871, pp.6-7. 

Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. VI. p. 278-82. 

lbid vol.lll p.158 

Ibid. p. 163 

ibid. 

Dictionary of Islam, Thomes Patric Hughes, (New Delhi 1973). 

Jafhrr Shureeff, &~m-i.Irhm, orthe ~ tomo/M&moi~, 6mpid-g a rWam'wart-f 

dlheir m&us n'ks andcemmier from the mmt of M B the hcw d&ah ( New Dehi 1863), 

Rept. 1991) p.160. 

Quadir Hussain Khan, South lndan Mussalmans (Madras 19101; p.59. Sekh 

Rahim Mondal, op.cit, p.34 

Quadir Hussaln Khan, op.cit., p.61. 

W. Francis, op.cit., p.87; Edgar Thruston, Vol. V, p.2. 

Quadir Hussani Khan, op.cit., p.62; from interview with Sulaiman Marakkayar 

of Kayalpattanam and Jaffar Muhaiyadin Marakkayar of Nagore. 

Mattison Mines, op.cit., p 162. 

ibid. 164. 

J.M. Thoburn, India itk society Culture and Religion (Jaipur, 1989) p. 114. 

T. JaysraJan, op.cit, p.45; particulars collected in field study in placer like 

Nagapattanam, Karaikkal, Tondi, Kilakkarai. Vedalai, Kayalpattanam and 

Kulasekarapattanarn 

Jaffur Shureeff, op.cit., p.95 

Mullb op.clt., pp.509-510; Quadir Hussain Khan op.cit., p.70; S.M. Sulaiman 

and M.M. Ismail, op.cit, p.7-8. 

A.R.E., 104/1948. 

W. Francis, op.cit., 87-88.

Edward William Lane, Arabian Society in the M~ddle Ages, ( New Jersy. 1987) p.234. 

Syed Abdul Razack. " Social and Cultural life of the Carnatic Nawabs and Nobles 

as glened through Persian Sources, 1746 - 1855," unpublished M.Phil Thesis, 

Unlversity of Madras, 1978. 

Partlculars collected In an Interview with Syed Mohamed Hussain, writer and 

publisher, Madras. 

Edgar Thurston, op.cit., Vol V. p 5 

T. Jayarajan, op.cit., p.99. 

Shaik Akbar Hussain, Marriage Customs among the Muslims of India. (New Delhl. 1976), 

p.142. 

T. Jayarajan, op.cit., p. 100 

Information collected In at interview with Jaffar Mohideen Marakkayar, Nagore; 

T. Jayarajan, op.cit., p.61. 

"Salthakkathiru Marakkayar Thjmmana Vazthu" , Ettayapuram Umarkathab Pulavar, 

produced in the last quarter of 17th century which contain 448 cuplets. 

ibid., cuplet. 87 

Ibid., cuplet, 124 

!bid., cuplet, 130-140 

ibid., cuplet, 146-148. 

ibid., cuplet, 149. 

ibid 

ibid., cuplet, 162.169. 

ibid., cuplet, 171. 

Ibid. 

Ibid., cuplet, 190-199. 

ibid., cuplet. 207-208. 

Ibid, cuplet, 313. 

ibid.. cuplet. 319. 

ibld.. cuplet. 323-330. 

ibld., cuplet. 345-346. 

ibld., cuplet, 363. 

ibid.. cupiet. 410 

Seerapuranam, Urnaru Pulavar. Manampuri Padalam, 58-73. 

S.M. Sulaiman and M.N. Ismail, op.ci. p.8. 

Jaffur Shureeff, op.cit., p.171 

Islamic Encyclopaedia. Vol.1; particulars collected in field work at Nagore, 

Kilakkaral and Kayalpattanarn 

Jaffur shureeff, op.cit., 11-20. 

Particulars collected from interview with Prof. Sayabu Marakkayar and 

Prof. Naseema Banu of Karaikkal

S.M Kamal, lslamum Tamilagamum, op.cit., p 54. 

Thaikka Shuib Alim, Arabic Ad and Persian in Sarandib and Tamil Nadu (Madras, 1993) 

Quadir Hussain Khan, op.cit., p.66. 

Jaffur Shureeff, op.cit., pp.30-32. 

S.Mohamed Hussain Nainar, Arab Geographerk knowledge of Southern lndia, 

(Madras 19421, pp. 104; K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, Foreign Notices in South lndia. 

(Madras. 1942) p. 126. 

Jaffur Shureefl; op. cit., 30-32. 

Hasan Marakkayar, op. clt. p.64; Syed Abdul Rarack, op.cN., p.46. 

Gnlm 21-4. 

Quadir Hussain Khan, op,.cit. p.60; and particulars collected in field study in 

various coastal villages 

Jaffur Shureeff, op.cit , p.36. 

Quadir Hussain Khan, op cit , p.36, 

Jaffur Shureeff op.cit , pp 278-881; T. Jayarajan, op cit , pp.97-78; Hassan 

Marakkayar op.cit , pp 70-80; and particulars coliected in field study. 

S.G. Lakshmi, " Tamil Muslims in Srilanka" unpublished M.Phil, Thesis 

University of Madras, p.119, 

Jaffur Shureeff, op.cit , pp.285-187; Quadir Hussain Khan, op.cit., pp.77-78. 

Particulars collected in an interview with prof. Naseema Banu of Karaikkal. 

On mattes relating to food habits; Holy Quaran 2 :173, 5:3 6 118, 6145; Syed 

Abdul RaJalk, op.cit., p 34; Hasan Marakkayar, op., cit., p.87.88. Jaffur 

Shureeff, op.cit., p.274-276: T.Jayarajan, op.cit , p 49 

South Indian lnscnption 11, p.93 

Quadir Hussain Khan, op.cit., p.46 

Particulars collected in field work in Nagore, Nagapattanam. Adirampattanam, 

Muthupettai, Tondi, Kilakkarai, Vedali, Kayalpattanam and Kulasekarapattanam. 

Saithakkathiru Marakkayar Thirumana Vazthu, cupiet, 323 - 417. 

ibid, cuplet, 171 

Holy Quran, 30-21 

Mohamed Amin, wisdom ol the Prophet Mohamed, (New Delhi, 1987) 

' Holy Quran, 2: 226-233 

Mohamed Marmmuduke Pickthall, The cultural side o//slam (Madras, 1937) pp.156. 

Holy Quran, 4:3 

Mohamed Qutab, Islam the Misunderstood Religion. (New Delhi, 1986 ) pp.90-131. 

Particulars collected in an invterview with Jaffur Muhyiddin Marakkayar, Nagore. 

M.M. Pickthall, op.cit., pp. 139-141 and 145 

Holy Quran, 33:59.

Particular collected in Interviews in coastal Muslim settlements. 

Sekh Rahirn Mondal, op.cit . pp.167-68; Report ol Public Instructions 

1901 - 1902, vol. 11, p. 99; 1904 -1905 vol. I. p. 30; 1926-27 vol. I p. 123 and 

particulars collected in the field study. 

Jaffur Shureeff, op.cit., pp. 38 -39. 

ibid., p 41 

Ka. Mu. Sheriff, op cit., p.109. 

Tuzaki Wallajahi, pt. II p.12; Susan Bayly p.172. 

Tuzaki Wallajahi, pt. 11 p.89. 

M.N. Pearson " Pious passengers - Motivation for the Ha] from early modern 

India", paper presented in the International Symposium on Maritime History. 

Pondicherry Unviersity. February 1989. 

Jaffur Shureeff, op cit . p.150; Hassan Marakkayar, op cit., p.101. 

Jaffur Shureeff, op cit., p.122 and 165. 

Susan Bayly, op cit , p 11 1 

S.M.Sulaiman and M M. Ismail, op.c~t p.7-8 

J.M. Salih, op.cit., p 15. 

Edward William Lane, op.cit., pp.70-73. 

M. AMul Rahim, " Dargah at Nagore ", Bulletin of the lnst~tute of Tradiflona/ cdhrre, 

University of Madras (19731 Jan-June pp.96-97 

lbld. 

K. Appadurai, Hisfory of South India (Madras 1971) Vol. 11, pp.29-30. 

M.M. Uwaise and P.M. Ajmalkhan, op.clt., vol.1, pp.129-130. 

J. Ralamohamad " Worship in Dargahs and Cultural assimilation", paper 

presented in the Seminar conducted by the Society of Historical Studies, 

Tiruchirappalli, October 1982. 

M Abdul Rahirn, Dargah at Nagore, op.cit. 

J.R.A S., (Bengal), Vol. XXII, 1885 p 239 

Rengachari, tncripfions o/ Madras Presidency, Thanjavur District No.893, A&B; 

K.S. Subramaniyan, The Maratha kings o/ Tanjore; p 49, TNA. Tanjore Distrlct 

Records 3396, 1 lth September 1785; The journal of Saraswathi Mahd librarv, 

V.XX, 1 No. I, p.28. 

S.M. Kamal. Sethupathi Mannar Seppedugai, op clt., pp. 472-496. 

Ibn Batuta, Trawls In Asla and Afrfca 1325-1354 (Tr.) H.A C. GIBES, 

(London 1919). p. 97. 

Susan Bayly, op.cit. p.93 

ibid. p. 134 

ibid p. 129. 

J. Raja Mohamad, op.cit ; and particulars collected in various dargahs during 

fleld study.

Suaori I3nyly, up cil 1) 146 

M. Abdul Rahim, Dargah at Nagore, op.cit. 

Census Report of India 1911. Vol. Xi1 pt. Ill para 40. p 101; Encyclopaedia and 

Ethics, Vol. II p.64. 

Trimgham Spencer, J.. Islam in east Afr~ca (Oxford. 1963) p. 101; Encyclopaedia 

of Religion and Ethics, Vol. II p.64. 

For Arab Tamil, please see M M Uwalse. Musllm co~~tribution to Tamll INlratum 

(kllakkarai 19901 p.229-240; M.M Meeran Pillai. " Arabic Tamilin Thotram" 

Research Bulletin of the V th international conference semlnar of Islamic Tamil 

literature, Killakarai 1990 pp 335-347; A M. Samy, Islamia Themlzh Idhazgal 

(Madras. 1994) pp 58-61. 

Particulars collected in the field studies in the coastal Muslim towns and villages. 

Particulars collectd among the Marakkayars in Coastal Town and Villages: 

M.S.Dalgoda. Portuguese vocables in Asiatic Languages (Rpt); New Delhl 1988); 

E.C. Knowiton, J.R. " Portuguese Tamil Lingunstic contacts," Proceedings of 

the First International Conference Seminar of Tamil Studles, Kulalampur 1986. 

vol 11, pp. 607- 617. 

May S Serjentson. A Histow a/ Foreign words in English (Bernard and Nobie) 

( New York. 1961) p 234 

V.I. Subramaniyan, " Musl~m Literatures in Tamil. "Tamil Culture "vol. IV. No.l 

January, 1985, p. 75 

S M Sulaiman and M M Ismail, op cit p 8; 

J Raja Mohamad. " Islamic Architecture in Tamil Nadu. " Project Report submitted 

to the Nehru Trust, New Delhi, 1996.( small study research grant of Nehru Trust, 

New Delhi).

Chapter Vlll 

CONCLUSION 

The Period of our study is one in which the native trade was generally in decline. In 

that the maritime activities of the Muslims of the Coromandel met with drastic changes and 

it was closely linked with the political conditions of the region. This study is an earnest 

attempt to focus about the role of the Muslims in the maritime activities on the Coromandel 

and their social customs. 

lslam was well established in peninsular lndia long anterior to the crystallisation of 

medieval Muslim kingdom in North India. The age old trade contact between the Arabs and 

Tamils was responsible for such a religious intercourse. Arab traders who frequented south 

Indian ports from the close of seventh century, came as the followers of the new faith, Islam. 

They married the women of the coast and settled permanently or semi permanently. They 

spread the message of the Prophet Mohamed among the masses. The teachings of lslam 

caught the attention of the people of the peninsula, who were struggling for basic human 

rights in the then caste infested Hindu social system. Thus the peaceful preaching o! these 

merchants and the mystics who accompanied them, induced the underprivileged to embrace 

lslam and thus the process of lslamisation in peninsular lndia and particularly in Coromandel 

Coast was peaceful and voluntary and was not spread with sword as alleged by some scholars. 

It is a historic fact that the Muslim rulers who were associated with the politics of Coromandel 

for some time had nothing to do with the spread of Islam. Evidences are wanting to postulate 

their proselitizing activities. 

The descendants of the Arabs through the native women and the people who embraced 

lslam who came to be called as Marakkayars, Labbais and Rawthars (Sonakar, Thulukkar) 

continued the Arab maritime tradition and they dominated the maritime trade and allied 

activities in Coromandel Coast and were living in peace within the larger society, as Tamils. 

The location of the ports and the commodities that were available for export were well 

suited for their overseas enterprises. Hence the maritime commerce of the Eastern lands

and Ceylon was in their hands. They also took up the other maritime activities such as pearl 

fishing, ship building, manufacture of salt etc., for which the medieval native rulers granted 

many concessions . They have contributed a honourable share for the economic development 

of the Coromandel region by their maritime professions. The coming of Europeans was 

shocking challenge to their economic enterprises. 

The maritime trade potential was behind the economic invasion of the Europeans on 

the Coromandel. The local rulers extended a red carpet welcome to all these Europeans and 

encouraged their trading activities at the cost of native traditional trading community including 

the Muslims. The native rulers, big and small, were fighting among themselves and freely 

allied with the aliens and they never rose to unite for chasing the foreign predators. They 

tolerated their misdeeds, political, economic and religious. The European colonial powers 

utilised the confused political condition of the region and developed themselves and the local 

rulers were silent spectators. Thus the interest of their subjects and economic wellbeing 

became casuality in the efforts of the native rulers for their self preservation. 

During the period of our study the English who emerged as supreme power in land 

and sea and the native rulers fell prey to their economic and political ambition. The English 

who came for trade to our land crowned themselves as custodians of traditional empires. In 

the confused pslitical condition, the maritime trade and other maritime activities slipped 

from the hands of the natives. The Europeans' economic dominance created a new capitalistic 

order for which the natives were no match. The White race competed with the native 

traders including the Muslims, in all the trading and other marine products. The European 

administrators prepared the Paravas and other non trading castes against the Muslims and 

these people became local competitors to the Muslims. The Muslims also dld not rlse up and 

respond suitably to overcome such challenges.

The Coromandel Muslims did not attain any political significance at nay point of time 

and they kept away from the warring groups. They lost their power and poslnon gradually 

from the beginning of sixteenth century. When the Europeans took over the affairs in the 

Southeast Asian countries it had serious consequences on their trading activities and polltical 

influence. Arasaratnarn has pointed out rightly that from the middle of the eighteenth century 

the native traders including the Marakkayars and Labbais were very much on their own 

continuing their operations in an unfriendly environment both at home and abroad with risk 

and lesser profit. 

The economic and ethnic policies of the English were harmful to the trading activities 

of the Muslims. The Muslims were the most affected under the English administration. 

They were dosiie themselves and retreated, like snails into their shells, whenever their freedom 

and privileges were threatened. They had no State owned patronage, financial, military or 

political. With all their effective trade experience they proved to be the great survivers till 

the second half of nineteenth century but they could not continue their trade operation in the 

growing modern capitalistic pattern. 

Though the Muslims were the largest group of shipowning maritime merchants up to 

eighteenth century the superior naval power, technology and capital resources of the 

Europeans made them to sink in fathom depth. Combined with the economic marginalisation 

of the English, the absence of awareness about modern world capitalism, neglect of modern 

education and technologies , disunity among them in economic ventures and their satisfaction 

in the residual opportunities at their disposal made them insignificant economic force by 

1900. But they did not feel the necessity of woke up from the slumber. This concept may 

said to apply even to this day. The Coromandel Muslims who were ruling the waves of the 

oceans employing thousands of people had to run desperately in search of alternate jobs and 

business ventures in inland and in various far off countries. 

From the available source materials an overall view on Corornandel trade could be 

drawn easily. Segregating the Muslim trading community for the study was indeed a dlfflcult 

job. A sincere attempt has been made here to throw some newlight on their commercial

and other economic activities hitherto remained unexplored in the archival volumes and 

historical facts left unnoticed in the dark corners. This is the first effort in this direction. 

Material evidences on the subject are at the lowest minimum including that of the archival 

sources. A study of a few original Dutch records relating to this period could have given 

some more Information and it was not possible. The descendants of the traditional maritime 

Muslim families do not possess much materials on their past or they are very setious about 

it. Howwer data collected from ail the possible sources have been pooled together to prmnt 

a micro view on the maritime activities of the Muslims during this period. No doubt that their 

share for the economic development of the region was substantial but from the available data 

it was not possible to quantify their exact share in the Coromandel trade during the period of 

our study. 

Socialogical studies have revealed very interesting aspects about this community. To 

the converts, the Dravidian - Tamil culture, was close to their hearts. They retahed with 

them their old and traditional customs and it was not a hindrance for their lslamlc way of life. 

They share many of the social customs of the co-religionists, the Hindus. Such a cultural 

synthesis has brought a peaceful co existence to both the religionists. The Hindu social order 

has been influence by the Islamic culture in many respects, i.e. in food, dress, worship, 

widow remarriage, property right to women etc. But the Muslims society is also affected by 

the influence of the larger society, the one important example being the reprehensible douly 

menace. The social customs of the Muslims have been handed down by tradition. The study 

on the social behaviour of the Muslims shows that their social customs and practices are 

continuing process from the remote actiquity to the present day. 

The Tamil Muslim society of Coromandel present a homogenous character with other 

Tamil castes and communities. This is the special feature of the Tamil Muslim society and 

such a strong harmony cannot be seen in other parts of the country. To quote an example, 

the Maplos of the Western Coast, whose foundation is also of similar nature like that of the 

Coromandel Muslims, yet they do not constitute such a homogenous group for certain 

ethnographical and political reasons. In principle the Islamic society is totally egalitarian . 

But certain social disabilities among the Coromandel Muslim population will prompt one to

think that the Coromandel Muslim society has been affected by caste like organisation 

(Jathi). In support of this view some authors have pointed out the different sect names, sub 

sect names, caste like appellations ( Rawthar, Labbai, Marakkayar etc,) matrimonial alliance 

only with in the sects, and sub sects, seperate mosques for different sects, seperate residential 

localities of sorne sub sects and so on. Further these authors have also argued that the 

equality in the prayer hall (mosque) is not maintained outside of it. But these are more casual 

observations. The segregations are more economical than religious. Islamic society is always 

mobile socially and when one climb up the ladder the stigma cast on him vanishes and thus 

the lowest can become equal wlth the socially and economically well placed. Hence there is 

no permanent incompatibility for a Muslim as in the case of a caste Hindu. Thus the soclal 

mobility is an important aspect in the Islamic society. The various custom and practices 

followed by the Coromandel Muslims in day to day life has shown that they go with the larger 

society in most of the cultural affairs. The contribution of the Muslims for language literature, 

mysticism, medicine, astronomy, astrology and arts and architecture have given them a 

honoured status in the society. Their religious attitude is always cordial with the people of 

other religions. The scope of our study of the community on social structure is limited. A 

detailed study on the linguistic and cultural aspets may yield much more materials for 

comparitive socialogy . 

In fine, towards the end of nineteenth century the Muslims of Coromandel (Tamil 

Nadu) who were the rulers of waves and merchant princes in homeland and king makers and 

economic builders in far off countries met with their destiny not to rise again in the maritime 

world and they themselves have conveniently forgotten their glorious past yet they glitter in 

the pages of history.

ANNEXURE 

Text of the Copper Plate said to have been issued to the Marakkayars j see page 49-51) 

qllb lubahri (23) pihi aPirQ (6) ~ P * (4) P 4.M frxbaknn (36) prrislunri QurinQ (3) w'ho (7) ur@e 

d&)@ni (43) lyrl6lutd OurirQ (34) wauo (12) L- arhBaknri (14) pidlund (5) *mu (2) r n q/5d ~ (18) 

Ouh (I) p+whh (3) (1) @&ah e@ wl; ti@. ps"Dy&fi@b pndviul~wd QanQ6ai Cai@b Qmh~u,unb 

B$B& ~yunmuriadt laslpl C~aby cnd~rir mnlb wdby cub~sdsmmuyunb, 5ndo6ui~ul Qan@i@Wgicg 

s n ~ ~ ~ ~ (rrirlpl u ep@ n w wbsw, urb&uns u$gphs @uia@icg wbsmnnui, nrirlpl pu@, rib &+b 

w&Gul~u& QanQLa ~ b~nu~nfl gphwnaruni s@ppy. 

&!i# q& w r m s w , gp*rmnmi@ wiswmurir (WOO) Qnrir@ ~i!q wruC+ (a) Qvrrir- 

(25) hri& &&.#I rsl e~mw4 gg QnC nmwb mb C ~ 94 L &&,- a@& wiul~nu - 

a(armamm ~ b~nuch, =+vham&g ssw Cum om&tla@~rir. Qagu/@dL ~ hmrnb a&mmwb

&@ cqhnwm~ch nw&m g m ~ 6 m @ mCw@ @ gl&4 anpgmndw Qgv dn ong M* pnurufi 

@hL p&BID i ~ w O.nQ&Dylh N 

&rqPPirsmw, ueafldiann, dmn* u&lo~ui. Q~awviui, airkd. 

~l.hi&r. &&$a ~eb&C. @rnuk&@ri @&6 amsad& Cdir ep&b aim@.

SELECT GLOSSARY 

Allah 

ALim b. ,.amdl 

Azan 

Barakath 

Bismilla 

Burkha 

Dargah 

Dubash 

Eedgah 

Farman 

Fur2 

Fatheeha 

Hadhish 

Ha/ 

Hajj 

Haklm 

Hanball 

God 

Expert in lslamlc Laws 

Summon to prayer proclaimed by the Mouzin from the mosque 

Miraculous power conferred on Muslim saints and their shrines. 

" In the name of God ( Allah) an expresslon frequently used by 

Muslims especially when commencing a work. 

Loose garment generally of black colour covering the entire body 

with vieled opening, for the eyes, worn by Muslim women. 

Operation of the foreskin of the penis of Muslim boys It is a sunnat 

(Tradltlon) for Muslims. 

Muslim saint's Tomb Shrine 

Interpretor, translator 

Place of festival prayer 

Wrltten order issued by a ruler 

Injunction 

An offering to God - The Opening chapter of Quran called Sura 

Fatheeha is usually read as a part of the invocation to God 

(Allah) or the Prophet or a Saint. 

Traditional Record I.e., the recorded saying of the Prophet It Is the 

tradition to follow of what the Holy Prophet said and did. 

Pilgrimage to Mecca 

A person who have perfomed Ha] 

Doctor or specialist in mediclne 

A school of lslamic jurisprudance. This rejects the concensus of 

the learned scholars as unlawful and depends upon the actual 

wordings of the sunna as a source of Islamic law. 

A school of Islamic Jurisprudance which rejects the method of ijma. 

The Prophet's journey from Medina to Mecca, the Musllm era 

commences from this year ie., AD 622. 

Permissible in Islam 

Forbidden or prohibited ( In Islam) 

The consensus of the companions of the Prophet or the learned 

Musllm scholars of subsequent periods as a authentlc source of 

lslamlc laws, on the aspects, which are not clear either from 

Quran Hadhish

Imam 

Maulavl 

Mauzln 

Mdadun Nabi 

Narnar 

Nlkah 

Prr 

Purdah 

Slam 

Religious leader and also to mean the religious specialist of the 

congragational prayer. 

It is derived from Arabic root, "SLM", means peace, submission 

or obedience. In religious sense Islam means submission to the will 

of god (Allah) and obedience to his laws. 

It is a " Cultural process " where by groups and individuals dirtinguish 

themselves and behave according to Islamic prescription and Islamic view 

of life. 

Gathering of people, the informal village elder's council of the Muslims of 

a particular where a mosque is situated area 

The sacred house in Mecca ( the first Mosque) 

White cloth that cover the dead body before placing into the grave. 

Sovereign; a successor of the Prophet Mohamed with authority both in 

religious and civil governments. 

Sermon delivered on every Friday before the forenoon prayer 

Verses of Islamic confession of faith 

Mdim festival commemorating the death of a saint or pir. 

Muslim residential area adjacent to a Mosque 

Dowy promised by the groom to his bride at the time of marriage, it Is 

compukoy on the part of the groom and the is recorded. 

A school of lslarnlc jurlsptudance founded by Imam Abu Malik 

Mosque, place of worship of Muslims. 

A wide bottomed boat with timber sewn together with coir, plying In 

Coromandel coast. 

Religious discourse by recitation of religious books, usually held 

on various socio-religious functions and also on the birth 

anniversary of the Prophet, Mohamed. 

Muslim priest and teacher 

The person attached to the mosque to ~erform the duty of 

announcement of the time of prayer by reciting Azan; 

Birth Anniversary of the Prophet Mohamed. 

The Islamic form of prayer or worship 

Marriage 

Muslim saint 

Women's veile 

~h~ lslamic way of greeting with the right hand raised to the 

forehead as a mark of respect.

Sunna 

Sunnat 

Sunnl 

Surrna 

Talak 

Urns 

wzu 

Zakath 

The sacred laws of Islam. The main source of its guidance is the 

Quran and tlsdheesh 

A school of Islamic jurisprudance founded by Imam As-Shafi. 

Thls school accepts the method of ])ma and consider it valid. 

A sect of Muslims who believe that All, the Son-in-law of the 

Prophet, to have been the rightful successor of Prophet 

Mohamed, They reject Abubakkar, Umar and Usman, the first 

three Khalifas. 

Sweet distributed after religious offerings. 

Muslim spiritualist, and adept in the disciplines of Muslim 

devotional mysticism. 

The percepts and practices of Prophet Moharned. 

Religious obllgation (traditional obligation) for sunni Musllm sect 

Orthodox Muslim, so called because they believe In Sunnath. 

They rever equally the four successors ( Khaleefas) of Prophet 

Mohamed viz. Abubakkar, Urnar, Usman and Ali, who are 

considered as legal successors in the order in which they stand 

It 1s the largest Muslim sect. 

Antimony - applied on the eye lids during festive occasions. 

An uttarance of declaring divorce by a Muslim 

Celebrations in the name of peers and wallees. 

Rltual purification of the body, prior to prayer. 

An Islamic approach of tax payment for the relief of poor. All 

economically solvent Muslims are obliged to pay zakat, which is 

2 1/2 % of the total value of the property every year. It is Property 

tax and not Income tax. The Muslims usually distribute the Zakath 

during Ramzan month. 

To pay homage to the dead.

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